Chapter IV: Part 4

In 1625 his plantation had seventeen servants including two boys, and Daniel Poole, "a french man" with his wife and "a yong child of theires." Poole was defined as a "hired" man. Besides his own people, another twenty-two lived "in the Treasurors Plant." In this number were two women and several Italians. His was, perhaps, one of the best equipped plantations in Virginia. There were two dwellings, cabins, two stores, a framed house for raising silkworms, a vineyard of two acres, and an acre and a half garden as well as "one large fort palled in" and a piece of mounted ordnance. His 100 barrels of corn was the largest amount reported by any single plantation. His arms were extensive--thirty "armours" of various types, thirty small arms and twenty swords. He was, however, a little short on livestock having only nine goats and kids and two hogs.

HUGH CROWDER'S PLANTATION (33B)

Crowder came to Virginia in 1619 and became interested in a group ground clearing project across the water as early as April, 1622. He reported that "six of his family did help to cleere that grounde." In this he was joined by Captain William Powell, Richard Pace, William Perry, Richard Richards and Thomas Garses.

In 1625 Crowder was living on land here that earlier had been claimed by Captain John Hurleston who exchanged it about Christmas time in 1620 with Captain William Powell. At the time of the census of 1625 Crowder's Plantation evidently was a small one. He was in residence along with five male servants, one a boy of fourteen years of age.

EDWARD BLANEY'S PLANTATION (33C)

Blaney's muster of 1625 included fifteen men all in the age group from seventeen to forty with most being under thirty. He, it seems, was not in residence here over the water. In 1624 he had represented Jamestown in the Assembly and was still living in "James Citty" in 1625. He was a prominent man of affairs and was one of the thirty-one signers of the planters' answer to the attack on the administration of Colony affairs during its first twelve years.

CAPT. ROGER SMITH'S PLANTATION (33D)

Smith came to Virginia in 1620 and a year later was named to the Council, being first designated a "provisionall Councellor" on July 12, 1621. He, it might be added, married Jane, the widow of John Rolfe who is thought to have been killed in 1622. Perhaps, this gave him use of the land across the James which Rolfe is reported to have patented.

In 1625 Captain Smith seemingly was, like Edward Blaney, in residence at "James Citty." He had at his plantation over the river, however, a small group of nine men one of whom had his wife with him. These were well armed as were most of those living in this area at the time.

CAPT. SAMUEL MATHEWS' PLANTATION (33E)

Samuel Mathews, long time a councilor in Virginia beginning in 1624, first came to Virginia, it appears, in 1620. In November, 1622 there is reference to a patent granted to him for undertaking to transport 100 persons to the Colony. About a month later he seems to have been interested in Captain Powell's cleared ground across the water from Jamestown. Mathews evidently seated on it and Powell loaned him "the howses of the upper fort for the use of his servants." In 1625 the court saw no way to "put Captain Samuell Mathews who is presently seated thereon, out of possessione" in spite of a petition to do this.

In a listing of land grants in 1625, there is reference to Mathews "Divident planted" although no acreage is mentioned. The same list indicated that Powell had earlier received two tracts of 200 and 550 acres respectively, both of which were now "planted" over the water from Jamestown.

At the time of the census in 1625 Mathews' plantation had a single muster. It consisted of a minister, Rev. David Sands, himself and twenty-three men who were all listed as servants. The plantation apparently had no women in it. The scarcity of wives and children in this, as in most of the plantations here, would indicate a lack of settled conditions. Perhaps this was to be expected in an area which had not long been opened to actual settlement as seems to have been generally true of this section.

HOG ISLAND (34)

This low marshy area on the south side of the river at the wide bend of the James some five miles below Jamestown appears in the records as early as January, 1609. At that time Mathew Scrivener, a Councilor, and nine others "would needs visit the Ile of hogges." A mishap occurred and the entire party was drowned en route. Perhaps this was just before "the hogges [at Jamestown] were transported to Hog Ile, where also we built [in 1609] a blocke house with a garrison, to give us notice of any shipping; and for their exercise, they made clapboard, wainscott, and cutt downe trees against the ships comming." Evidently when the three sows in one year increased to 60 and odd "piggs" it proved too much for the fort and its environs at Jamestown. In 1610 there was another reference to the "Ile of Hogs" and then all is silence for a decade. The doubtful safety of the spot, its inconvenience, and its distance from Jamestown probably caused its abandonment as a suitable place for quartering the Colony's supply of hogs.

In 1619 a request for a grant of 300 acres of marsh land in the area called "Hogg Iland" was made to the Company, yet precise assignment was not approved since the Court in England correctly stated that it did not know "who allredie may lay clayme thereunto or otherwise how necessary itt may be for the publique." On March 28, 1619, Governor Argall proclaimed "Hog Island" within the bounds of Jamestown and granted "inhabitants of Jamestown" the right to plant here as in other parts of the area as "members of the corporation and parish of the same." There is still, however, no record of a settlement here and no references to losses in the massacre.

A year later the picture evidently had changed. In February, 1623, there is mention of "Ensigne John Utie at Hog-Ileand" in instructions involving the shipment of "three score thousand waight of sasafras" to be raised on a levy basis in Virginia. In November, 1624, this John Utie received a grant of 100 acres at Hog Island for the transportation, in 1623, of two persons to Virginia. He, it seems, was here before his patent came through. The settlement apparently grew rapidly as the 1624 population listing enumerates thirty-one persons for Hog Island and the census of 1625 shows fifty-three persons. Although not represented in the Assembly of 1619, it had two representatives, Burgesses, in the Assembly of 1624, John Utie and John Chew. Chew, who came to Virginia in 1620 and became a prominent merchant, also had property at Jamestown.

Still another prominent figure at Hog Island was Ralph Hamor. In May, 1624, he filed suit in the general court against Robert Evers. It would appear that John Bailey received a grant from Governor Yeardley about 1617 for 490 acres on Hog Island. He did not seek to improve his land and seemed reluctant to locate it specifically. Hamor, too, had a "particular patent" from the Company in England "which patent was burnt in the massacre." Moreover he had "a purpose to settle a plantacion already begunne upon an island, called Hog Island." Reference would indicate that other areas, too, had been "cleared & seated upon" including one "parcell of land cleered by Southampton Hundred Company." The end result was that Robert Evers, guardian for Mary, John Bailey's daughter, should see to it that the original grant be selected and "survayde and laid owte in hogg Islande." Any "surplusage" would go to the next claimant in line, but Captain Hamor would have to be satisfied "for the buildinge of such howses & cleringe of land as he shall build and cleare, till the right be decided." Hamor, who already had his dwelling house here, seemingly obtained some 250 acres in the end.

The 1625 muster would indicate that Hamor was not in residence although he had seven servants here. It shows, too, that Sir George Yeardley was in the picture with fifteen men at Hog Island, three listed as "Dwellers." Five houses were listed but only nine hogs, a number too small to be impressive. There was some armor, a good supply of small arms and, comparatively speaking, an adequate stock of corn of 30 barrels. All of this speaks of an established settlement.

LAWNE'S PLANTATION (35)

It was in the spring of 1619 that Capt. Christopher Lawne's "private plantation" was established. A ship bearing some 100 emigrants and supplies, sent out by Richard Wiseman, Nathaniel Basse and others reached Virginia and located on the south side of the James River below Hog Island. Among other things he was to have provided twenty men for the common Company land; however, he reduced this to fifteen when the expected "loane of corne and cattle" was not forthcoming.

He and his men apparently, as was reported later, proceeded effectively to plant the land he had been granted "accordinge to the purpose of theire patentes." This was one of four private patents issued in the first twelve years of the Virginia settlement, the others being that of Samuel Argall, Martin's Hundred, and John Martin. The Company, on November 5, 1618, had acted to encourage these particular Hundreds and it had been specified that they could return what commodities they could produce to their own adventurers. They could buy from goods in the general store, if available; however, they could not trade for other commodities produced in Virginia.

In July, 1619, Lawne's settlement was noted to be a new plantation recently seated. It was, however, eligible for representation in the Assembly and Lawne and Ensign Washer journeyed up to Jamestown to attend the Assembly meeting that summer. In November, 1619, when "the danger of his seate beinge far from any other Englishe Plantacon in the bottom of the bay of Warrestoyack" was mentioned Lawne expressed confidence that he could "make the place good against the Indians beinge a necke land and defended by his howse...." Besides, he expected in emergency to team up with "Lieftennant Basse and Ensigne Washer." Together they could muster "a party of thirtye men."

Shortly, Lawne became ill and because of "his owne sicknes and his peoples, wherein there was improvidency" he quit his plantation and went up to Charles City where he died. One contemporary commented that "so his project is likely, unles better followed and well seconded, to come to nothing." More was to come. Nathaniel Basse, John Hobson, Richard Wiseman and other fellow adventurers, with Captain Christopher Lawne deceased, "applied for and received, on November 13, 1620," a "confirmacon of their old pattent" in which it was specified that henceforth it would be called the "Ile of Wightes Plantacon." The heirs of Lawne were to be protected and the Company allowed five years to bring the settlement up to strength. A little later Nathaniel Basse went on to establish a plantation known for a time as "Basse's Choyce."

WARRASCOYACK (BENNETT'S PLANTATION) (36)

Located on the south side of the James River above Nansemond, this plantation took its name from the Indians of the locality. It, along with several other sites which included Martin's Hundred, and Pasbehegh, was described as a "verie fruitful and pleasant" seat, "free from salt mariches beinge all on the fresh river and ... [a] verie healthfull and high land." This was unlike "James Citty" even though Jamestown was "as high as Debtforde or Ratcliffe." Warrascoyack was known, too, as Bennett's Plantation, and as "Bennetes Wellcome" after Edward Bennett, a well established London merchant, who, with others of his family, established it as a "particular" plantation.

Bennett, who was admitted to the Virginia Company on April 12, 1621, obtained a patent the next October. At the time it was noted that he "had deserved singularly well of the Company before he was a member thereof, and since his admittance hee had been att a verie great charge for transportinge of people to Virginia...." On November 21, 1621, he was issued a patent for 100 "planters." This undoubtedly explains how quickly Warrascoyack was settled.

It was evidently well established in the spring of 1622 when there is reference to the "houses wherein Warresquiocke people were placed." This, it should be added, was not the only plantation to be contemplated in the Warrascoyack district. Captain Christopher Lawne, in 1619, for example, was in the general area having been located just to the north of where Bennett's patent was fixed and "Basses Choyse" was not far away to the south, downstream.

The Indian massacre was disastrous to the Warrascoyack settlement. More than 50 men and women were slain "at Mr. Edward Bennett's Plantation" including the commander "Master Th: Brewood, his wife, his childe, two servants." Perhaps, the Indians remembered the fall of 1610 when Edward Brewster and Samuel Argall fell upon their Chief and burned two of his townes accusing him of "acting falsely." There had been no hint of destruction when the Indians returned "one Browne" two days before the onslaught. Browne had been living with them to learn their language.

Following the massacre Governor Wyatt ordered Captain Ralph Hamor to "bring away all the people and goodes from Wariscoyack upp to James Cittie" for safety. The military expedition against the natives may not have been wholly successful or, perhaps, there were other reasons that delayed the return to Warrascoyack. Such might be inferred from Bennett's request to the Company on October 7, 1622 "that his people might be returned to his plantacon at Warascoacke." He was given leave for the "repossessinge."

In April, 1623, the Governor by proclamation ordered the building of a fort at Warrascoyack. This, "to defend ... against the invasion of any forreine ennimy," was more against external than internal foes. It was to be by public subscription and to be carried out under Captain Roger Smith's direction in six months. It was known to require "great ordnance." Two years later, however, it had not been effected although it was still considered a good point from which "to secure the places above."

Evidently the massacre produced but a temporary delay at Warrascoyack. The picture painted in a letter from Richard to Edward Bennett on June 9, 1623, written from Bennett's Welcome, was one of new supplies, fears of encroachments, growth and thankfulness: "Our men stande well to ther helthe God be thanced and I hope to make you a good crope, bothe for tobaco and corne. The forte is abuildinge apase." The Indians were still respected nonetheless and the plan called for an expedition "to cute downe their corne and put them to sorde" after "we have wedid our Tobaco and cornne." It was a little later in the year that William Bennett, the minister at Warrascoyack, sued for his two years of back salary--1,533-1/3 pounds of tobacco.

In 1624 the plantation was represented in the Assembly by one John Pollington. In fact, in that year, the settlement had thirty-three persons including three negroes even though twenty-six had died in the preceding twelve months period. A year later, in 1625, the population had dropped to nineteen. A dozen more deaths were recorded including five "slayne by the Indianes." Mortality continued high at Warrascoyack ("Warwick Squeake" as it was occasionally designated).

In the February, 1625 census listings, there were two houses, a store, and two palisadoes. Armament was light, consisting of nine suits of armor and thirteen "fixed pieces." The largest of the four musters was that which listed the twelve servants of Edward Bennett. The others were one, two, and four persons respectively. Before May, 1625 it was reported out of Virginia that some 1,750 acres of land had been patented at "Warrasquoake plantacon downe wards from Hogg Island xiiii miles, by the river side." This included 300 acres "planted" by Captain Nathaniel Basse.

"BASSE'S CHOYSE" (37)

In November, 1621, the Virginia Company voted a patent to Arthur Swayne and Nathaniel Basse, adventurers, and to their associates to transport 100 persons to Virginia. This patent for a "particular plantation" was further confirmed in January, 1622. Basse evidently proceeded to execute the necessary measures to translate this into reality. He was in Virginia in October, 1622.

Basse located in the Warrascoyack area downstream from Bennett's Plantation and proceeded to establish his settlement. In 1624 he represented it in the Assembly. About this time the settlement numbered some twenty persons, but a year later it had only twelve in four separate musters. The even dozen inhabitants included three women and a child, "borne in Virginia," all indicating family life rather than a military outpost. Arms and weapons were in plentiful supply nonetheless: twenty-two "armours" of various types, twenty small arms, four pistols, twelve swords and two pieces of ordnance. There was ample corn, a good fish supply and seven houses to give the settlement comfort.

Basse, it appears, had planted by patent some 300 acres and his neighbor to the north was interested in his activity. In June, 1623 Robert Bennett wrote to Edward Bennett in Virginia asking that he report whether Basse, or others, might "claim anye lande as ther righte" in the Bennett's Welcome sphere.

NANSEMOND (38)

A settlement was attempted on an island in the Nansemond River in the late summer of 1609, yet it was of short duration. With Jamestown overpopulated, due to the arrival of the third supply, and dissension rife, Smith sent out several parties with supplies to establish other posts. For the Nansemond effort, he dispatched sixty men under the command of Captain John Martin and George Percy. The expedition moved partly by water and partly by land and consolidated in the Nansemond River. When efforts "to barter with ... [the Indian Chief] for an island righte opposite ageinste the maine ... [for] copper hatches and other comodeties" failed, the island was seized by force with little concern for the natives who proved wholly unhospitable. "So haveinge scene Capte: Martin well settled I [George Percy] retourned with Capte Nellson to James Towne ageine acordinge to apoyntementts."

The Indians continually attacked the settlement and the good supplies of corn in the area could not be utilized. For reasons of business and safety Martin journeyed up to Jamestown. Reinforcements helped not at all. A party sent from Nansemond to trade at Kecoughtan was not heard from and many of the settlers were killed in skirmishes in the area of the island post. In late fall, it was necessary for all survivors to return to Jamestown, as Percy relates, "to feede upon the poore store we had lefte us."

THE EASTERN SHORE (39)

The census of early 1625 showed clearly that the colonization of the area across the Chesapeake Bay was secure. The enumeration listed a total of fifty-one persons, a decline from the seventy-six persons named the year before. The listing of property and accommodations, however, showed stability and establishment. This embraced twenty dwellings and seventeen stores, the latter, perhaps, suggesting an active Indian trade which had long been a hopeful prospect here. There was, too, a fort and a substantial listing of arms: thirty-five firearms, three swords and twenty-eight armors as well as 155 pounds of powder and 646 pounds of shot. The inhabitants were classified as thirty-two free, seventeen servants and two children (forty-four males, seven females). The Company's and Secretary's tenants were seated on their respective lands although they had not yet been surveyed. The several distinct musters included those of Charles Harman, John Blore, and Captain John Willcockes as well as "Ancient" Thomas Savage. The largest was that of Captain William Epes who could count thirteen servants. All were grouped on the Bay side of the lower part of the peninsula and, although not contiguous, formed a compact group in "The Kingdome of Acchawmacke."

This was in a sense the most isolated of all Virginia plantations being separated from the main body of the settlement by the wide waters of the Chesapeake. It enjoyed, however, a healthful climate, fruitful land and waters, and a continuing friendly Indian population.

As early as June, 1608, an exploring group under John Smith had made a landing on the Eastern Shore and visited the Indian "King of Accawmacke." They learned much of the area including the observation that the natives fished "with long poles like javelings, headed with bone." This was the beginning of a lasting friendship with "Laughing King," a friendship which was strengthened by Thomas Savage, the young boy exchanged with Powhatan in 1608, who later went to dwell across the Bay.

In 1613 Samuel Argall, seeking fish for the James River settlements as well as trade, visited the Eastern Shore. He found people "who seemed very desirous of our love." He traded successfully for corn, found great store of fish and then explored along the outer islands observing that "salt might easily be made there, if there were any ponds digged, for that I found salt kerned where the water had overflowne in certain places."

Argall's thoughts about salt manufacture were followed up in June, 1614 when a group of some twenty men under Lieutenant Craddock was dispatched to the area to set up a salt works and to catch fish. This was the first settlement "across the Bay" and it was known as "Dale's Gift" after Sir Thomas Dale then deputy governor in Virginia. The site selected for the work was on Smith's Island along the outer edge of the point of the peninsula. The quarters for the workmen may have been built on the mainland just above the point of the peninsula long known as Cape Charles.

Dale's Gift endured for a time although it appears to have been abandoned during Argall's administration. It was one of only six points of settlement as listed for Virginia in 1616. John Rolfe's description of it at this time shows its garrison-like quality: "At Dales Gifte (lieng upon the sea neere unto Cape Charles, about thirty miles from Kequoughtan) are seventeen [men] under the command of one Leiftenaunte Cradock; all these are fed and maintained by the Colony. Their labor is to make salte; and to catch fishe at the two seasons aforemencioned [spring and fall]." The work was allowed to lapse and in 1620 the "salt works" were described as "wholly gone to rack and let fall" with serious consequences. It led, it appears, to some "distemper" in Virginia caused by the colonists "eating pork and other meats fresh and unseasoned." In any case measures were taken in 1620-21 to re-establish the works and Pory reported that he had found a suitable spot not far from "where was our salt-house."

Permanent colonization of the Eastern Shore dates, it seems, from about 1619 when Thomas Savage went there to live on a large tract of land lying between Cheriton and King's Creek (Savage's Neck) given him by "Laughing King" (Debedeavon). Savage, as reported by John Martin who visited there in April, 1619, was already well established in Indian councils. Both Savage and Martin recognized the value of trade with the Indians here as did John Pory who visited the Eastern Shore in 1621. Pory, Secretary of the Colony, had been authorized the year before to lay out 500 acres and to place 20 men on them for the support of his office. This he did sending 10 men in 1620 and 10 more in 1621. In 1621, too, John Willcox planted across the bay. In this same year Sir George Yeardley obtained a large acreage from Debedeavon. When Yeardley, in June, 1622, crossed the bay to inspect his property he was so pleased with what he saw that he stayed six weeks. There had been no massacre here for "Laughing King" had refused to join in the Indian plot. He had, in fact, warned the Governor of the impending catastrophe. The area across the Bay had also escaped the "foull distemper" that swept along the James plantations about this time. Mortality had been high from the epidemic that probably came from the newly arriving immigrants to Virginia.

The Eastern Shore was now well established. In 1624 its first representatives, Captain John Willcox and Henry Watkins, were sent to the Assembly which met at Jamestown in March. It appears that a minister, the Rev. Francis Bolton, served here for a time. Others moved over from the western shore including Lady Elizabeth, widow of Sir Thomas Dale. Few, it seems, came directly from Europe to Virginia's Eastern Shore. Most came after a sojourn in one, or more, of the settlements along the James.

ELIZABETH CITY (KECOUGHTAN) (40)

Early in 1625 the community of Elizabeth City, or rather the communities that made up Elizabeth City, could count some 359 persons. This included those "Beyond Hampton River" earlier referred to as "At Bucke Row." In the year before, 1624, this area had counted some 349 (thirty at "Bucke Roe") and in that year a total of 101 had died. These figures indicate both a high mortality as well as a high rate of immigration into this section. Elizabeth City, in 1625, was the largest community in Virginia, much larger than James City and its Island with its 175 persons (218 in 1624), which held second place in population.

In 1625 it was an established community including 279 males and eighty females. Four were negroes. More than twenty-five per cent were living beyond Hampton River. It had the large total of eighty-nine houses besides twenty stores, all beyond Hampton River, and twenty-four palisadoes. Its supplies of corn and fish were large and ample compared with other settlements although it was weak in livestock and poultry when viewed in comparison with Jamestown and some of the upriver communities. Although strong in small arms, it had a major allotment of ordnance. It did boast of six boats. Excepting Jamestown, this was the largest fleet in the Colony although the Eastern Shore was close with its five.

There were fifty-four separate musters or groups in Elizabeth City with the largest of them being that of Capt. William Tucker including his wife and daughter, "borne in Virginia in August," and eighteen others. Among these were three negroes, Antoney, Isabell and "William theire Child Baptised." There was, too, the muster of the ancient planters John and Anne Laydon and their four girls, all Virginia "borne." The oldest of them was the first child born in the Colony. Nicolas Martiau was listed here, as was Ensign Thomas Willoby and Edward Waters. In addition to the fifty-four musters, or groups, in Elizabeth City proper there were sixteen resident beyond Hampton River. These embraced Captain Francis West and Sergeant William Barry. The latter had fifteen servants which was a larger number than most musters enumerated. It appears that in excess of 4,000 acres of land had been patented and the greater part of it had been planted. Patents, too, had been issued for land across the Hampton Roads on the south side of the James River, yet none is listed as having been planted at this date.

Elizabeth City began on the site of an Indian village on the west side of Hampton Creek and was known by its Indian name of Kecoughtan for a decade. The English first saw this spot on May 1, 1607 when the three ships moved over from Cape Henry. The friendly Indians welcomed the shore party and took them to their village of some 18 houses of twigs and bark and twenty fighting men where there was food, a friendly smoke, and entertainment.

After this visit the settlers moved on up the James and it was fall before the English were here again. John Smith then traded successfully with them for corn. Smith was here again in the summer of 1608 and in the following winter always being well received and refreshed before leaving. There is clear evidence that the first post established by the Colonists for trade with the Indians was here where Indians and whites lived together in some number. When, however, Humphry Blunt out of Fort Algernourne, that is Old Point Comfort, was killed by Indians at Nansemond, Sir Thomas Gates used the opportunity to punish the Indians by driving the Kecoughtans away from their cornfields and fishing grounds. It was in the summer of 1610 that he "posseseinge himselfe of the Towne and the fertill ground there unto adjacentt haveinge well ordered all things he lefte his Lieftenantt Earley to comawnd his company and retourned to James Towne."

In October, 1609, after Smith's departure for England, President George Percy had sent Captain John Ratcliffe down to the mouth of the river to erect a fort due to "the plenty of the place for fisheinge" and "for the comodious discovery of any shippeinge which sholde come uppon the co[a]ste." He chose Point Comfort, so named in 1607, and designated it "Algernowns Foarte" after Lord De La Warr's "name and howse." When Ratcliffe was killed by the Indians while on an expedition up the York, Captain James Davis was named to command in his stead.

Those at Point Comfort in the winter of 1609-10 apparently fared much better than those at Jamestown. When Percy visited here he found them, he reports, "in good case and well lykeinge haveinge concealed their plenty from us above att James Towne beinge so well stored thatt the crabb fishes where with they fede their hoggs wold have bene a greate relefe unto us and saved many of our lykes."

It was on the Kecoughtan site that an English settlement (Hampton) began to evolve. For two or three years it was little more than a military outpost and a plantation where corn was grown to help fill the larder at Jamestown. To supplement the fort at Point Comfort, De La Warr had two more built on either side of a small stream, Fort Henry and Fort Charles. This river De La Warr called the Southampton (Hampton), the name that came to be applied, too, to the wide waters into which it flowed, Hampton Roads. The forts were intended both as strongholds against the Indians and as a rest stop, or acclimation point, for incoming settlers "that the weariness of the sea may be refreshed in this pleasing part of the countree."

The forts were abandoned in the fall, but when Sir Thomas Dale reached Point Comfort on May 22, 1611, he reoccupied them. He left James Davis in command of Fort Algernourne and proceeded to restore Fort Charles on the east side of, and Fort Henry on the west side of, Hampton River before going on to Jamestown.

It was in 1611 that a Spanish caravel appeared at Point Comfort, picked up an English pilot and sailed away leaving three of its crew. One of them was the spy Diego de Molina who later reported that Fort Algernourne had a garrison of twenty-five and four iron pieces. A fire destroyed the fort, except for Captain Davis' house and storehouse. He, however, rebuilt it with "expedition." In 1614 "Point Comfort Fort" as Fort Algernourne was called after Percy left in April, 1612, was described as a stockade "without brick or stone" containing fifty persons (men, women and boys), protected by seven iron pieces. Soon after this the fort evidently fell into disuse.

In 1613 each of the forts on Hampton River had fifteen soldiers but no ordnance and in 1614 Capt. George Webb was the principal commander of both. Ralph Hamor at this time described them as "goodly seats and much corne ground about them, abounding with the commodities of fish, fowle, deere and fruits, whereby the men live there, with halfe that maintenaunce out of the store, which in other places was allowed." He thought it an excellent spot except "we cannot secure it, if a forraigne enemy, as we have just caus to expect daily should attempt it."

The settlement grew slowly as the report of John Rolfe in 1616 shows: "At Keqoughtan, being not farr from the mouth of the river, thirty-seven miles below James Towne on the same side, are twenty [persons] whereof eleven are Farmors. All these also mayntayne themselves as the former. Captain George Webb Commander, Mr. William Mays Mynister there."

At this time it ranked fifth in size of the then existing six Virginia settlements. Only Dale's Gift on Eastern Shore was smaller. The largest at the time was Bermuda Hundred with its 119 persons. Jamestown was second with fifty. Although small it can be assumed that since 1611, although much a military post, it was changing. Rolfe relates that there were women and children "in every place some" and where there are women and children there is family life.

In 1619 the settlement of Kecoughtan was captained by William Tucker and he and William Capps represented the settlement in the first House of Burgesses. It was evidently on their petition that the Assembly was asked "to change the savage name of Kiccowtan, and to give that Incorporation a new name." It was so ordered, and the new name was Elizabeth City after the daughter of King James.

The next five years saw extensive growth in this area including the assignment of 3,000 acres of Company land, 1,500 acres for common use and 100 acres for a glebe. In 1620 some Frenchmen were sent to the Buck Roe section to instruct the colonists in planting mulberries and vines and in sericulture and viniculture. In 1621 Captain Thomas Newce came as manager of the Company lands and obtained a grant of 600 acres for himself. The resident minister at the time was Reverend James Stockton who took a rather dim view of Indian character.

The massacre of 1622 did not leave any dead at Elizabeth City. This appears to have been due in part to the good work of Captain Newce who took defensive measures and made plans to alleviate the suffering resulting from the Indian devastation. The massacre stimulated the growth of population in Elizabeth City which still, however, was not immune from Indian attack as witnessed by the four who were killed in September, 1622.

William Tucker of Elizabeth City was one of those whom Wyatt called on to lead punitive attacks on the Indians. Following these the Indian threat to Elizabeth City was essentially removed and the area came to enjoy peace and freedom for development as was reflected in the census of 1624 and that of 1625. In 1623 it was called in one document "the first plantation." The Elizabeth City community embraced the sites of Point Comfort, Fort Charles, Fort Henry, and Kecoughtan, west of Hampton Creek, as well as the areas of Buck Roe, "Strawberry Banks," east of Hampton Creek, and "Indian Thickett."

NEWPORT NEWS (41)

The English first saw the site of Newport News on May 2, 1607 as they ascended the James River en route to Jamestown. There is, however, no reference to an Indian site here or to any specific use of the area, which Smith listed as "Point Hope" on his map of Virginia, until more than a decade later, November, 1621 when Daniel Gookin settled here. It is reported that "at _Nupor[t]s-newes_: the cotton trees in a yeere grew so thicke as ones arme, and so high as a man: here; any thing that is planted doth prosper so well as in no other place better."

A brief account penned by David Pietersz de Vries, a Dutch shipmaster, who visited Virginia in March, 1633 implies that Newport News then was an established watering point for incoming, and even outgoing, vessels. His description tends to provoke the thought that such had been the case for years, perhaps from the early days of Virginia. "The 10th, we sailed up the river [James]. When we came to the before-mentioned point of Newport-Snuw, we landed and took in water. A fine spring lies inside the shore of the river, convenient for taking water from. All the ships come here to take in water on their way home. After we had procured some water, we sailed on...." On March 20, when leaving Virginia, De Vries observed again "anchored at evening before the point of Newport-Snuw, where we took in water."

The earliest known reference to the name Newport News is in a letter written from Jamestown on November 11, 1619 when the inhabitants of Kecoughtan were assured the opportunity "to choose ther divident alonge the banke of the great river betweene Kequohtan and Newportes Newes." The origin of its name is obscure yet it is not unlikely that Captain Christopher Newport is honored here. A second reference, one in January, 1620 lists "Newports Newes." Later references, in the Virginia Company records (1621-24), show varying forms: "Newportnewes," "Nuports Newes," "New ports-newes" and "Newport newes." The name seems established before Gookin and his friends, the Newces, entered the scene; hence it is improbable that Newce or Newcetown, Ireland, is responsible for the name. The name "Newportes Poynte" is shown on Robert Tindall's map of 1608 but it refers to a point on the York River rather than to the Newport News site.

Daniel Gookin was a friend and associate of Sir William Newce and Captain Thomas Newce, both prominent in Virginia affairs, yet not of long time in the Colony, and like them was from Newcetown in Ireland. All had plans to establish a strong settlement in Virginia. As early as November, 1620, the Company had agreed to pay Gookin to transport some livestock to Virginia. He was promised a patent in Virginia for a "particular" plantation. His arrival and establishment, late in 1621, is recorded in a letter of the governor and council in January, 1622:

There arived heere about the 22th of November a shipp from mr
Gookine out of Ireland wholy uppon his owne adventure,
withoute any relatione at all to his contract with you in
England which was soe well furnished with all sortes of
provisione, as well as with cattle, as wee could wishe all men
would follow theire example, hee hath also brought with him
aboute fifty more uppon the adventure besides some thirty
other passengers, wee have accordinge to their desire seated
them at Newportes news, and we doe conceave great hope (if the
Irish plantacone prosper) that frome Ireland greate multitudes
of people wilbe like to come hither....

His plantation did, it seems, prosper, yet not without loss in men and effort. In the spring of 1623 when forty new men reported to the settlement things were not good. "Of all Mr. Gookins men which he sent out the last year we found but seven, the rest being all killed by the Indians, and his plantation ready to fall to decay." At the time of the Indian massacre he refused to take refuge in a stronger place deeming his settlement strong enough to withstand attack. With thirty-five men he succeeded in this and, it seems, was the first to reach England with news of the massacre. His son Daniel Gookin, Jr., evidently took over the management of the settlement when he left.

The census of 1625 from "Newportes newes" lists only the muster of Daniel Gookin and would indicate that neither he, nor his son, was in residence at the time. The listing shows only a total of twenty servants, eight of whom came in the _Flyinge Hart_ in 1621 and twelve of the forty who had come in the _Providence_ in 1623. The entire population was male and evidently they lived in four houses; at least only four were reported. At the time corn supplies stood at thirty barrels and cattle numbered fifteen head. For arms, the plantation had sixteen fixed pieces, twenty swords, and three pieces of ordnance. It would seem that the area of the plantation embraced 1,300 patented acres all of which were "planted."

In January, 1624 it had been sufficiently strong to be included in the Governor's instructions to Captain William Tucker, of Elizabeth City. These called for the meeting of "all the free men inhabiting in those plantacons under your comand at Keycotan & Nuport Newes [for the purpose of] by pluralitie of voices to make election of twoe men" to attend the General Assembly called for February. Of the four who were chosen from the "Incorporation of Elizabeth City," however, two were from Elizabeth City proper and two from "Elizabeth City beyond Hampton River." None was from Newport News.

BLUNT POINT (42)

The extent of settlement in this area on the north side of the James above Newport News in 1625 is difficult to determine. There had been a number of land patents issued prior to this date. One for 100 acres, on August 14, 1624, was to Edward Waters at "Blunt point" and several others were issued four months later in the area between the point and Newport News. Some were to old residents of Newport News and Kecoughtan and several were issued to new arrivals. One grant for 150 acres to Maurice Thompson had been made as early as March 4, 1621. Patented acreage at "Blunt Pointe" and "belowe Blunt Point" in 1625 embraced some 2,200 acres and 1,390 acres respectively.

The massacre of 1622 forced the withdrawal of any who may have been located in the area at that date. Included in the list of those killed at the time was Edward Walters, his wife, child, maid and boy all at "Master Edward Walters his house" which may have been in the Blunt Point vicinity. If this were really Edward Waters who received the patent at Blunt Point in 1624, it would mean that he had already established himself here. Such is conceivable since, at the time of the massacre, he and his wife were made prisoners by the Nansemond Indians and possibly could have been listed as dead. He was fortunate in being able to manage an escape and took refuge at Elizabeth City (Kecoughtan).

Waters was an ancient planter who had come to Virginia with Gates, reaching the Colony in 1610. He was one of a party who returned to Bermuda for hogs for Virginia. Circumstances intervened and he remained there about seven years. It was not until about 1617 that he returned to Virginia where he was married and settled down. In 1625 he was listed as living at Elizabeth City with his wife, son and daughter, "borne in Virginia." His muster then included six servants and five others.

In a statement made by a number of Virginia planters on April 30, 1623, there is mention of the plantation at "Blunt point" which would imply an established settlement here at that time. It was enumerated along with a number of others, including Newport News, which were described "as verie fruitfull and pleasant seates." This was ten months after Captain Samuel Each's offer to "erect before the end of March [1623] uppon the oyster bankes, a block-house, that should forbid the passage of any shipp" up the James. Each felt that he could lay his vessel near "Blunt point" and do this with dispatch with his mariners and twelve carpenters. The Governor and Council embraced his offer to build this "Block house about Blunt Point." Company officials in England, too, liked the idea very much. Seemingly, however, it never materialized. Instead, talk turned to the fort which was undertaken at Warrascoyack on the opposite shore of the James.

MULBERRY ISLAND (43)

On the north side of the James River some ten miles below Jamestown, this "island" embraces some ten square miles of ground. Its name evidently was derived from a heavy growth of the native Virginia mulberry trees (_Morus rubra_). This must have been the case since "Mulberry Island" and "Mulberry Point" were in use as place designations as early as July, 1610. It was so named even before it was settled.

When Gates was proceeding down river, having abandoned Jamestown, in June, 1610, it was just off Mulberry Island that he encountered Lord De La Warr's "long boat" which gave word of reinforcements and supplies. This saved the Colony and Gates reversed his course and returned to Jamestown. In this way Mulberry Island is linked with this decisive meeting which greatly affected the survival of the Colony.

It is not clear when actual settlement of the Island began. Seemingly it was not before 1617 or 1618. In any event, about this time, settlers did begin to drift in to this section of the James River basin. In 1619 it appears that Captain William Pierce patented 650 acres in this quarter. Pierce had been in Virginia since 1610 and in 1617 was well established being Captain of the Guard at Jamestown where he had "the fairest [house] in all Virginia." Now, however, he removed to his new holding where, before March, 1622, he built another home and established his residence.

Another prominent patentee at Mulberry Island was John Rolfe who had "land on Mulberry Island Virginia" before March 10, 1621. He and "some others," including William Pierce, obtained 1,700 acres by patent and proceeded to "plant" it. His chief residence at the time was in Bermuda Hundred and it is doubtful that he resided here. He had, it might be mentioned, in 1620, married Jane the daughter of Captain William Pierce and he appears to have lost his life in the Indian massacre.

It is not known how many others "planted," or lived, here at this time. Evidently it was not sufficient to send a representative to the Assembly in 1619. Whatever growth it enjoyed was checked by the Indian massacre in 1622. It is recorded that Thomas Pierce, probably a son of William, his wife and child, two men and "a French boy," were killed at Thomas' house "over against Mulberry Island." The resettlement of the area after the massacre was delayed. No persons are listed from this locality in 1624 nor were there representatives in the Assembly of the same year. Within a year, however, the picture had changed.

The census of January, 1625 lists thirty persons, twenty-five males and five women, at "Mulburie Island." Not much else is listed in the muster except the arms of the settlement. The twenty-two suits of armor, the thirty-seven "fixed pieces" and the forty-two swords would indicate that protection was uppermost in the plans. There were several distinct musters including those of Anthony Baram and Thomas Harwood, yet the largest was that of Captain William Pierce. Although not in residence himself, he had thirteen servants at Mulberry Island. Except for Pierce's, there were no other servants save one of Thomas Harwood.

MARTIN'S HUNDRED (44)

This was one of the earliest of the "particular" plantations and had a larger and more vigorous life than most. It has been said that this might be listed as the leading, or model, Hundred in the Colony. It was one organized and promoted by a group within, yet outside of, the regular Company projects. It was named for Richard Martin, an attorney for the London Company. He was a leading member in the Society of Martin's Hundred as this special group of adventurers was known. Another leader in the sponsoring group was Sir John Wolstenholme whose name was associated with the town, described in January, 1622 as "the Towne in Martin's Hundred [which] is now seated called Wolstenholme Towne."

Wolstenholme was located on the James, it seems, and the boundaries of the Hundred, when laid down in 1621, were measured five miles along the "river called (Kinge) James River" in each direction from it. This was five miles toward Jamestown and five toward "Newportes Newes." Northward the bound was the Queenes River alias Pacomunky [York]. It is of interest to note that the boundaries were to "the middest" of the rivers. Roughly its 80,000 acres lay on the north side of the James between Archer's Hope and Mulberry Island.

In October, 1618, the Society sent its first colonists to Virginia. These made up a party of 280 who reached Virginia several months later in the _Guift of God_. Several additional groups were sent out in 1619, a large party in 1620 and others in 1621. The latter were sent, it was recorded, "to plante and inhabite and to erect and make perfect a church and towne there already begunne." At the time of the Assembly in 1619 it was an established community and sent its representatives up to Jamestown--John Boys and John Jackson.

It appears to have been a determined lot of "ancient adventurers" who sponsored Martin's Hundred and the record indicates that they worked hard and zealously to make it a paying organization. They were, however, often beset with difficulties. Shipmasters and mariners abused them as did the "Capemarchant," according to their reports. When they sought Company shares to sustain losses in one shipment to Virginia, Sir Edwin Sandys reminded them that they were a particular group. He related "As Martins Hundred hath been at great charges, so have divers other hundreds, so have also beene many perticuler persons, Captaine Bargrave alone hath brought and sett out divers shipps ... Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir Thomas Dale, besides a multitude of other[s], who have spent a large portion of their estates therein...."

In May, 1621, Yeardley wrote concerning the arrival of servants to be located at Martin's Hundred. He described the difficulty of making land assignments "because we have never a surveyour in the lande." He added too that "the undertakers at Martins Hundred would thinke themselves muche wronged, if any other should be sett on worke to divide their groundes." He commented, too, that a proper division might be better since he had heard that the Society "intende ... to buy out the Indians of Chischiack [on the York River]."

Martin's Hundred suffered severely in the massacre of 1622. The slaughter took a total of seventy-eight persons including the commander. Among those killed were a score of women and children showing that family life was well developed here. The loss was so great that the settlement was temporarily abandoned along with a great many others in Virginia. The abandonment was of short duration, it seems, for new references soon appear such as that naming Captain Ralph Hamor "to have absolute power, and comand in all matters of war over all the people of Martins Hundred." In any case "the replantinge" was left to the Society which had originally established it. Although the Company deemed it, along with others which had been deserted, "of absolute necessitie," it was too busy with its own projects to aid materially.

The Society "set forth a verie chargeable supply of people" in October, 1622. When William Harwood was mentioned for the Council, Martin's Hundred asked that he not be named since they needed his services full time. Reverend Robert Paulett was named instead. In April, 1623 it was a going concern although life was dark in the eyes of Richard Frethorne who wrote of the danger, hunger, and the heavy work. He related "ther is indeed some foule [fowle], but wee are not allowed to goe, and get it, but must worke hard both earlie, and late for a messe of water gruell, and a mouthfull of bread, and beife." He stated that of twenty who came the last year but three were left. In all, he said, "wee are but thirty-two." The Indians he feared; "the nighest helpe that Wee have is ten miles of us." Here "wee lye even in their teeth." The break in the monotony, it seems, was an occasional trip to Jamestown "that is ten miles of us, there be all the ships that come to the land, and there must deliver their goodes." The trip up took from noon till night on the tide. The return was the same.

Nothing came, at this time, of the proposal for "runninge a pale from Martin's Hundred to Cheskacke," between the York and the James rivers. The stockade across the peninsula was still a decade away. When built it would be several miles to the west. There is nothing to indicate that the church, or school, for which William Whitehead left funds in his will in 1623, ever materialized. The plan was that it be built in Martin's Hundred.

Evidently conditions at this time were at a low ebb. George Sandys felt it was a pity that the project could not be pushed more vigorously. When the plantation was asked to take a number of the "infidelles children to be brought up" the officials asked to be excused since they were "sorely weakened and ... in much confusion." The Indians, too, were still around. The Governor in May, 1623 urged that the "Commander" keep watch, insure the carrying of arms and prevent stragglers from loitering about. The Indians were suspected of coming to "spy and observe." Seemingly the plantation, perhaps already a parish in the church organization, was not represented in the Assembly in 1624.

At this time Martin's Hundred was reported to have twenty-three persons, but twenty-eight had died within the year, two being killed. At the time of the general census of the next year, there were but thirty-one, a fact that indicates small growth. To accommodate these there were seven houses, supplies of corn and fish and some cattle and hogs. The settlement was well stocked in weapons with thirty-two armors of various types, thirty-one swords, and fifty-two small arms. Perhaps William Harwood, who was in charge, remembered well the massacre.

ARCHER'S HOPE (45)