Chapter XXIV: Appendix: Hypnotism and the Dance Among the Dervishes (2)

The cottonwood (_Populus monilifera_) is the most characteristic tree of the plains and of the arid region between the Rockies and the Sierras. It is a species of poplar and takes its name from the white downy blossom fronds, resembling cotton, which come out upon it in the spring. The cottonwood and a species of stunted oak, with the mesquite in the south, are almost the only trees to be found upon the great plains extending from the Saskatchewan southward into Texas. As it never grows out upon the open, but always close along the borders of the few streams, it is an unfailing indication of water either on or near the surface, in a region well-nigh waterless. Between the bark and the wood there is a sweet milky juice of which the Indians are very fond—as one who had been educated in the east said, “It is their ice cream”—and they frequently strip off the bark and scrape the trunk in order to procure it. Horses also are fond of this sweet juice, and in seasons when the grass has been burned off or is otherwise scarce, the Indian ponies sometimes resort to the small twigs and bark of the cottonwood to sustain life. In extreme cases their owners have sometimes been driven to the same shift. In winter the camps of the prairie tribes are removed from the open prairie to the shelter of the cottonwood timber along the streams. The tree is held almost sacred, and the sun-dance lodge is usually or always constructed of cottonwood saplings.

14. +Eyehe′! A′nie′sa′na+

Eyehe′! A′nie′sa′na′,
Eyehe′! A′nie′sa′na′,
He′ee′ä′ehe′yuhe′yu!
He′ee′ä′ehe′yuhe′yu!
A′-baha′ ni′esa′na′,
A′-baha′ ni′esa′na′.

_Translation_

_Eyehe′!_ The young birds,
_Eyehe′!_ The young birds,
_He′ee′ä′ehe′yuhe′yu!
He′ee′ä′ehe′yuhe′yu!_
The young Thunderbirds,
The young Thunderbirds.

Among the Algonquian tribes of the east, the Sioux, Cheyenne, Arapaho, Kiowa, Comanche, and prairie tribes generally, as well as among those of the northwest coast and some parts of Mexico, thunder and lightning are produced by a great bird, whose shadow is the thunder cloud, whose flapping wings make the sound of thunder, and whose flashing eyes rapidly opening or closing send forth the lightning. Among some tribes of the northwest this being is not a bird, but a giant who puts on a dress of bird skin with head, wings, and all complete, by means of which he flies through the air when in search of his prey. The myth is not found among the Iroquois or the Cherokee, or, perhaps, among the Muskhogean tribes.

The Thunderbird usually has his dwelling on some high mountain or rocky elevation of difficult access. Within the territory of the myth several places are thus designated as the Thunder’s Nest. Thunder bay of Lake Huron, in lower Michigan, derives its name in this way. Such a place, known to the Sioux as _Waqkiñ′a-oye′_, “The Thunder’s Nest,” is within the old territory of the Sisseton Sioux in eastern South Dakota in the neighborhood of Big Stone lake. At another place, near the summit of the Coteau des Prairies, in eastern South Dakota, a number of large round bowlders are pointed out as the eggs of the Thunderbird. According to the Comanche there is a place on upper Red river where the Thunderbird once alighted on the ground, the spot being still identified by the fact that the grass remains burned off over a space having the outline of a large bird with outstretched wings. The same people tell how a hunter once shot and wounded a large bird which fell to the ground. Being afraid to attack it alone on account of its size, he returned to camp for help, but on again approaching the spot the hunters heard the thunder rolling and saw flashes of lightning shooting out from the ravine where the bird lay wounded. On coming nearer, the lightning blinded them so that they could not see the bird, and one flash struck and killed a hunter. His frightened companions then fled back to camp, for they knew it was the Thunderbird.

With both Cheyenne and Arapaho the thunder (_ba′a′_) is a large bird, with a brood of smaller ones, and carries in its talons a number of arrows with which it strikes the victim of lightning. For this reason they call the eagle on our coins _baa_. When it thunders, they say _ba′a′ nänitŭ′hut_, “the thunder calls.” In Indian pictography the Thunderbird is figured with zigzag lines running out from its heart to represent the lightning. A small figure of it (represented in figure 92), cut from rawhide and ornamented with beads, is frequently worn on the heads of the dancers.

15. +A′he′sûna′nini năya′qûti′hi+

A′he′sûna′nini năya′qûti′hi,
A′he′sûna′nini năya′qûti′hi,
Hä′ni′nihiga′hŭna′,
Hä′ni′nihiga′hŭna′,
He′sûna′nin hä′ni na′ha′waŭ′.
He′sûna′nin hä′ni na′ha′waŭ′.

_Translation_

Our father, the Whirlwind,
Our father, the Whirlwind—
By its aid I am running swiftly,
By its aid I am running swiftly,
By which means I saw our father,
By which means I saw our father.

The idea expressed in this song is that the dreamer “rides the whirlwind” in order sooner to meet the messiah and the spirit hosts. Father or grandfather are terms of reverence and affection, applied to anything held sacred or awful.

16. +A′he′sûna′nini năya′qûti′+

A′he′sûna′nini năya′qûti′,
A′he′sûna′nini năya′qûti′,
Wa′wă chä′niĭ′nagu′nĭti hu′na,
Wa′wă chä′niĭ′nagu′nĭti hu′na.

_Translation_

Our father, the Whirlwind,
Our father, the Whirlwind,
Now wears the headdress of crow feathers,
Now wears the headdress of crow feathers.

In this song the Whirlwind, personified, wears on his head the two crow feathers, by which the dancers are to be borne upward to the new spirit world.

17. +Ninaä′niahu′na+

Ninaä′niahu′na,
Ninaä′niahu′na
Bi′taa′wu hä′näi′säĭ,
Bi′taa′wu hä′näi′säĭ,
Hi′năä′thi nä′niwu′hună,
Hi′năä′thi nä′niwu′hună.

_Translation_

I circle around—
I circle around
The boundaries of the earth,
The boundaries of the earth—
Wearing the long wing feathers as I fly,
Wearing the long wing feathers as I fly.

This song probably refers to the Thunderbird. There is an energetic swing to the tune that makes it a favorite. In Indian belief the earth is a circular disk, usually surrounded on all sides by water, and the sky is a solid concave hemisphere coming down at the horizon to the level of the earth. In Cherokee and other Indian myth the sky is continually lifting up and coming down again to the earth, like the upper blade of the scissors. The sun, which lives upon the outside of this hemisphere, comes through from the east in the morning while there is a momentary opening between the earth and the edge of the sky, climbs along upon the underside of the sky from east to west, and goes out at the western horizon in the evening, to return during the night to its starting point in the east.

18. +Ha′nahawu′nĕn bĕni′ni′na+

Ha′nahawu′nĕn bĕni′ni′na,
Ha′nahawu′nĕn bĕni′ni′na,
Hina′wûn ga′na′ni′na,
Hina′wûn ga′na′ni′na.

_Translation_

The _Hanahawunĕn_ gave to me,
The _Hanahawunĕn_ gave to me,
His paint—He made me clean,
His paint—He made me clean.

The author of this song met in the spirit world a man of the now extinct Arapaho band of the _Hanahawunĕna_, who washed the face of the visitor and then painted him afresh with some of the old-time mineral paint of the Indians. In accord with the Indian belief, all the extinct and forgotten tribes have now their home in the world of shades.

19. +Ate′be′tana′-ise′ti he′sûna′nini′+

Ate′be′tana′-ise′ti he′sûna′nini′—Ahe′eye′!
Ate′be′tana′-ise′ti he′sûna′nini′—Ahe′eye′!
Na′waa′tănû′, Na′waa′tănû,
Danatinĕnawaŭ,
Nita-isa, nita-isa,
He′yahe′eỹe′!

_Translation_

When first our father came—_Ahe′eye′!_
When first our father came—_Ahe′eye′!_
I prayed to him, I prayed to him—
My relative, my relative—
_He′yahe′eỹe′!_

This song was composed by Paul Boynton (Bääku′ni, “Red Feather”), a Carlisle student, after having been in a trance. His brother had died some time before, and being told by the Indians that he might be able to see and talk with him by joining the dance, Paul went to Sitting Bull, the leader of the dance, at the next gathering, and asked him to help him to see his dead brother. The result was that he was hypnotized by Sitting Bull, fell to the ground in a trance, and saw his brother. While talking with him, however, he suddenly awoke, much to his regret, probably from some one of the dancers having touched against him as he lay upon the ground. According to his statement, the words were spoken by him in his sleep after coming from the dance and were overheard by some companions who questioned him about it in the morning, when he told his experience and put the words into a song. The “father” here referred to is Sitting Bull, the great apostle of the Arapaho Ghost dance. It was from Paul’s statement, intelligently told in good English before I had yet seen the dance, that I was first led to suspect that hypnotism was the secret of the trances.

20. +A-ni′änĕ′thăhi′nani′na nisa′na+

A-ni′änĕ′thăhi′nani′na nisa′na,
A-ni′änĕ′thăhi′nani′na nisa′na.
He′chä′ na′hăbi′na,
He′chä′ na′hăbi′na,
Hewa-u′sa häthi′na,
Hewa-u′sa häthi′na.

_Translation_

My father did not recognize me (at first),
My father did not recognize me (at first).
When again he saw me,
When again he saw me,
He said, “You are the offspring of a crow,”
He said, “You are the offspring of a crow.”

This song was composed by Sitting Bull, the Arapaho apostle of the dance, and relates his own experience in the trance, in which he met his father, who had died years before. The expression, “You are the child of a crow,” may refer to his own sacred character as an apostle, the crow being regarded as the messenger from the spirit world.

21. +Ni′-athu′-a-u′ a′hakä′nith′iĭ+

I′yehe′! anä′nisa′nă′—Uhi′yeye′heye′!
I′yehe′! anä′nisa′nă′—Uhi′yeye′heye′!
I′yehe′! ha′dawn′hana′—Eye′ăe′yuhe′yu!
I′yehe′! ha′dawn′hana′—Eye′ăe′yuhe′yu!
Ni′athu′-a-u′ a′hakä′nith′iĭ—Ahe′yuhe′yu!

_Translation_

_I′yehe′!_ my children—_Uhi′yeye′heye′!_
_I′yehe′!_ my children—_Uhi′yeye′heye′!_
_I′yehe′!_ we have rendered them desolate—_Eye′ăe′yuhe′yu!_
_I′yehe′!_ we have rendered them desolate—_Eye′ăe′yuhe′yu!_
The whites are crazy—_Ahe′yuhe′yu!_

In this song the father tells his children of the desolation, in consequence of their folly and injustice, that would come upon the whites when they will be left alone upon the old world, while the Indians will be taken up to the new earth to live in happiness forever.

22. +Na′ha′ta bitaa′wu+

Nä′nisa′nă, nä′nisa′nă,
Na′ha′ta bi′taa′wu hätnaa′waa′-u′hu′,
Na′ha′ta bi′taa′wu hätnaa′waa′-u′hu′.
Häthi′na hi′nisû′na-hu′,
Häthi′na hi′nisû′na-hu′.

_Translation_

My children, my children,
Look! the earth is about to move,
Look! the earth is about to move.
My father tells me so,
My father tells me so.

In this song the dreamer tells his friends, on the authority of the messiah, that the predicted spiritual new earth is about to start to come over and cover up this old world. It was also taught, as appears from the messiah’s letter, that at the moment of contact this world would tremble as in an earthquake.

23. +Ahe′sûna′nini Ächiqa′hă′wa-ü′+

Ahe′sûna′nini, ahe′sûna′nini,
Ächiqa′hă′wa-ŭ′, Ächiqa′hă′wa-ŭ′,
E′hihä′sĭni′ĕhi′nĭt,
E′hihä′sĭni′ĕhi′nĭt.

_Translation_

My father, my father—
I am looking at him,
I am looking at him.
He is beginning to turn into a bird,
He is beginning to turn into a bird.

In this, as in the fifth Arapaho song, we have a transformation. According to the story of the author, his father is transformed into a bird even while he looks at him. The song is sung in quick time to hasten the trance.

24. +Ha′ănake′i+

Ha′ănake′i, ha′ănake′i,
Dä′nasa′ku′tăwa′,
Dä′nasa′ku′tăwa′,
He′sûna′nin hä′ni na′ha′waŭ′,
He′sûna′nin hä′ni na′ha′waŭ′.

_Translation_

The rock, the rock,
I am standing upon it,
I am standing upon it.
By its means I saw our father,
By its means I saw our father.

This is one of the old songs now obsolete, and its meaning is not clear. It may mean simply that the author of it climbed a rock in order to be able to see farther, but it is more likely that it contains some mythic reference.

25. +Wa′wa′na′danä′diă′+

Nä′nisa′naăŭ′, nä′nisa′naăŭ′,
Wa′wa′na′danä′diă′.
Wa′wa′na′danä′diă′,
Nänisa′na, nänisa′na.

_Translation_

My children, my children,
I am about to hum,
I am about to hum.
My children, my children.

The author of this song saw her children in the other world playing with the _hätiku′tha_, or hummer. On going home after awaking from her trance, she made the toy and carried it with her to the next dance and twirled it in the air while singing the song. The _hätiku′tha_, or hummer, is used by the boys of the prairie tribes as our boys use the “cut-water,” a circular tin disk, suspended on two strings passed through holes in the middle, and set in rapid revolution, so as to produce a humming sound, by alternately twisting the strings upon each other and allowing them to untwist again. One of these which I examined consists of a bone from a buffalo hoof, painted in different colors, with four buckskin strings tied around the middle and running out on each side and fastened at each end to a small peg, so as to be more firmly grasped by the fingers. It was carried in the dance in 1890 by an old Arapaho named Tall Bear, who had had it in his possession for twenty years. Another specimen, shown in figure 93, _a_, now in possession of the National Museum, is similar in construction, but with only one string on each side.

A kindred toy—it can hardly be considered a musical instrument—is that known among the whites as the “bull-roarer.” It is found among most of the western tribes, as well as among our own children and primitive peoples all over the world. It is usually a simple flat piece of wood, about 6 inches long, sometimes notched on the edges and fancifully painted, attached to a sinew or buckskin string of convenient length. It is held in one hand, and when twirled rapidly in the air produces a sound not unlike the roaring of a bull or of distant thunder. With most tribes it is simply a child’s toy, but among the Hopi, according to Fewkes, and the Apache, according to Bourke, it has a sacred use to assist the prayers of the medicine-man in bringing on the storm clouds and the rain.

26. +A-te′bĕ′ dii′nĕtita′niĕg+

A-te′bĕ′ dii′nĕtita′niĕg—I′yehe′eye′!
A-te′bĕ′ dii′nĕtita′niĕg—I′yehe′eye′!
Nii′te′gu be′na nĕ′chäi′hit—I′yehe′eye′!
Bi′taa′wuu—I′yahe′eye′!
Nii′te′gu be′na nĕ′chäi′hit—I′yehe′eye′!
Bi′taa′wuu—I′yahe′eye′!
De′tawu′ni′na ni′sa′na′—Ahe′eye′-he′eye′!
De′tawu′ni′na ni′sa′na′—Ahe′eye′-he′eye′!

_Translation_

At the beginning of human existence—_I′yehe′eye′!_
At the beginning of human existence—_I′yehe′eye′!_
It was the turtle who gave this grateful gift to me—
The earth—_I′yehe′eye′!_
It was the turtle who gave this grateful gift to me—
The earth—_I′yehe′eye′!_
(Thus) my father told me—_Ahe′eye′-he′eye′!_
(Thus) my father told me—_Ahe′eye′-he′eye′!_

In the mythology of many primitive nations, from the ancient Hindu to our own Indian tribes, the turtle or tortoise is the supporter of the earth, the Atlas on whose back rests the burden of the whole living universe. A reason for this is found in the amphibious character of the turtle, which renders it equally at home on land and in the water, and in its peculiar shape, which was held to be typical of the world, the world itself being conceived as a huge turtle swimming in a limitless ocean, the dome of the sky being its upper shell, and the flat surface of the earth being the bony breastplate of the animal, while inclosed between them was the living body, the human, animal, and vegetal creation. In Hindu mythology, when the gods are ready to destroy mankind, the turtle will grow weary and sink under his load and then the waters will rise and a deluge will overwhelm the earth. (_Fiske._)

The belief in the turtle as the upholder of the earth was common to all the Algonquian tribes, to which belong the Arapaho and Cheyenne, and to the northern Iroquoian tribes. Earthquakes were caused by his shifting his position from time to time. In their pictographs the turtle was frequently the symbol of the earth, and in their prayers it was sometimes addressed as mother. The most honored clan was the Turtle clan; the most sacred spot in the Algonquian territory was Mackinaw, the “Island of the Great Turtle;” the favorite medicine bowl of their doctors is the shell of a turtle; the turtle is pictured on the ghost shirts of the Arapaho, and farther south in Oklahoma it is the recognized stock brand by which it is known that a horse or cow belongs to one of the historic Delaware tribe.

27. +Tahu′na′änä′nia′huna+

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na,
Nä′näni′na ta′hu′na′änä′nia′hună′,
Tahu′na′änä′nia′huna,
Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na,
Nä′näni′na ta′hĕti′nia′hună′,
Ta′hĕti′nia′hună′.

_Translation_

My children, my children,
It is I who make the thunder as I circle about—
The thunder as I circle about.
My children, my children,
It is I who make the loud thunder as I circle about—
The loud thunder as I circle about.

This song evidently refers to the Thunderbird. It is one of the old favorites from the north, and is sung to a sprightly tune in quick time. It differs from the others in having only a part instead of all of the line repeated.

28. +Ani′qu ne′chawu′nani′+

[Music]

Ani′qu ne′chawu′nani′,
Ani′qu ne′chawu′nani′;
Awa′wa biqăna′kaye′na,
Awa′wa biqăna′kaye′na;
Iyahu′h ni′bithi′ti,
Iyahu′h ni′bithi′ti.

_Translation_

Father, have pity on me,
Father, have pity on me;
I am crying for thirst,
I am crying for thirst;
All is gone—I have nothing to eat,
All is gone—I have nothing to eat.

This is the most pathetic of the Ghost-dance songs. It is sung to a plaintive tune, sometimes with tears rolling down the cheeks of the dancers as the words would bring up thoughts of their present miserable and dependent condition. It may be considered the Indian paraphrase of the Lord’s prayer.

29. +A-ni′niha′niahu′na+

A-ni′niha′niahu′na,
A-ni′niha′niahu′na,
Yeni′s-iti′na ku′niahu′na,
Yeni′s-iti′na ku′niahu′na,
Hi′chäbä′i—He′e′e′!
Hi′chäbä′i—He′e′e′!

_Translation_

I fly around yellow,
I fly around yellow,
I fly with the wild rose on my head,
I fly with the wild rose on my head,
On high—_He′e′e′!_
On high—_He′e′e′!_

The meaning of this song is not clear. It may refer to the Thunderbird or to the Crow, the sacred bird of the Ghost dance. The _ye′nis_ or wild rose is much esteemed among the prairie tribes for its red seed berries, which are pounded into a paste and dried for food. It is frequently mentioned in the ghost songs, and is sometimes pictured on the ghost shirts. Although rather insipid, the berries possess nutritive qualities. They are gathered in winter, and are sometimes eaten raw, but more generally are first boiled and strained to get rid of the seeds. This dough-like substance is sometimes mixed with marrow from broken bones and pasted around sticks and thus roasted before the fire. It is never packed away for future use. The Cherokee call the same plant by a name which means “rabbit food,” on account of this animal’s fondness for the berries.

30. +Niha′nata′yeche′ti+

He′yoho′ho′! He′yoho′ho′!
Niha′nata′yeche′ti, na′naga′qanĕ′tihi,
Wa′waga′thänŭhu,
Wa′waga′thänŭhu,
Wa′wa ne′hawa′wŭna′nahu′,
Wa′wa ne′hawa′wŭna′nahu′.
He′yoho′ho′! He′yoho′ho′!

_Translation_

_He′yoho′ho′! He′yoho′ho′!_
The yellow-hide, the white-skin (man).
I have now put him aside—
I have now put him aside—
I have no more sympathy with him,
I have no more sympathy with him.
_He′yoho′ho′! He′yoho′ho′!_

This is another song about the whites, who are spoken of as “yellow hides” or “white skins.” The proper Arapaho name for a white man is _Nia′tha_, “skillful.” A great many names are applied to the whites by the different Indian tribes. By the Comanche, Shoshoni, and Paiute they are called _Tai′vo_, “easterners;” by the Hopi, of the same stock as the three tribes mentioned, they are known as _Paha′na_, “eastern water people;” by the Kiowa they are called _Be′dălpago_, “hairy mouths,” or _Ta‛ka′-i_, “standing ears.” It is very doubtful if the “pale face” of romance ever existed in the Indian mind.

31. +A-bää′thina′hu+

A-bää′thina′hu, a-bää′thina′hu,
Ha′tnithi′aku′ta′na,
Ha′tnithi′aku′ta′na,
Ha′-bätä′nani′hi,
Ha′-bätä′nani′hi.
Ha′tnithi′aku′ta′na,
Ha′tnithi′aku′ta′na.

_Translation_

The cedar tree, the cedar tree,
We have it in the center,
We have it in the center
When we dance,
When we dance.
We have it in the center,
We have it in the center.

The Kiowa, the Sioux, and perhaps some other tribes performed the Ghost dance around a tree set up in the center of the circle. With the Kiowa this tree was a cedar, and such was probably the case with the other tribes, whenever a cedar could be obtained, as it is always a sacred tree in Indian belief and ceremonial. The southern Arapaho and Cheyenne never had a tree in connection with the Ghost dance, so that this song could not have originated among them. The cedar is held sacred for its evergreen foliage, its fragrant smell, its red heart wood, and the durable character of its timber. On account of its fine grain, and enduring qualities the prairie tribes make their tipi poles of its wood, which will not warp through heat or moisture. Their flageolets or flutes are also made of cedar, and in the mescal and other ceremonies its dried and crumbled foliage is thrown upon the fire as incense. In Cherokee and Yuchi myth the red color of the wood comes from the blood of a wizard who was killed and decapitated by a hero, and whose head was hung in the top of several trees in succession, but continued to live until, by the advice of a medicine-man, the people hung it in the topmost branches of a cedar tree, where it finally died. The blood of the severed head trickled down the trunk of the tree and thus the wood was stained.

32. +Wa′wa nû′nanû′naku′ti+

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na,
Wa′wa nû′nanû′naku′ti waku′hu,
Wa′wa nû′nanû′naku′ti waku′hu.
Hi′yu nä′nii′bä′-i,
Hi′yu nä′nii′bä′-i.
Hä′tä-i′naku′ni häthi′na nisû′nahu,
Hä′tä-i′naku′ni häthi′na nisû′nahu.

_Translation_

My children, my children,
Now I am waving an eagle feather,
Now I am waving an eagle feather.
Here is a spotted feather for you,
Here is a spotted feather for you.
You may have it, said my father,
You may have it, said my father.

While singing this song the author of it waved in his right hand an eagle feather prepared for wearing in the hair, while he carried a spotted hawk feather in the other hand. In his trance vision he had received such a spotted feather from the messiah.

33. +A-ni′qana′ga+

A-ni′qana′ga,
A-ni′qana′ga,
Ha′tăni′i′na′danĕ′na,
Ha′tăni′i′na′danĕ′na.

_Translation_

There is a solitary bull,
There is a solitary bull—
I am going to use him to “make medicine,”
I am going to use him to “make medicine.”

From the buffalo they had food, fuel, dress, shelter, and domestic furniture, shields for defense, points for their arrows, and strings for their bows. As the old Spanish chronicles of Coronado put it: “To be short, they make so many things of them as they have need of, or as many as suffice them in the use of this life.”

Among Indians the professions of medicine and religion are inseparable. The doctor is always a priest, and the priest is always a doctor. Hence, to the whites in the Indian country the Indian priest-doctor has come to be known as the “medicine-man,” and anything sacred, mysterious, or of wonderful power or efficacy in Indian life or belief is designated as “medicine,” this term being the nearest equivalent of the aboriginal expression in the various languages. To “make medicine” is to perform some sacred ceremony, from the curing of a sick child to the consecration of the sun-dance lodge. Among the prairie tribes the great annual tribal ceremony was commonly known as the “medicine dance,” and the special guardian deity of every warrior was spoken of as his “medicine.”

The buffalo was to the nomad hunters of the plains what corn was to the more sedentary tribes of the east and south—the living, visible symbol of their support and existence; the greatest gift of a higher being to his children. Something of the buffalo entered into every important ceremony. In the medicine dance—or sun dance, as it is frequently called—the head and skin of a buffalo hung from the center pole of the lodge, and in the fearful torture that accompanied this dance among some tribes, the dancers dragged around the circle buffalo skulls tied to ropes which were fastened to skewers driven through holes cut in their bodies and limbs. A buffalo skull is placed in front of the sacred sweat-lodge, and on the battlefield of Wounded Knee I have seen buffalo skulls and plates of dried meat placed at the head of the graves. The buffalo was the sign of the Creator on earth as the sun was his glorious manifestation in the heavens. The hair of the buffalo was an important element in the preparation of “medicine,” whether for war, hunting, love, or medicine proper, and for such purpose the Indian generally selected a tuft taken from the breast close under the shoulder of the animal. When the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache delegates visited Washington in the spring of 1894, they made an earnest and successful request for some buffalo hair from the animals in the Zoological Park, together with some branches from the cedars in the grounds of the Agricultural Department, to take home with them for use in their sacred ceremonies.

THE SWEAT-LODGE—KIOWA CAMP ON THE WASHITA]

34. +A-nĕä′thibiwă′hană+

A′-nĕä′thibiwă′hană,
A′-nĕä′thibiwă′hană—
Thi′äya′nĕ,
Thi′äya′nĕ.

_Translation_

The place where crying begins,
The place where crying begins—
The _thi′äya_,
The _thi′äya_.

This song refers to the sweat-lodge already described in treating of the Ghost dance among the Sioux. In preparing the sweat-lodge a small hole, perhaps a foot deep, is dug out in the center of the floor space, to serve as a receptacle for the heated stones over which the water is poured to produce the steam. The earth thus dug out is piled in a small hillock a few feet in front of the entrance to the sweat-lodge, which always faces the east. This small mound is called _thi′äya_ in the Arapaho language, the same name being also applied to a memorial stone heap or to a stone monument. It is always surmounted by a buffalo skull, or in these days by the skull of a steer, placed so as to face the doorway of the lodge. The _thi′äya_ is mentioned in several of the Ghost-dance songs, and usually, as here, in connection with crying or lamentation, as though the sight of these things in the trance vision brings up sad recollections.

35. +Thi′äya he′năă′awă′+

Thi′äya′ he′năă′awă′—
Thi′äya′ he′năă′awă′,
Nä′hibiwa′huna′,
Nä′hibiwa′huna′.

_Translation_

When I see the _thi′äya_—
When I see the _thi′äya_,
Then I begin to lament,
Then I begin to lament.

This song refers to a trance vision in which the dreamer saw a sweat-lodge, with the _thi′äya_, or mound, as described in the preceding song.

36. +A-hu′hu ha′geni′sti′ti ba′hu+

A-hu′hu ha′geni′sti′ti ba′hu,
Ha′geni′sti′ti ba′hu.
Hä′nisti′ti,
Hä′nisti′ti.
Hi′nisa′nă,
Hi′nisa′nă—
Ne′a-i′qaha′ti,
Ne′a-i′qaha′ti.

_Translation_

The crow is making a road,
He is making a road.
He has finished it,
He has finished it.
His children,
His children—
Then he collected them,
Then he collected them (i. e., on the farther side).

The crow (_ho_) is the sacred bird of the Ghost dance, being revered as the messenger from the spirit world because its color is symbolic of death and the shadow land. The raven, which is practically a larger crow, and which lives in the mountains, but occasionally comes down into the plains, is also held sacred and regarded as a bringer of omens by the prairie tribes, as well as by the Tlinkit and others of the northwest coast and by the Cherokee in the east. The crow is depicted on the shirts, leggings, and moccasins of the Ghost dancers, and its feathers are worn on their heads, and whenever it is possible to kill one, the skin is stuffed as in life and carried in the dance, as shown in the picture of Black Coyote (plate +CV+). At one time the dancers in Left Hand’s camp had a crow which it was claimed had the power of speech and prophetic utterance, and its hoarse inarticulate cries were interpreted as inspired messages from the spirit world. Unfortunately the bird did not thrive in confinement, and soon took its departure for the land of spirits, leaving the Arapaho once more dependent on the guidance of the trance revelations. The eagle, the magpie, and the sage-hen are also sacred in the Ghost dance, the first being held in veneration by Indians, as well as by other peoples throughout the world, while the magpie and the sage-hen are revered for their connection with the country of the messiah and the mythology of his tribe.

The crow was probably held sacred by all the tribes of the Algonquian race. Roger Williams, speaking of the New England tribes, says that although the crows sometimes did damage to the corn, yet hardly one Indian in a hundred would kill one, because it was their tradition that this bird had brought them their first grain and vegetables, carrying a grain of corn in one ear and a bean in the other, from the field of their great god Cautantouwit in Sowwani′u, the southwest, the happy spirit world where dwelt the gods and the souls of the great and good. The souls of the wicked were not permitted to enter this elysium after death, but were doomed to wander without rest or home. (_Williams, Key into the Language of America, 1643._)

In Arapaho belief, the spirit world is in the west, not on the same level with this earth of ours, but higher up, and separated also from it by a body of water. In their statement of the Ghost-dance mythology referred to in this song, the crow, as the messenger and leader of the spirits who had gone before, collected their armies on the other side and advanced at their head to the hither limit of the shadow land. Then, looking over, they saw far below them a sea, and far out beyond it toward the east was the boundary of the earth, where lived the friends they were marching to rejoin. Taking up a pebble in his beak, the crow then dropped it into the water and it became a mountain towering up to the land of the dead. Down its rocky slope he brought his army until they halted at the edge of the water. Then, taking some dust in his bill, the crow flew out and dropped it into the water as he flew, and it became a solid arm of land stretching from the spirit world to the earth. He returned and flew out again, this time with some blades of grass, which he dropped upon the land thus made, and at once it was covered with a green sod. Again he returned, and again flew out, this time with some twigs in his bill, and dropping these also upon the new land, at once it was covered with a forest of trees. Again he flew back to the base of the mountain, and is now, for the fourth time, coming on at the head of all the countless spirit host which has already passed over the sea and is marshaling on the western boundary of the earth.

37. +Bi′taa′wu hu′hu′+

Bi′taa′wu hu′hu′,
Bi′taa′wu hu′hu′—
Nû′nagûna′-ua′ti hu′hu′,
Nû′nagûna′-ua′ti hu′hu′—
A′hene′heni′ă′ă′! A′he′yene′hene′!

_Translation_

The earth—the crow,
The earth—the crow—
The crow brought it with him,
The crow brought it with him—
_A′hene′heni′ă′ă′! A′he′yene′hene′!_

The reference in this song is explained under the song immediately preceding.

38. +Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′—I+

Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′,
Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′.
Nana′thina′ni hu′hu′,
Nana′thina′ni hu′hu′.
Ni′nita′naû,
Ni′nita′naû.

_Translation_

The crow has called me,
The crow has called me.
When the crow came for me,
When the crow came for me,
I heard him,
I heard him.

The reference in this song is explained under number 36. The song is somewhat like the former closing song, number 52.

39. +Nû′nanû′naa′tăni′na hu′hu′—I+

Nû′nanû′naa′tăni′na hu′hu′,
Nû′nanû′naa′tăni′na hu′hu′.
Da‛chi′nathi′na hu′hu′,
Da‛chi′nathi′na hu′hu′.

_Translation_

The crow is circling above me,
The crow is circling above me,
The crow having come for me,
The crow having come for me.

The author of this song, in his trance vision, saw circling above his head a crow, the messenger from the spirit world, to conduct him to his friends who had gone before. The song is a favorite one, and is sung with a quick forcible tune when the excitement begins to grow more intense, in order to hasten the trances, the idea conveyed to the dancers being that their spirit friends are close at hand.

40. +I′yu hä′thäbĕ′nawa′+

Ä′näni′sa′na—E′e′ye′!
Ä′näni′sa′na—E′e′ye′!
I′yu hä′thäbĕ′nawa′.
Bi′taa′wu—E′e′ye′!
Bi′taa′wu—E′e′ye′!

_Translation_

My children—_E′e′ye′!_
My children—_E′e′ye′!_
Here it is, I hand it to you.
The earth—_E′e′ye′!_
The earth—_E′e′ye′!_

In this song the father speaks to his children and gives them the new earth.

41. +Ha′naĕ′hi ya′ga′ahi′na+

Ha′naĕ′hi ya′ga′ahi′na—
Ha′naĕ′hi ya′ga′ahi′na—
Să′niya′gu′nawa′—Ahe′e′ye′!
Să′niya′gu′nawa′—Ahe′e′ye′!
Nä′yu hä′nina′ta i′tha′q,
Nä′yu hä′nina′ta i′tha′q.

_Translation_

Little boy, the coyote gun—
Little boy, the coyote gun—
I have uncovered it—_Ahe′e′ye′!_
I have uncovered it—_Ahe′e′ye′!_
There is the sheath lying there,
There is the sheath lying there.

This song was composed by Nakash, or “Sage,” one of the northern Arapaho delegates to the messiah. It evidently refers to one of his trance experiences in the other world, and has to do with an interesting feature in the sociology of the Arapaho and other prairie tribes. The _ga′ahinĕ′na_ or _gaahi′na_, “coyote men,” were an order of men of middle age who acted as pickets or lookouts for the camp. When the band encamped in some convenient situation for hunting or other business, it was the duty of these men, usually four or six in a band, to take their stations on the nearest hills to keep watch and give timely warning in case of the approach of an enemy. It was an office of danger and responsibility, but was held in corresponding respect. When on duty, the _gaahi′nĕn_ wore a white buffalo robe and had his face painted with white clay and carried in his hand the _ya′haga′ahi′na_ or “coyote gun,” a club decorated with feathers and other ornaments and usually covered with a sheath of bear gut (_i′tha′q_). He must be unmarried and remain so while in office, finally choosing his own successor and delivering to him the “coyote gun” as a staff of authority. They were never all off duty at the same time, but at least half were always on guard, one or more coming down at a time to the village to eat or sleep. They built no shelter on the hills, but slept there in their buffalo robes, or sometimes came down in turn and slept in their own tipis. They usually, however, preferred to sleep alone upon the hills in order to receive inspiration in dreams. If attacked or surprised by the enemy, they were expected to fight. The watcher was sometimes called _higa′ahi′na-ĭt_, “the man with the coyote gun.” The corresponding officer among the Cheyenne carried a bow and arrows instead of a club.

42. +He′sûna′ na′nahatha′hi+

He′sûna′ na′nahatha′hi,
He′sûna′ na′nahatha′hi.
Ni′itu′qawigû′niĕ′,
Ni′itu′qawigû′niĕ′.

_Translation_

The father showed me,
The father showed me.
Where they were coming down,
Where they were coming down.

In his trance vision the author of this song saw the spirit hosts descending from the upper shadow land to the earth, along the mountain raised up by the crow, as already described in song number 36. The song comes from the northern Arapaho.

43. +Nänisa′tăqu′thi Chĭnachi′chibä′iha′+

Nänisa′tăqu′thi Chĭnachi′chibä′iha′,
Nänisa′tăqu′thi Chĭnachi′chibä′iha′—
Ni′nahawa′na,
Ni′nahawa′na.
Nibäi′naku′nithi—
Nibäi′naku′nithi—
Ä-bäna′änahu′u′,
Ä-bäna′änahu′u′.
Nä′hibi′wahuna′na,
Nä′hibi′wahuna′na.

_Translation_

The seven venerable _Chĭ′nachichi′bät_ priests,
The seven venerable _Chĭ′nachichi′bät_ priests—
We see them,
We see them.
They all wear it on their heads—
They all wear it on their heads—
The Thunderbird,
The Thunderbird.
Then I wept,
Then I wept.

In his trance vision the author of this song saw a large camp of Arapaho, and in the midst of the camp circle, as in the old days, were sitting the seven priests of the _Chĭ′nachichi′bät_, each wearing on his head the Thunderbird headdress, already described and figured under song number 14. This vision of the old life of the tribe brought up sorrowful memories and caused him to weep. In the similar song next given the singer laments for the _Chĭ′nachichi′bät_ and the _bä′qati_ gaming wheel. The priests here referred to were seven in number, and constituted the highest order of the military and social organization which existed among the Blackfeet, Sioux, Cheyenne, Kiowa, and probably all the prairie tribes excepting the Comanche in the south, among whom it seems to have been unknown. The society, so far as it has come under the notice of white men, has commonly been designated by them as the “Dog Soldier” society—a misapprehension of a name belonging probably to only one of the six or eight orders of the organization. The corresponding Blackfoot organization, the _Ikunuhkatsi_ or “All Comrades,” is described by Grinnell in his “Blackfoot Lodge Tales.” The Kiowa organization will be noted later.

Among the Arapaho the organization was called _Bĕni′nĕna_, “Warriors,” and consisted of eight degrees or orders, including nearly all the men of the tribe above the age of about seventeen. Those who were not enrolled in some one of the eight orders were held in but little respect, and were not allowed to take part in public ceremonies or to accompany war expeditions. Each of the first six orders had its own peculiar dance, and the members of the principal warrior orders had also their peculiar staff or badge of rank.

First and lowest in rank were the _Nuhinĕ′na_ or Fox men, consisting of young men up to the age of about 25 years. They had no special duties or privileges, but had a dance called the _Nuha′wŭ_ or fox dance.

Next came the _Hă′thahu′ha_ or Star men, consisting of young warriors about 30 years of age. Their dance was called the _Ha′thahŭ_.

The third order was that of the _Hichăä′quthi_ or Club men. Their dance was called _Hichăä′qawŭ_. They were an important part of the warrior organization, and were all men in the prime of life. The four leaders carried wooden clubs, bearing a general resemblance in shape to a gun, notched along the edges and variously ornamented. In an attack on the enemy it was the duty of these leaders to dash on ahead and strike the enemy with these clubs, then to ride back again and take their places in the front of the charge. It hardly need be said that the position of leader of the _Hichăä′quthi_ was a dangerous honor, but the honor was in proportion to the very danger, and there were always candidates for a vacancy. It was one of those offices where the holder sometimes died but never resigned. The other members of the order carried sticks carved at one end in the rude semblance of a horse head and pointed at the other. In desperate encounters they were expected to plant these sticks in the ground in line in front of the body of warriors and to fight beside them to the death unless a retreat should be ordered by the chief in command.

The fourth order was called _Bitahi′nĕna_ or Spear men, and their dance was called _Bitaha′wŭ_. This order came originally from the Cheyenne. Their duties and peculiar insignia of office were about the same among all the tribes. They performed police duty in camp, when traveling, and on the hunt, and were expected to see that the orders of the chief were obeyed by the tribe. For instance, if any person violated the tribal code or failed to attend a general dance or council, a party of _Bitahi′nĕna_ was sent to kill his dogs, destroy his tipi, or in extreme cases to shoot his ponies. On hunting expeditions it was their business to keep the party together and see that no one killed a buffalo until the proper ceremonies had been performed and the order was given by the chief. They were regarded as the representatives of the law and were never resisted in performing their duty or inflicting punishments. In war they were desperate warriors, equaling or surpassing even the _Hichăä′quthi_. Of the leaders of the order, two carried a sort of shepherd’s crook called _nu′sa-icha′tha_, having a lance point at its lower end; two others carried lances wrapped around with otter skin; four carried lances painted black; one carried a club shaped like a baseball bat, and one carried a rattle made of the scrotum of a buffalo and ornamented with its hair. In battle, if the enemy took shelter behind defenses, it was this man’s duty to lead the charge, throw his rattle among the enemy, and then follow it himself.

The fifth order was called _Aha′känĕ′na_ or Crazy men. They were men more than 50 years of age, and were not expected to go to war, but must have graduated from all the lower orders. Their duties were religious and ceremonial, and their insignia consisted of a bow and a bundle of blunt arrows. Their dance was the _Ahaka′wŭ_ or crazy dance, which well deserved the name. It will be described in another place.

The sixth was the order of the _Hĕthĕ′hinĕ′na_ or Dog men. Their dance was called _Hĕthĕwa′wû′_. They had four principal leaders and two lesser leaders. The four principal leaders were the generals and directors of the battle. Each carried a rattle and wore about his neck a buckskin strap (two being yellow, the other two black) which hung down to his feet. On approaching the enemy, they were obliged to go forward, shaking their rattles and chanting the war song, until some other warriors of the party took the rattles out of their hands. When forming for the attack, they dismounted, and, driving their lances into the ground, tied themselves to them by means of the straps, thus anchoring themselves in front of the battle. Here they remained until, if the battle seemed lost, they themselves gave the order to retreat. Even then they waited until some of their own society released them by pulling the lances out of the ground and whipping them away from the place with a peculiar quirt carried only by the private members of this division. No one was allowed to retreat without their permission, on penalty of disgrace, nor were they themselves allowed to retire until thus released. Should their followers forget to release them in the confusion of retreat, they were expected to die at their posts. They could not be released excepting by one of their own division, and anyone else attempting to pull up the lances from the ground was resisted as an enemy. When pursued on the retreat, they must give up their horses to the women, if necessary, and either find other horses or turn and face the enemy alone on foot. They seldom accompanied any but large war parties, and, although they did but little actual fighting, their very presence inspired the warriors with desperate courage, and the driving of their lances into the ground was always understood as the signal for an encounter to the death.

DOG-SOLDIER INSIGNIA—LANCE AND SASH]

The seventh order was that of the _Nûnaha′wŭ_, a word of which the meaning is now unknown. This was a secret order. They had no dance and their ceremonies were witnessed only by themselves. They did not fight, but accompanied the war parties, and every night in secret performed ceremonies and prayers for their success.

The eighth and highest order was that of the _Chĭ′nachinĕ′na_ or Water-pouring men, the “seven venerable priests” to whom the song refers. They were the high priests and instructors of all the other orders, and were seven in number, from among the oldest warriors of the tribe. Their name refers to their pouring the water over the heated stones in the sweat-house to produce steam. They had no dance, and were not expected to go to war, although one of the seven was allowed to accompany the war party, should he so elect. Their ceremonies were performed in a large sweat-lodge, called _chĭnachichi′bät_, which, when the whole tribe was camped together, occupied the center of the circle, between the entrance and the lodge in which was kept the sacred medicine pipe. Unlike the ordinary sweat-lodge, this one had no mound and buffalo skull in front of the entrance.

The warrior organization of the Kiowa is called _Yä′pähe_, “Soldiers,” and consisted of six orders, each with its own dance, songs, and ceremonial dress. 1. _Poläñyup_ or _Tsäñ′yui_, “Rabbits.” These were boys and young men from 8 to 15 years of age. Their dance, in which they were drilled by certain old men, has a peculiar step, in imitation of the jumping movement of a rabbit; 2. _Ädalto′yui_, or _Te′ñbiyu′i_, “Young Mountain Sheep,” literally “Herders or Corralers;” 3. _Tseñtä′nmo_, “Horse Head-dress (?) people;” 4. _Toñkoñ′ko_, (?) “Black-leg people;” 5. _T‘äñpe′ko_, “Skunkberry (?) people;” 6. _Kâ′itseñ′ko_, “Principal Dogs or Real Dogs.” These last were the highest warrior order, and also the camp police, combining the functions of the _Bitahi′nĕna_ and the _Hĕthĕ′binĕ′na_ of the Arapaho organization. Their two leaders carried an arrow-shape lance, with which they anchored themselves in the front of the battle by means of buckskin straps brought over the shoulders. The _Toñkoñ′ko_ captains carried in a similar way a crook-shape lance, called _pabo′n_, similar to that of the _Bitahi′nĕna_ of the Arapaho.

44. +Nänisa′tăqi Chĭ′năchi′chibä′iha′+

[Music]

Nä′nisa′tăqi Chĭ′năchi′chibä′iha′—
Nä′nisa′tăqi Chĭ′năchi′chibä′iha′—
Bä′hibi′wă′hĭnă′,
Bä′hibi′wă′hĭnă′.
Bä′qăti hä′nibi′wă′hĭnă′,
Bä′qăti hä′nibi′wă′hĭnă′.

_Translation_

The seven venerable _Chĭnachichi′bät_ priests—
The seven venerable _Chĭnachichi′bät_ priests—
For them I am weeping,
For them I am weeping.
For the gaming wheel I am weeping,
For the gaming wheel I am weeping.

The first reference in this song is explained under number 43. The _bä′qati_ or gaming wheel will be described later.

45. +Nû′nanû′naatani′na hu′hu′—II+

[Music]

Nû′nanû′naatani′na hu′hu′,
Nû′nanû′naatani′na hu′hu′.
Da`chi′bini′na häthi′na,
Da`chi′bini′na häthi′na.

_Translation_

The crow is circling above me,
The crow is circling above me.
He says he will give me a hawk feather,
He says he will give me a hawk feather.

This song is very similar to number 39, and requires no further explanation. It is sung to the same quick time.

46. +Na′tănu′ya chĕ′bi′nh+

Na′tănu′ya chĕ′bi′nh—
Na′tănu′ya chĕ′bi′nh,
Na′chicha′ba′n,
Na′chicha′ba′n.

_Translation_

The pemmican that I am using—
The pemmican that I am using,
They are still making it,
They are still making it.

This song refers to the pemmican or preparation of dried and pounded meat, which formerly formed a favorite food of the prairie tribes, and which the author of the song evidently tasted as it was being prepared by the women in the spirit world. (See Sioux song 7.) One must be an Indian to know the thrill of joy that would come to the heart of the dancers when told that some dreamer had seen their former friends in the spirit world still making and feasting on pemmican. During the first year or two of the excitement, it several times occurred at Ghost dances in the north and south, among Sioux as well as among Arapaho and others, that meat was exhibited and tasted as genuine buffalo beef or pemmican brought back from the spirit world by one of the dancers. It is not necessary to explain how this deception was accomplished or made successful. It is sufficient to know that it was done, and that the dancers were then in a condition to believe anything.

47. +Häĭ′nawa′ hä′ni′ta′quna′ni+

Häĭ′nawa′ hä′ni′ta′quna′ni—
Häĭ′nawa′ hä′ni′ta′quna′ni—
Ninĕ′n nănä′ hänita′quna′ni,
Ninĕ′n nănä′ hänita′quna′ni.

_Translation_

I know, in the pitfall—
I know, in the pitfall—
It is tallow they use in the pitfall,
It is tallow they use in the pitfall.

This song refers to the vision of a northern Arapaho, who found one of his friends in the spirit world preparing a pitfall trap to catch eagles. Wherever found, the eagle was regarded as sacred among the Indian tribes both east and west, and its feathers were highly prized for ornamental and “medicine” purposes, and an elaborately detailed ritual of prayer and ceremony was the necessary accompaniment to its capture. Among all the tribes the chief purpose of this ritual was to obtain the help of the gods in inducing the eagle to approach the hunter, and to turn aside the anger of the eagle spirits at the necessary sacrilege. The feathers most valued were those of the tail and wings. These were used to ornament lances and shields, to wear upon the head, and to decorate the magnificent war bonnets, the finest of which have a pendant or trail of eagle-tail feathers reaching from the warrior’s head to the ground when he stands erect. The whistle used in the sun dance and other great ceremonies is made of a bone from the leg or wing of the eagle, and the fans carried by the warriors on parade and used also to sprinkle the holy water in the mescal ceremony of the southern prairie tribes is commonly made of the entire tail or wing of that bird. Hawk feathers are sometimes used for these various purposes, but are always considered far inferior to those of the eagle. The smaller feathers are used upon arrows. Eagle feathers and ponies were formerly the standard of value and the medium of exchange among the prairie tribes, as wampum was with those of the Atlantic coast. The standard varied according to place and season, but in a general way from two to four eagles were rated as equal to a horse. In these days the eagle-feather war bonnets and eagle-tail fans are the most valuable parts of an Indian’s outfit and the most difficult to purchase from him. Among the pueblo tribes eagles are sometimes taken from the nest when young and kept in cages and regularly stripped of their best feathers. Among the Caddo, Cherokee, and other tribes of the timbered country in the east they were shot with bow and arrow or with the gun, but always according to certain ritual ceremonies. Among the prairie tribes along the whole extent of the plains they were never shot, but must be captured alive in pitfalls and then strangled or crushed to death, if possible without the shedding of blood. A description of the Arapaho method will answer with slight modifications for all the prairie tribes.

The hunter withdrew with his family away from the main camp to some rough hilly country where the eagles were abundant. After some preliminary prayers he went alone to the top of the highest hill and there dug a pit large enough to sit or lie down in, being careful to carry the earth taken out of the hole so far away from the place that it would not attract the notice of the eagle. The pit was roofed over with a covering of light willow twigs, above which were placed earth and grass to give it a natural appearance. The bait was a piece of fresh meat, or, as appears from this song, a piece of tallow stripped from the ribs of the buffalo. This was tied to a rawhide string and laid upon the top of the pit, while the rope was passed down through the roof into the cavity below. A coyote skin, stuffed and set up erect as in life, was sometimes placed near the bait to add to the realistic effect. Having sat up all night, singing the eagle songs and purifying himself for the ceremony, the hunter started before daylight, without eating any breakfast or drinking water, and went up the hill to the pit, which he entered, and, having again closed the opening, he seated himself inside holding the end of the string in his hands, to prevent a coyote or other animal from taking the bait, and waiting for the eagles to come.

Should other birds come, he drove them away or paid no attention to them. When at last the eagle came the other birds at once flew away. The eagle swooped down, alighting always at one side and then walking over upon the roof of the trap to get at the bait, when the hunter, putting up his hand through the framework, seized the eagle by the legs, pulled it down and quickly strangled it or broke its neck. He then rearranged the bait and the roof and sat down to wait for another eagle. He might be so lucky as to capture several during the day, or so unfortunate as to take none at all. At night, but not before, he repaired to his own tipi to eat, drink, and sleep, and was at the pit again before daylight. While in the pit he did not eat, drink, or sleep. The eagle hunt, if it may be so called, lasted four days, and must end then, whatever might have been the good or bad fortune of the hunter.

At the expiration of four days he returned to his home with the dead bodies of the eagles thus caught. A small lodge was set up outside his tipi and in this the eagles were hung up by the neck upon a pole laid across two forked sticks driven into the ground. After some further prayers and purifications the feathers were stripped from the bodies as they hung.