Chapter XXIII: Appendix: Hypnotism and the Dance Among the Dervishes (1)

[From Brown’s Dervishes]

+Hypnotism.+—It is through the performance of the Zikr, by khalvet (pious retirement for purposes of deep devotion), by the Tevejjuh (or turning the face or mind devoutly toward God in prayer), by the Murakebeh (or fearful contemplation of God), the Tesarruf (or self-abandonment to pious reflection and inspiration), and the Tesavvuf (or mystical spiritualism), that the fervent Dervish reaches peculiar spiritual powers called _Kuvveh i roohee batinee_ (a mystical, internal, spiritual power). The life or biography of every eminent sheikh or peer details innumerable evidences of this power exercised in a strange and peculiar manner. This exercise is called the Kuvveh Iradat, or the “Power of the Will,” and, as a theory, may be traced historically to the Divine Power—the soul of man being connected with the Divine Spirit—from which it emanates, and with which, through the means before mentioned, it commences. Some sheikhs are more celebrated than others for their peculiar and strange powers, and it is to their superiority that their reputation and reverence in the Mussulman world in general, and among Dervishes in particular, is to be attributed. With the supposition that the details given of them by their biographers, disciples, or successors are not invented, or even exaggerated, their powers are certainly very remarkable. Whilst among them an implicit belief in them is firmly sustained, sultans and princes have evidently doubted them, and, being alarmed with the influence the possessors acquired and sustained among the public generally, they have often shown a direful exercise of their own arbitrary will and power, which resulted in the untimely end of the unfortunate sheikh. Many, on the other hand, have survived the frequent exercise of their “spiritual powers,” and either because they acquired a power and influence over the minds of their temporal rulers, or whether they used them for their own private purposes, so as to conciliate the more religious or fanatic, they succeeded in reaching advanced ages and a peaceful end of their remarkable careers. When the ruler of the country has not cared to order the execution of the sheikh who declared himself possessed of these spiritual powers, he has simply exiled him from his capital or his territory, and permitted him freely to exercise his powers and renown in some less objectionable locality. These powers can only be acquired through the long instruction of a superior spiritual director, or Murshid, or As-hâb i Yekeen, for whom the disciples ever retain a most grateful remembrance and attachment.

Among the practices of these powers is the faculty of foreseeing coming events; of predicting their occurrence; of preserving individuals from the harm and evil which would otherwise certainly result for them; of assuring to one person success over the machinations of another, so that he may freely attack him and prevail over him; of restoring harmony of sentiment between those who would otherwise be relentless enemies; of knowing when others devised harm against themselves, and through certain spells of preserving themselves and causing harm to befall the evil minded, and even of causing the death of anyone against whom they wish to proceed. All this is done as well from a distance as when near.

In other parts of the world, and among other people, these attainments would have been attributed to sorcery and witchcraft; in modern times they would be ascribed to spiritism, or magnetic influences, either of the spirit or of the body; but to the instructed Dervish they all derive their origin in the spirit of the holy sheikh—the special gift of the great Spirit of God, which commences with the spirit of man, from which it directly emanated. The condition or disposition necessary for these effects is called the Hâl (state or frame), and is much the same as that required by the magnetized, and the object of his operation. The powers of the body are enfeebled by fasting and mental fatigue in prayer, and the imagination kept in a fervid state, fully impressed with the conviction that such powers are really possessed by the sheikh, and that he can readily exercise them over the willing mind and body of the disciple. How the sheikh can produce such strange results on a distant and unconscious person is left to the admiration and imagination of the faithful disciple, as an incentive to exertions in the same true path as that of his sheikh.

To exercise the power of the will, it is necessary to contract the thoughts suddenly upon the object designed to be affected so perfectly as to leave no room for the mind to dwell, possibly, upon any other. The mind must not doubt for an instant of the success of this effort, nor the possibility of failure; it must, in fact, be completely absorbed by the one sole idea of performing the determination strongly taken and firmly relied upon. The persons must, from time to time, practice this; and as they proceed, they will be able to see how much propinquity exists between themselves and the Hazret i Asmâ (God?) and how much they are capable of exercising this power.

As an example, the author of the Reshihât narrates the following:

In my youth, I was ever with our Lord Molânâ Sa’eed ed Deen
Kâshgharee at Hereed. It happened that we, one day, walked out
together and fell in with an assembly of the inhabitants of the
place who were engaged in wrestling. To try our powers we agreed
to aid with our “powers of the will” one of the wrestlers, so
that the other should be overcome by him, and after doing so, to
change our design in favor of the discomfited individual. So we
stopped and, turning toward the parties, gave the full influence
of our united wills to one, and immediately he was able to subdue
his opponent. As the person we chose, each in turn, conquered the
other, whichever we willed to prevail became the most powerful of
the two, the power of our own wills was thus clearly manifested.

On another occasion two other persons possessed of these same powers fell in with an assembly of people at a place occupied by prize fighters. “To prevent any of the crowd from passing between and separating us we joined our hands together. Two persons were engaged fighting; one was a powerful man, while the other was a spare and weak person. The former readily overcame the latter; and seeing this I proposed to my companion to aid the weak one by the power of our wills. So he bade me aid him in the project, while he concentrated his powers upon the weaker person. Immediately a wonderful occurrence took place; the thin, spare man seized his giant-like opponent and threw him on the ground with surprising force. The crowd cried out with astonishment as he turned him over on his back and held him down with apparent ease. No one present except ourselves knew the cause. Seeing that my companion was much affected by the effort which he had made, I bade him remark how perfectly successful we had been, and adding that there was no longer any necessity for our remaining there, we walked away.” (Pages 129–132.)

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Many individuals who have seriously wronged and oppressed his friends received punishments through the powers of the sheikh. Several instances are related wherein some such even fell sick and died, or were only restored to health by open declarations of repentance and imploring his prayerful intercession with God. His spirit seems to have accompanied those in whose welfare he took an active interest, and enabled them to commune with him, though far distant from him. His power of hearing them was well known to his friends, and several instances are cited to prove the fact. His power of affecting the health of those who injured him or his friends was greatly increased while he was excited by anger, and on such occasions his whole frame would be convulsed and his beard move about as if moved by electricity. On learning details of cruelty done to innocent individuals, the sheikh would be strangely affected, so much so that no one dared to address him until the paroxysm was passed; and on such occasions he never failed to commune spiritually with the sovereign or prince in such a mysterious manner as to inspire him to deal justly with the guilty person and secure his merited punishment.

Through his “mystical powers” many persons were impressed with the unrighteousness of their course, and, having repented of the same, became good and pious and firm believers in his spiritual influences. These powers were always connected with his prayers, and it was during these that he was enabled to assure the parties interested of their salutary results and the acceptation of their desires. It scarcely needs to be added, that these prayers were in conformance with Islamism, and were offered up to Allah, whom he adored, and to whose supreme will he attributes his powers. He constantly performed the Zikr Jehree, or “audibly called God’s name,” and the frequent repetition of this practice fitted him for such holy purposes. Sometimes he would affect the mind of the individual upon whom he exercised his powers in such a manner as to throw him into a species of trance, after which he could remember nothing that he had previously known, and continued in this state until the sheikh chose to restore him to the enjoyment of his ordinary faculties. Notwithstanding all of these eminent powers, this great sheikh is reputed to have spent the latter days of his life at Herat in extreme indigence, much slighted and neglected by those who had so admired him while in the vigor of his career. All fear of his mystical influences seems to have disappeared, and it is narrated that these greatly declined with his ordinary strength of mind and body. (Pages 137–139.)

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+Dervish dance.+—The exercises which are followed in these halls are of various kinds, according to the rules of each institution; but in nearly all they commence by the recital, by the sheikh, of the seven mysterious words of which we have spoken. He next chants various passages of the Koran, and at each pause, the Dervishes, placed in a circle round the hall, respond in chorus by the word “Allah!” or “Hoo!” In some of the societies they sit on their heels, the elbows close to those of each other, and all making simultaneously light movements of the head and the body. In others, the movement consists in balancing themselves slowly, from the right to the left, and from the left to the right, or inclining the body methodically forward and aft. There are other societies in which these motions commence seated, in measured cadences, with a staid countenance, the eyes closed or fixed upon the ground, and are continued on foot. These singular exercises are concentrated under the name of Murâkebeh (exaltation of the Divine glory), and also under that of the Tevheed (celebration of the Divine unity), from which comes the name Tevheed Khâneh, given to the whole of the halls devoted to these religious exercises.

In some of these institutions—such as the Kâdirees, the Rufâ′ees, the Khalwettees, the Bairâmees, the Gulshenees, and the Ushâkees—the exercises are made each holding the other by the hand, putting forward always the right foot and increasing at every step the strength of the movement of the body. This is called the Devr, which may be translated the “dance” or “rotation.” The duration of these dances is arbitrary—each one is free to leave when he pleases. Everyone, however, makes it a point to remain as long as possible. The strongest and most robust of the number, and the most enthusiastic, strive to persevere longer than the others; they uncover their heads, take off their turbans, form a second circle within the other, entwine their arms within those of their brethren, lean their shoulders against each other, gradually raise the voice, and without ceasing repeat “Yâ Allah!” or “Yâ Hoo!” increasing each time the movement of the body, and not stopping until their entire strength is exhausted.

Those of the order of the Rufâ′ees excel in these exercises. They are, moreover, the only ones who use fire in their devotions. Their practices embrace nearly all those of the other orders; they are ordinarily divided into five different scenes, which last more than three hours, and which are preceded, accompanied, and followed by certain ceremonies peculiar to this order. The first commences with praises which all the Dervishes offer to their sheikhs, seated before the altar. Four of the more ancient come forward the first, and approach their superior, embrace each other as if to give the kiss of peace, and next place themselves two to his right and two to his left. The remainder of the Dervishes, in a body, press forward in a procession, all having their arms crossed and their heads inclined. Each one, at first, salutes by a profound bow the tablet on which the name of his founder is inscribed. Afterwards, putting his two hands over his face and his beard, he kneels before the sheikh, kisses his hand respectfully, and then they all go on with a grave step to take their places on the sheepskins, which are spread in a half circle around the interior of the hall. So soon as a circle is formed, the Dervishes together chant the Tekbeer and the Fâtiha. Immediately afterwards the sheikh pronounces the words “Lâ ilâha ill′ Allah!” and repeats them incessantly; to which the Dervishes repeat “Allah!” balancing themselves from side to side, and putting their hands over their faces, on their breasts and their abdomens, and on their knees.

The second scene is opened by the Hamdee Mohammedee, a hymn in honour of the prophet, chanted by one of the elders placed on the right of the sheikh. During this chant the Dervishes continue to repeat the word “Allah!” moving, however, their bodies forward and aft. A quarter of an hour later they all rise up, approach each other, and press their elbows against each other, balancing from right to left and afterwards in a reverse motion, the right foot always firm, and the left in a periodical movement, the reverse of that of the body, all observing great precision of measure and cadence. In the midst of this exercise they cry out the words “Yâ Allah!” followed by that of “Yâ Hoo!” Some of the performers sigh, others sob, some shed tears, others perspire great drops, and all have their eyes closed, their faces pale, and the eyes languishing.

A pause of some minutes is followed by a third scene. It is performed in the middle of an Ilahee, chanted by the two elders on the right of the sheikh. The Ilahees, as has already been said, are spiritual cantiques, composed almost exclusively in Persian, by sheikhs deceased in the odor of sanctity. The Dervishes then hasten their movements, and, to prevent any relaxation, one of the first among them puts himself in their center, and excites them by his example. If in the assembly there be any strange Dervishes, which often happens, they give them, through politeness, this place of honor; and all fill it successively, the one after the other, shaking themselves as aforesaid. The only exception made is in favor of the Mevevees; these never perform any other dance than that peculiar to their own order, which consists in turning round on each heel in succession.

After a new pause commences the fourth scene. Now all the Dervishes take off their turbans, form a circle, bare their arms and shoulders against each other, and thus make the circuit of the hall at a measured pace, striking their feet at intervals against the floor, and all springing up at once. This dance continues during the Ilahees chanted alternately by the two elders to the left of the sheikh. In the midst of this chant the cries of “Yâ Allah!” are increased doubly, as also those of “Yâ Hoo!” with frightful howlings, shrieked by the Dervishes together in the dance. At the moment that they would seem to stop from sheer exhaustion the sheikh makes a point of exerting them to new efforts by walking through their midst, making also himself most violent movements. He is next replaced by the two elders, who double the quickness of the step and the agitation of the body; they even straighten themselves up from time to time, and excite the envy or emulation of the others in their astonishing efforts to continue the dance until their strength is entirely exhausted.

The fourth scene leads to the last, which is the most frightful of all, the wholly prostrated condition of the actors becoming converted into a species of ecstasy which they call Halet. It is in the midst of this abandonment of self, or rather of religious delirium, that they make use of red-hot irons. Several cutlasses and other instruments of sharp-pointed iron are suspended in the niches of the hall, and upon a part of the wall to the right of the sheikh. Near the close of the fourth scene two Dervishes take down eight or nine of these instruments, heat them red hot, and present them to the sheikh. He, after reciting some prayers over them, and invoking the founder of the order, Ahmed er Rufâ′ee, breathes over them, and raising them slightly to the mouth, gives them to the Dervishes, who ask for them with the greatest eagerness. Then it is that these fanatics, transported by frenzy, seize upon these irons, gloat upon them tenderly, lick them, bite them, hold them between their teeth, and end by cooling them in their mouths. Those who are unable to procure any seize upon the cutlasses hanging on the wall with fury, and stick them into their sides, arms, and legs.

Thanks to the fury of their frenzy, and to the amazing boldness which they deem a merit in the eyes of the Divinity, all stoically bear up against the pain which they experience with apparent gaiety. If, however, some of them fall under their sufferings, they throw themselves into the arms of their confrères, but without a complaint or the least sign of pain. Some minutes after this, the sheikh walks round the hall, visits each one of the performers in turn, breathes upon their wounds, rubs them with saliva, recites prayers over them, and promises them speedy cures. It is said that twenty-four hours afterward nothing is to be seen of their wounds. (Pages 218–222.)

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There was no regularity in their dancing, but each seemed to be performing the antics of a madman; now moving his body up and down; the next moment turning round, then using odd gesticulations with his arms, next jumping, and sometimes screaming; in short, if a stranger observing them was not told that this was the involuntary effect of enthusiastic excitement, he would certainly think that these Durweeshes were merely striving to excel one another in playing the buffoon. (Page 260.)

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+The fit.+—After this preface, the performers began the Zikr. Sitting in the manner above described, they chanted, in slow measure, _Lá iláha illa ’lláh_ (there is no deity but God), to the following air: _Lá i-lá hailla-lláh. Lá i-lá-ha-illa-l-lá-h. Lá i-lá ha illa-l-láh._ Bowing the head twice on each repetition of “_Lá iláha illa ’lláh_.” Thus they continued about a quarter of an hour, and then, for about the same space of time, they repeated the same words to the same air, but in a quicker measure, and with correspondingly quicker motion....

They next rose, and, standing in the same order in which they had been sitting, repeated the same words to another air. During this stage of their performance they were joined by a tall, well-dressed, black slave, whose appearance induced me to inquire who he was. I was informed that he was a eunuch, belonging to the basha. The Zikkeers, still standing, next repeated the same words in a very deep and hoarse tone, laying the principal emphasis upon the word “Lá,” and the first syllable of the last word, Allah, and uttering, apparently with a considerable effort. The sound much resembled that which is produced by beating the rim of a tambourine. Each Zikkeer turned his head alternately to the right and left at each repetition of “_Lá iláha illa ’lláh_.” The eunuch above mentioned, during this part of the Zikr, became what is termed _melboos_, or “possessed.” Throwing his arms about, and looking up with a very wild expression of countenance, he exclaimed, in a very high tone and with great vehemence and rapidity, _Allah! Allah! Allah! Allah! Allah! la! la! la! la! la! la! la! la! la! la! la! la! láh! Yá‛ammee! Yá‛ammee! Yá‛ammee! Ashmáwee! Yá Ashmáwee! Yá Ashmáwee!_ (_Yá‛ammee_ signifies O, my uncle!) His voice gradually became faint, and when he had uttered those words, though he was held by a Durweesh who was next him, he fell on the ground, foaming at the mouth, his eyes closed, his limbs convulsed, and his fingers clenched over his thumbs. It was an epileptic fit. No one could see it and believe it to be the effect of feigned emotions; it was undoubtedly the result of a high state of religious excitement. Nobody seemed surprised at it, for occurrences of this kind at Zikrs are not uncommon. All the performers now appeared much excited, repeating their ejaculations with greater rapidity, violently turning their heads, and sinking the whole body at the same time, some of them jumping. The eunuch became _melboos_ again several times, and I generally remarked that his fits happened after one of the Moonshids had sung a line or two, and exerted himself more than usually to excite his hearers. The singing was, indeed, to my taste, very pleasing. Toward the close of the Zikr a private soldier, who had joined through the whole performance, also seemed several times to be _melboos_, growling in a horrible manner and violently shaking his head from side to side. The contrast presented by the vehement and distressing exertions of the performers at the close of the Zikr, and their calm gravity and solemnity of manner at the commencement, was particularly striking. Money was collected during the performance for the Moonshid. The Zikkeers receive no pay. (Pages 252–255.)

THE SONGS

INTRODUCTORY

The Ghost-dance songs are of the utmost importance in connection with the study of the messiah religion, as we find embodied in them much of the doctrine itself, with more of the special tribal mythologies, together with such innumerable references to old-time customs, ceremonies, and modes of life long since obsolete as make up a regular symposium of aboriginal thought and practice. There is no limit to the number of these songs, as every trance at every dance produces a new one, the trance subject after regaining consciousness embodying his experience in the spirit world in the form of a song, which is sung at the next dance and succeeding performances until superseded by other songs originating in the same way. Thus, a single dance may easily result in twenty or thirty new songs. While songs are thus born and die, certain ones which appeal especially to the Indian heart, on account of their mythology, pathos, or peculiar sweetness, live and are perpetuated. There are also with each tribe certain songs which are a regular part of the ceremonial, as the opening song and the closing song, which are repeated at every dance. Of these the closing song is the most important and permanent. In some cases certain songs constitute a regular series, detailing the experiences of the same person in successive trance visions. First in importance, for number, richness of reference, beauty of sentiment, and rhythm of language, are the songs of the Arapaho.

THE ARAPAHO

TRIBAL SYNONYMY

_Ähyä′to_—Kiowa name; meaning unknown; the Kiowa call the wild plum
by the same name.

_Ano′s-anyotskano_—Kichai name.

_Ärä′păho_—popular name; derivation uncertain; but, perhaps, as
Dunbar suggests, from the Pawnee word _tirapihu_ or _larapĭhu_,
“he buys or trades,” in allusion to the Arapaho having formerly
been the trading medium between the Pawnee, Osage, and others
on the north, and the Kiowa, Comanche, and others to the
southwest (_Grinnell letter_).

_Äräpăkata_—Crow name, from word Arapaho.

_Bĕtidĕĕ_—Kiowa Apache name.

_Detseka′yaa_—Caddo name, “dog eaters.”

_Hitäniwo′ĭv_—Cheyenne name, “cloud men.”

_Inûna-ina_—proper tribal name, “our people,” Or “people of our
kind.”

_Kaninahoic_ or _Kanină′vish_—Ojibwa name; meaning unknown.

_Komse′ka-K̔iñahyup_—former Kiowa name; “men of the worn-out
leggings;” from _komse′_, “smoky, soiled, worn out;” _kati_,
“leggings;” _k̔̔iñahyup_, “men.”

_Maqpi′ăto_—Sioux name, “blue cloud,” i. e., clear sky; reason
unknown.

_Niă′rharĭ′s-kûrikiwă′s-hûski_—Wichita name.

_Sani′ti′ka_—Pawnee name, from the Comanche name.

_Särĕtĭka_—Comanche and Shoshoni name, “dog eaters,” in allusion to
their special liking for dog flesh.

_Sarĕtika_—Wichita name, from the Comanche name.

TRIBAL SIGNS

Southern Arapaho, “_rub noses_;” northern Arapaho, “_mother
people_;” Gros Ventres of the Prairie, “_belly people_.”

SKETCH OF THE TRIBE

The Arapaho, with their subtribe, the Gros Ventres, are one of the westernmost tribes of the wide-extending Algonquian stock. According to their oldest traditions they formerly lived in northeastern Minnesota and moved westward in company with the Cheyenne, who at that time lived on the Cheyenne fork of Red river. From the earliest period the two tribes have always been closely confederated, so that they have no recollection of a time when they were not allies. In the westward migration the Cheyenne took a more southerly direction toward the country of the Black hills, while the Arapaho continued more nearly westward up the Missouri. The Arapaho proper probably ascended on the southern side of the river, while the Gros Ventres went up the northern bank and finally drifted off toward the Blackfeet, with whom they have ever since been closely associated, although they have on several occasions made long visits, extending sometimes over several years, to their southern relatives, by whom they are still regarded as a part of the “Inûna-ina.” The others continued on to the great divide between the waters of the Missouri and those of the Columbia, then turning southward along the mountains, separated finally into two main divisions, the northern Arapaho continuing to occupy the head streams of the Missouri and the Yellowstone, in Montana and Wyoming, while the southern Arapaho made their camps on the head of the Platte, the Arkansas, and the Canadian, in Colorado and the adjacent states, frequently joining the Comanche and Kiowa in their raids far down into Mexico. From their earliest recollection, until put on reservations, they have been at war with the Shoshoni, Ute, Pawnee, and Navaho, but have generally been friendly with their other neighbors. The southern Arapaho and Cheyenne have usually acted in concert with the Comanche, Kiowa, and Kiowa Apache.

They recognize among themselves five original divisions, each having a different dialect. They are here given in the order of their importance:

1. _Na′kasinĕ′na_, _Ba′achinĕna_ or _Northern Arapaho_. Nakasinĕna, “sagebrush men,” is the original name of this portion of the tribe and the divisional name used by themselves. The name Baachinĕna, by which they are commonly known to the rest of the tribe, is more modern and may mean “red willow (i. e., kinikinik) men,” or possibly “blood-pudding men,” the latter meaning said to have been an allusion to a kind of sausage formerly made by this band. They are commonly known as northern Arapaho, to distinguish them from the other large division living now in Oklahoma. The Kiowa distinguished them as Tägyä′ko, “sagebrush people,” a translation of their proper name, Baachinĕna. Although not the largest division, the Baachinĕna claim to be the “mother people” of the Arapaho, and have in their keeping the grand medicine of the tribe, the sĕicha or sacred pipe.

2. _Na′wunĕna_, “southern men,” or _Southern Arapaho_, called _Nawathi′nĕha_, “southerners,” by the northern Arapaho. This latter is said to be the archaic form. The southern Arapaho, living now in Oklahoma, constitute by far the larger division, although subordinate in the tribal sociology to the northern Arapaho. In addition to their everyday dialect, they are said to have an archaic dialect, some words of which approximate closely to Cheyenne.

3. _Aä′ninĕna_, _Hitu′nĕna_, or _Gros Ventres of the Prairie_. The first name, said to mean “white clay people” (from _aäti_, “white clay”), is that by which they call themselves. Hitunĕna or Hitunĕnina, “begging men,” “beggars,” or, more exactly, “spongers,” is the name by which they are called by the other Arapaho, on account, as these latter claim, of their propensity for filling their stomachs at the expense of someone else. The same idea is intended to be conveyed by the tribal sign, which signifies “belly people,” not “big bellies” (Gros Ventres), as rendered by the French Canadian trappers. The Kiowa call them Bot-k̔iñ′ago, “belly men.” By the Shoshoni, also, they are known as Sä′pani, “bellies,” while the Blackfeet call them Atsina, “gut people.” The Ojibwa call them Bahwetegow-ēninnewug, “fall people,” according to Tanner, whence they have sometimes been called Fall Indians or Rapid Indians, from their former residence about the rapids of the Saskatchewan. To the Sioux they are known as Sku′tani. Lewis and Clark improperly call them “Minnetarees of Fort de Prairie.” The Hidatsa or Minitari are sometimes known as Gros Ventres of the Missouri.

4. _Bä′sawunĕ′na_, “wood lodge men,” or, according to another authority, “big lodge people.” These were formerly a distinct tribe and at war with the other Arapaho. They are represented as having been a very foolish people in the old times, and many absurd stories are told of them, in agreement with the general Indian practice of belittling conquered or subordinate tribes. They have been incorporated with the northern Arapaho for at least a hundred and fifty years, according to the statements of the oldest men of that band. Their dialect is said to have differed very considerably from the other Arapaho dialects. There are still about one hundred of this lineage among the northern Arapaho, and perhaps a few others with the two other main divisions. Weasel Bear, the present keeper of the sacred pipe, is of the Bäsawunĕna.

5. _Ha’nahawunĕna_ or _Aanû’hawă_ (meaning unknown). These, like the Bäsawunĕna, lived with the northern Arapaho, but are now practically extinct.

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There seems to be no possible trace of a clan or gentile system among the Arapaho, and the same remark holds good of the Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Comanche. It was once assumed that all Indian tribes had the clan system, but later research shows that it is lacking over wide areas in the western territory. It is very doubtful if it exists at all among the prairie tribes generally. Mr Ben Clark, who has known and studied the Cheyenne for half a lifetime, states positively that they have no clans, as the term is usually understood. This agrees with the result of personal investigations and the testimony of George Bent, a Cheyenne half-blood, and the best living authority on all that relates to his tribe. With the eastern tribes, however, and those who have removed from the east or the timbered country, as the Caddo, the gentile system is so much a part of their daily life that it is one of the first things to attract the attention of the observer.

In regard to the tribal camping circle, common to most of the prairie tribes, the Arapaho state that on account of their living in three main divisions they have had no common camping circle within their recollection, but that each of these three divisions constituted a single circle when encamped in one place.

Among the northern Arapaho, on the occasion of every grand gathering, the sacred pipe occupied a special large tipi in the center of the circle, and the taking down of this tipi by the medicine keeper was the signal to the rest of the camp to prepare to move. On the occasion of a visit of several hundred Cheyenne and Arapaho to the Kiowa and Comanche at Anadarko, in the summer of 1892, each of the visiting tribes camped in a separate circle adjacent to the other. The opening of the circle, like the door of each tipi, always faces the east.

Under the name of Kanenăvish the Arapaho proper are mentioned by Lewis and Clark in 1805, as living southwest of the Black hills. As a tribe they have not been at war with the whites since 1868, and took no part in the outbreak of the Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Comanche in 1874. At present they are in three main divisions. First come the Gros Ventres, numbering 718 in 1892, associated with the Asiniboin on Fort Belknap reservation in Montana. There are probably others of this band with the Blackfeet on the British side of the line. Next come the northern Arapaho, numbering 829, associated with the Shoshoni on Wind River reservation in Wyoming. They were placed on this reservation in 1876, after having made peace with the Shoshoni, their hereditary enemy, in 1869. They are divided into three bands, the “Forks of the River Men” under Black Coal, the head chief of the whole division; the “Bad Pipes” under Short Nose, and the “Greasy Faces” under Spotted Horse. The third division, the southern Arapaho, associated with the Cheyenne in Oklahoma, constitute the main body of the tribe and numbered 1,091 in 1892. They have five bands: 1, Wa′quithi, “bad faces,” the principal band and the one to which the head chief, Left Hand, belongs; 2, Aqa′thinĕ′na, “pleasant men;” 3, Gawunĕ′na or Ga′wunĕhäna (Kawinahan, “black people”—_Hayden_), “Blackfeet,” so called because said to be of part Blackfoot blood, the same name being applied to the Blackfoot tribe; 4, Ha′qihana, “wolves,” because they had a wolf (not coyote) for medicine; 5, Säsa′bä-ithi, “looking up,” or according to another authority, “looking around, i. e., watchers or lookouts.” Under the treaty of Medicine Lodge in 1867, they and the southern Cheyenne were placed on the reservation which they sold in 1890 to take allotments and become citizens. Their present chief is Left Hand (Nawat), who succeeded the celebrated Little Raven (Hosa) a few years ago. The whole number of the Arapaho and Gros Ventres, including a few in eastern schools, is about 2,700.

Until very recently the Arapaho have been a typical prairie tribe, living in skin tipis and following the buffalo in its migrations, yet they retain a tradition of a time when they were agricultural. They are of a friendly, accommodating disposition, religious and contemplative, without the truculent, pugnacious character that belongs to their confederates, the Cheyenne, although they have always proven themselves brave warriors. They are also less mercenary and more tractable than the prairie Indians generally, and having now recognized the inevitable of civilization have gone to work in good faith to make the best of it. Their religious nature has led them to take a more active interest in the Ghost dance, which, together with the rhythmic character of their language, has made the Arapaho songs the favorite among all the tribes of Oklahoma. The chief study of the Ghost dance was made among the Arapaho, whom the author visited six times for this purpose. One visit was made to those in Wyoming, the rest of the time being spent with the southern branch of the tribe.

SONGS OF THE ARAPAHO

1. +Opening Song—Eyehe′! nä′nisa′na.+

[Music]

Eyehe′! nä′nisa′na,
Eyehe′! nä′nisa′na,
Hi′nä chä′să′ äticha′nĭ′na He′eye′!
Hi′nä chä′să′ äticha′nĭ′na He′eye′!
Na′hăni nä′nithä′tuhŭ′na He′eye′!
Na′hăni nä′nithä′tuhŭ′na He′eye′!
Bi′taa′wu′ da′naa′bäna′wa He′eye′!
Bi′taa′wu′ da′naa′bäna′wa He′eye′!

_Translation_

O, my children! O, my children!
Here is another of your pipes—_He′eye′!_
Here is another of your pipes—_He′eye′!_
Look! thus I shouted—_He′eye′!_
Look! thus I shouted—_He′eye′!_
When I moved the earth—_He′eye′!_
When I moved the earth—_He′eye′!_

This opening song of the Arapaho Ghost dance originated among the northern Arapaho in Wyoming and was brought down to the southern branch of the tribe by the first apostles of the new religion. By “another pipe” is probably meant the newer revelation of the messiah, the pipe being an important feature of all sacred ceremonies, and all their previous religious tradition, having centered about the sĕicha or flat pipe, to be described hereafter. The pipe, however, was not commonly carried in the dance, as was the case among the Sioux. In this song, as in many others of the Ghost dance, the father or messiah, _Hesûna′nin_, is supposed to be addressing “my children,” _nänisa′na_. The tune is particularly soft and pleasing, and the song remains a standard favorite. The second reference is to the new earth which is supposed to be already moving rapidly forward to slide over and take the place of this old and worn-out creation.

2. +Sĕ′icha hei′ta′wuni′na+

Sĕ′icha′ hei′ta′wuni′na—E′yahe′eye,
Sĕ′icha′ hei′ta′wuni′na—E′yahe′eye.
He′sûna′nini—Yahe′eye′,
He′sûna′nini—Yahe′eye′.
Ûtnitha′wuchä′wahănänina—E′yahe′eye′,
Ûtnitha′wuchä′wahănänina—E′yahe′eye′.
He′sana′nini—E′yahe′eye,
He′sana′nini—E′yahe′eye.

_Translation_

The sacred pipe tells me—_E′yahe′eye!_
The sacred pipe tells me—_E′yahe′eye!_
Our father—_Yahe′eye′!_
Our father—_Yahe′eye′!_
We shall surely be put again (with our friends)—_E′yahe′eye!_
We shall surely be put again (with our friends)—_E′yahe′eye!_
Our father—_E′yahe′eye!_
Our father—_E′yahe′eye!_

The sĕicha or flat pipe is the sacred tribal medicine of the Arapaho. According to the myth it was given to their ancestors at the beginning of the world after the Turtle had brought the earth up from under the water. It was delivered to them by the Duck, which was discovered swimming about on the top of the water after the emergence of the land. At the same time they were given an ear of corn, from which comes all the corn of the world. The Arapaho lost the art of agriculture when they came out upon the buffalo plains, but the sacred pipe the Turtle long since changed to stone, and the first ear of corn, also transformed to stone, they have cherished to this day as their great medicine. The pipe, turtle, and ear of corn are preserved among the northern Arapaho in Wyoming, who claim to be the “mother people” of the tribe. They are handed down in the keeping of a particular family from generation to generation, the present priestly guardian being Se′hiwûq, “Weasel Bear” (from _sea_, weasel, and _wûq_, bear; the name has also been rendered “Gray Bear,” from _se_, gray, and _wûq_, bear), of the Bäsawunĕ′na division.

The three sacred things are preserved carefully wrapped in deerskins, and are exposed only on rare occasions, always within the sacred tipi and in the presence of but a small number of witnesses, who take this opportunity to smoke the sacred pipe and pray for the things which they most desire. The pipe itself is of stone, and is described as apparently made in double, one part being laid over the other like the bark of a tree, the outer part of both bowl and stem being of the regular red pipestone, while the inner part of both is of white stone. The stem is only about 10 inches long, while the bowl is large and heavy, with the characteristic projection for resting the end upon the ground. Both bowl and stem are rounded, but with a flange of perhaps an inch in width along each side of the stem and up along the bowl. From this comes its name of sĕicha, or “flat pipe.” When exposed on such occasions, the devotees sit around the fire in a circle, when the bundle is opened upon the ground so that all may see the sacred objects. The medicine keeper then lights the pipe and after taking one or two whiffs passes it to the one next him, who takes a single whiff and passes it on to the next. It thus goes sunwise (?) around the circle. In taking the sĕicha the devotees do not grasp the stem, as when smoking on other occasions, but receive it upon the outstretched palm of the right hand, smoke, and pass it on around the circle. The flanges along the side of the pipe allow it to rest flat upon the hand. After all have smoked, the priest recites the genesis myth of the origin of the land, and the manner in which the pipe and the corn were given to their ancestors. The corresponding myth of the Cheyenne occupies “four smokes” (i. e., four consecutive nights) in the delivery, but I am unable to state whether or not this is the case with the Arapaho. So sacred is this tradition held that no one but the priest of the pipe dares to recite it, for fear of divine punishment should the slightest error be made in the narration. At the close of the recital the devotees send up their prayers for the blessings of which they stand most in need, after which the priest again carefully wraps up the sacred objects in the skins. Before leaving the lodge the worshipers cover the bundle with their offerings of blankets or other valuables, which are taken by the medicine keeper as his fee.

When encamped in the tribal circle, the sacred pipe and its keeper occupied a large tipi, reserved especially for this purpose, which was set up within the circle and near its western line, directly opposite the doorway on the east. In the center of the circle, between the doorway and the sacred tipi, was erected the sweat-house of the _Chi′nachichinĕ′na_ or old men of the highest degree of the warrior order. The taking down of the sacred tipi by the attendants of the pipe keeper was the signal for moving camp, and no other tipi was allowed to be taken down before it. When on the march, the pipe keeper proceeded on foot—never on horse—carrying the sacred bundle upon his back and attended by a retinue of guards. As a matter of course, the sacred pipe was not carried by war parties or on other expeditions requiring celerity of movement. Of late years the rules have so far relaxed that its present guardian sometimes rides on horseback while carrying the pipe, but even then he carries the bundle upon his own back instead of upon the saddle. He never rides in a wagon with it. Since the tribe is permanently divided under the modern reservation system, individuals or small parties of the southern Arapaho frequently make the long journey by railroad and stage to the reservation in Wyoming in order to see and pray over the sĕicha, as it is impossible, on account of the ceremonial regulations, for the keeper to bring it down to them in the south.

So far as known, only one white man, Mr J. Roberts, formerly superintendent of the Arapaho school in Wyoming, has ever seen the sacred pipe, which was shown to him on one occasion by Weasel Bear as a special mark of gratitude in return for some kindness. After having spent several months among the southern Arapaho, from whom I learned the songs of the pipe with much as to its sacred history, I visited the messiah in Nevada and then went to the northern Arapaho in Wyoming, with great hope of seeing the sĕicha and hearing the tradition in full. On the strength of my intimate acquaintance with their relatives in the south and with their great messiah in the west, the chiefs and head-men were favorable to my purpose and encouraged me to hope, but on going out to the camp in the mountains, where nearly the whole tribe was then assembled cutting wood, my hopes were dashed to the ground the first night by hearing the old priest, Weasel Bear, making the public announcement in a loud voice throughout the camp that a white man was among them to learn about their sacred things, but that these belonged to the religion of the Indian and a white man had no business to ask about them. The chief and those who had been delegates to the messiah came in soon after to the tipi where I was stopping, to express their deep regret, but they were unable to change the resolution of Weasel Bear, and none of themselves would venture to repeat the tradition.

3. +Ate′bĕ tiăwu′nănu′+

Ate′bĕ tiăwu′nănu′, nä′nisa′nă,
Ate′bĕ tiăwu′nănu′, nä′nisa′nă,
Ni′athu′ă′, Ni′athu′ă′,
Ni′binu′ ga′awa′ti′na,
Ni′binu′ ga′awa′ti′na.

_Translation_

My children, when at first I liked the whites,
My children, when at first I liked the whites,
I gave them fruits,
I gave them fruits.

This song referring to the whites was composed by Nawat or Left Hand, chief of the southern Arapaho, and can hardly be considered dangerous or treasonable in character. According to his statement, in his trance vision of the other world the father showed him extensive orchards, telling him that in the beginning all these things had been given to the whites, but that hereafter they would be given to his children, the Indians. _Nia′tha_, plural _Nia′thuă_, the Arapaho name for the whites, signifies literally, expert, skillful, or wise.

4. +A′bä′ni′hi′+

A′bä′ni′hi′,
A′bä′ni′hi′,
Ätichä′bi′näsänă,
Ätichä′bi′näsänă,
Chi′chita′nĕ,
Chi′chita′nĕ.

_Translation_

My partner, my partner,
Let us go out gambling,
Let us go out gambling,
At _chi′chita′nĕ_, at _chi′chita′nĕ_.

_Chi′chita′nĕ_ is a favorite game of contest with the boys, in which the player, while holding in his hands a bow and an arrow ready to shoot, keeps in the hand which grasps the string a small wisp of grass bound with sinew. He lets this drop and tries to shoot it with the arrow before it touches the ground. The wisp is about the size of a man’s finger.

The song came from the north, and was suggested by a trance vision in which the dreamer saw his former boy friends playing this game in the spirit world.

5. +A′-nisûna′a′hu Ächĭshinĭ′qahi′na+

A′-nisûna′a′hu′,
A′-nisûna′a′hu′,
Ä′chĭshinĭ′qahi′na,
Ä′chĭshinĭ′qahi′na,
E′hihä′sina′kăwu′hu′nĭt,
E′hihä′sina′kăwu′hu′nĭt.

_Translation_

My father, my father,
While he was taking me around,
While he was taking me around,
He turned into a moose,
He turned into a moose.

This song relates the trance experience of Waqui′si or “Ugly Face Woman.” In his vision of the spirit world he went into a large Arapaho camp, where he met his dead father, who took him around to the various tipis to meet others of his departed friends. While they were thus going about, a change came o’er the spirit of his dream, as so often happens in this fevered mental condition, and instead of his father he found a moose standing by his side. Such transformations are frequently noted in the Ghost-dance songs.

ARAPAHO BED]

6. +E′yehe′! Wû′nayu′uhu′+

E′yehe′! Wû′nayu′uhu′—
E′yehe′! Wû′nayu′uhu′—
A′ga′nă′,
A′ga′nă′.

_Translation_

_E′yehe′!_ they are new—
_E′yehe′!_ they are new—
The bed coverings,
The bed coverings.

The composer of this song is a woman who, in her trance, was taken to a large camp where all the tipis were of clean new buffalo skins, and the beds and interior furniture were all in the same condition.

The bed of the prairie tribes is composed of slender willow rods, peeled, straightened with the teeth, laid side by side and fastened together into a sort of mat by means of buckskin or rawhide strings passed through holes at the ends of the rods. The bed is stretched upon a platform raised about a foot above the ground, and one end of the mat is raised up in hammock fashion by means of a tripod and buckskin hanger. The rods laid across the platform, forming the bed proper, are usually about 3½ or 4 feet long (the width of the bed), while those forming the upright part suspended from the tripod are shorter as they approach the top, where they are only about half that length. The bed is bordered with buckskin binding fringed and beaded, and the exposed rods are painted in bright colors. The hanging portion is distinct from the part resting upon the platform, and in some cases there is a hanger at each end of the bed. Over the platform portion are spread the buckskins and blankets, which form a couch by day and a bed by night. A pillow of buckskin, stuffed with buffalo hair and elaborately ornamented with beads or porcupine quills, is sometimes added. The bed is placed close up under the tipi. In the largest tipis there are usually three beds, one being opposite the doorway and the others on each side, the fire being built in a hole scooped out in the ground in the center of the lodge. They are used as seats during waking hours, while the ground, with a rawhide spread upon it, constitutes the only table at meal time (plate +CXXI+; figure 89). In going to bed there is no undressing, each person as he becomes sleepy simply stretching out and drawing a blanket over himself, head and all, while the other occupants of the tipi continue their talking, singing, or other business until they too lie down to pleasant dreams.

7. +Hi′sähi′hi+

Hi′sähi′hi, Hi′sähi′hi,
Ha′nä ta′wŭnä ga′awă′ha,
Ha′nä ta′wŭnä ga′awă′ha.
A′tanä′tähinä′na,
A′tanä′tähinä′na.

_Translation_

My partner! My partner!
Strike the ball hard—
Strike the ball hard.
I want to win,
I want to win.

This song refers to the woman’s game of _gû‛gă′hawa′t_ or “shinny,” played with curved sticks and a ball like a baseball, called _gaawă′ha_, made of (buffalo) hair and covered with buckskin (figure 90). Two stakes are set up as goals at either end of the ground, and the object of each party is to drive the ball through the goals of the other. Each inning is a game. The song was composed by a woman, who met her former girl comrade in the spirit world and played this game with her against an opposing party.

8. +Ä′-nani′ni′bi′nä′si waku′na+

Nä′nisa′na, Nä′nisa′na,
Ä′-nani′ni′bi′nä′si waku′na,
Ä′-nani′ni′bi′nä′si waku′na.
Nä′nisa′na, Nä′nisa′na.

_Translation_

My children, my children,
The wind makes the head-feathers sing—
The wind makes the head-feathers sing.
My children, my children.

By the _wakuna_ or head-feathers (figure 91) is meant the two crow feathers mounted on a short stick and worn on the head by the leaders of the dance, as already described.

9. +He′! Näne′th bi′shiqa′wă+

[Music]

He′! näne′th bi′shiqa′wă,
He′! näne′th bi′shiqa′wă,
Nä′nisa′na, Nä′nisa′na,
Nä′ina′ha′tdä′bä′naq,
Nä′ina′ha′tdä′bä′naq.

_Translation_

_He!_ When I met him approaching—
_He!_ When I met him approaching—
My children, my children—
I then saw the multitude plainly,
I then saw the multitude plainly.

This song was brought from the north to the southern Arapaho by Sitting Bull. It refers to the trance vision of a dancer, who saw the messiah advancing at the head of all the spirit army. It is an old favorite, and is sung with vigor and animation.

10. +Häna′na′wunănu ni′tawu′na′na′+

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na,
Häna′na′wunănu ni′tawu′na′na′,
Häna′na′wunănu ni′tawu′na′na′,
Di′chin niănita′wa′thi,
Di′chin niănita′wa′thi.
Nithi′na hesûna′nĭn,
Nithi′na hesûna′nĭn.

_Translation_

My children, my children,
I take pity on those who have been taught,
I take pity on those who have been taught,
Because they push on hard,
Because they push on hard.
Says our father,
Says our father.

This is a message from the messiah to persevere in the dance. In the expressive idiom of the prairie tribes, as also in the sign language, the term for persevering signifies to “push hard.”

11. +A-ni′qu wa′wanä′nibä′tia′+

A-ni′qu wa′wanä′nibä′tia′—Hi′ni′ni′!
A-ni′qu wa′wanä′nibä′tia′—Hi′ni′ni′!
Hi′niqa′agayetu′sa,
Hi′niqa′agayetu′sa,
Hi′ni ni′nitu′sa nibä′tia—Hi′ni′ni′!
Hi′ni ni′nitu′sa nibä′tia—Hi′ni′ni′!

_Translation_

Father, now I am singing it—_Hi′ni′ni!_
Father, now I am singing it—_Hi′ni′ni!_
That loudest song of all,
That loudest song of all—
That resounding song—_Hi′ni′ni!_
That resounding song—_Hi′ni′ni!_

This is another of the old favorites. The rolling effect of the vocalic Arapaho syllables renders it particularly sonorous when sung by a full chorus. _Ni′qa_ or _a-ni′qu_, “father,” is a term of reverential affection, about equivalent to “our father” in the Lord’s prayer. The ordinary word is _hesûna′nin_, from _nisû′na_, “my father.”

12. +Ha′yana′-usi′ya′+

Ha′yana′-usi′ya′!
Ha′yana′-usi′ya′!
Bi′ga ta′cha′wagu′na,
Bi′ga ta′cha′wagu′na.

_Translation_

How bright is the moonlight!
How bright is the moonlight!
Tonight as I ride with my load of buffalo beef,
Tonight as I ride with my load of buffalo beef.

The author of this song, on meeting his friends in the spirit world, found them preparing to go on a great buffalo hunt, the prairies of the new earth being covered with the countless thousands of buffalo that have been swept from the plains since the advent of the white man. They returned to camp at night, under the full moonlight, with their ponies loaded down with fresh beef. There is something peculiarly touching in this dream of the old life—this Indian heaven where—

“In meadows wet with moistening dews,
In garments for the chase arrayed,
The hunter still the deer pursues—
The hunter and the deer a shade.”

13. +Ha′ti ni′bät—E′he′eye′+

Ha′ti ni′bät—E′he′eye′!
Ha′ti ni′bät—E′he′eye′!
Nä′nibä′tawa′,
Nä′nibä′tawa′,
He′yäya′ahe′ye!
He′yäya′ahe′ye!

_Translation_

The cottonwood song—_E′he′eye′!_
The cottonwood song—_E′he′eye′!_
I am singing it,
I am singing it,
_He′yäya′ahe′ye!
He′yäya′ahe′ye!_