Chapter VII: Hyacinth (3)

312 Rev. John H. Weeks, “Notes on some Customs of the Lower Congo
People,” _Folk-lore_, xix. (1908) p. 422.

313 Th. Masui, _Guide de la Section de l’État Indépendant du Congo à
l’Exposition de Bruxelles-Tervueren en 1897_ (Brussels, 1897), pp.
113 _sq._

314 J. B. Purvis, _Through Uganda to Mount Elgon_ (London, 1909), pp.
302 _sq._ As to the Bagishu or Bageshu and their practice of
throwing out the dead, see Rev. J. Roscoe, “Notes on the Bageshu,”
_Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909) pp.
181 _sqq._

M70 Measures taken to prevent the rebirth of undesirable spirits. Belief
of the Baganda that a woman can be impregnated by the flower of the
banana.

315 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 46 _sq._ Women
adopted a like precaution at the grave of twins to prevent the
ghosts of the twins from entering into them and being born again
(_id._, pp. 124 _sq._). The Baganda always strangled children that
were born feet first and buried their bodies at cross-roads. The
heaps of sticks or grass thrown on these graves by passing women and
girls rose in time into mounds large enough to deflect the path and
to attract the notice of travellers. See J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp.
126 _sq._, 289.

316 Rev. J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 126 _sq._ In the Senegal and Niger
region of Western Africa it is said to be commonly believed by women
that they can conceive without any carnal knowledge of a man. See
Maurice Delafosse, _Haut-Sénégal-Niger, Le Pays, les Peuples, les
Langues, l’Histoire, les Civilisations_ (Paris, 1912), iii. 171.

317 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 47 _sq._; _Totemism and Exogamy_,
ii. 506 _sq._ As to the custom of depositing the afterbirths of
children at the foot of banana (plantain) trees, see J. Roscoe, _op.
cit._ pp. 52, 54 _sq._

M71 Reincarnation of the dead in India. Means taken to facilitate the
rebirth of dead children.

318 W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_ (London, 1907), p. 202. As to
the Hindoo custom of burying infants but burning older persons, see
_The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead_, i. 162
_sq._

_ 319 Census of India, 1911_, vol. xiv. _Punjab_, Part i., Report, by
Pandit Harikishan Kaul (Lahore, 1912), p. 299.

320 E. M. Gordon, _Indian Folk Tales_ (London, 1908), p. 49. Other
explanations of the custom are reported by the writer, but the
original motive was probably a desire to secure the reincarnation of
the dead child in the mother.

321 E. M. Gordon, _op. cit._ pp. 50 _sq._

322 E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_ (Madras, 1906),
p. 155; _id._, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_ (Madras, 1909),
iv. 52.

323 W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_, p. 202; _Census of India,
1901_, vol. xvii. _Punjab_, Part i., Report, by H. A. Rose (Simla,
1902), pp. 213 _sq._

M72 Bringing back the soul of the dead in a fish or insect. Stories of
the Virgin Birth. Reincarnation of the dead among the South Slavs.

_ 324 Census of India, 1901_, vol. xiii. _Central Provinces_, Part i.,
Report, by R. V. Russell (Nagpur, 1902), p. 93.

325 For stories of such virgin births see Comte H. de Charency, _Le
folklore dans les deux Mondes_ (Paris, 1894), pp. 121-256; E. S.
Hartland, _The Legend of Perseus_, vol. i. (London, 1894) pp. 71
_sqq._; and my note on Pausanias vii. 17. 11 (vol. iv. pp. 138-140).
To the instances there cited by me add: A. Thevet, _Cosmographie
Universelle_ (Paris, 1575), ii. 918 [wrongly numbered 952]; K. von
den Steinen, _Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens_ (Berlin,
1884), pp. 370, 373; H. A. Coudreau, _La France Equinoxiale_, ii.
(Paris, 1887) pp. 184 _sq._; _Relations des Jésuites_, 1637, pp. 123
_sq._ (Canadian reprint, Quebec, 1858); Franz Boas, _Indianische
Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen Küste Amerikas_ (Berlin, 1895), pp.
311 _sq._; A. G. Morice, _Au pays de l’Ours Noir_ (Paris and Lyons,
1897), p. 153; A. Raffray, “Voyage à la côte nord de la Nouvelle
Guinée,” _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_ (Paris), VIe Série,
xv. (1878) pp. 392 _sq._; J. L. van der Toorn, “Het animisme bij den
Minangkabauer der Padangsche Bovenlanden,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal-
Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xxxix. (1890) p. 78;
E. Aymonier, “Les Tchames et leurs religions,” _Revue de l’Histoire
des Religions_, xxiv. (1901) pp. 215 _sq._; Major P. R. T. Gurdon,
_The Khasis_ (London, 1907), p. 195. In some stories the conception
is brought about not by eating food but by drinking water. But the
principle is the same.

326 F. S. Krauss, _Sitte und Brauch der Süd-Slaven_ (Vienna, 1885), p.
531.

M73 Belief of the Kai that women may be impregnated without sexual
intercourse. Belief in the island of Mota that a woman can conceive
through the entrance into her of a spirit animal or fruit.

327 Ch. Keysser, “Aus dem Leben der Kaileute,” in R. Neuhauss’s _Deutsch
Neu-Guinea_, iii. (Berlin, 1911) p. 26.

M74 Similar belief in the island of Motlav.

328 W. H. R. Rivers, “Totemism in Polynesia and Melanesia,” _Journal of
the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909) pp. 173-175.
Compare _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 89 _sqq._ As to this Melanesian
belief that animals can enter into women and be born from them as
human children with animal characteristics, Dr. Rivers observes (p.
174): “It was clear that this belief was not accompanied by any
ignorance of the physical _rôle_ of the human father, and that the
father played the same part in conception as in cases of birth
unaccompanied by an animal appearance. We found it impossible to get
definitely the belief as to the nature of the influence exerted by
the animal on the woman, but it must be remembered that any belief
of this kind can hardly have escaped the many years of European
influence and Christian teaching which the people of this group have
received. It is doubtful whether even a prolonged investigation of
this point could now elicit the original belief of the people about
the nature of the influence.” To me it seems that the belief
described by Dr. Rivers in the text is incompatible with the
recognition of human fatherhood as a necessary condition for the
birth of children, and that though the people may now recognize that
necessity, perhaps as a result of intercourse with Europeans, they
certainly cannot have recognized it at the time when the belief in
question originated.

M75 Australian beliefs as to the birth of children. Reincarnation of the
dead in Central Australia.

329 Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central
Australia_ (London, 1904), p. 330, compare _id._ _ibid._ pp. xi,
145, 147-151, 155 _sq._, 161 _sq._, 169 _sq._, 173 _sq._, 174-176,
606; _id._, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_ (London, 1899), pp.
52, 123-125, 126, 132 _sq._, 265, 335-338.

330 B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_,
pp. 162, 330 _sq._

331 B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_,
pp. 337 _sq._

M76 Reincarnation of the dead in Northern Australia.

332 W. Baldwin Spencer, _An Introduction to the Study of Certain Native
Tribes of the Northern Territory_ (Melbourne, 1912), p. 6: “The two
fundamental beliefs of reincarnation and of children not being of
necessity the result of sexual intercourse, are firmly held by the
tribes in their normal wild state. There is no doubt whatever of
this, and we now know that these two beliefs extend through all the
tribes northwards to Katherine Creek and eastwards to the Gulf of
Carpentaria.” In a letter (dated Melbourne, July 27th, 1913)
Professor Baldwin Spencer writes to me that the natives on the
Alligator River in the Northern Territory “have detailed
traditions—as also have all the tribes—of how great ancestors
wandered over the country leaving numbers of spirit children behind
them who have been reincarnated time after time. They know who
everyone is a reincarnation of, as the names are perpetuated.”

333 W. Baldwin Spencer, _An Introduction to the Study of Certain Native
Tribes of the Northern Territory_ (Melbourne, 1912), pp. 41-45.

M77 Theories as to the birth of children among the tribes of Queensland.

334 Walter E. Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography_, _Bulletin_ No. 5,
_Superstition, Magic, and Medicine_ (Brisbane, 1903), pp. 22, § 81.

335 Walter E. Roth, _op. cit._ p. 23, § 82.

336 Walter E. Roth, _op. cit._ p. 23, § 83. Mr. Roth adds, very justly:
“When it is remembered that as a rule in all these Northern tribes,
a little girl may be given to and will live with her spouse as wife
long before she reaches the stage of puberty—the relationship of
which to fecundity is not recognised—the idea of conception not
being necessarily due to sexual connection becomes partly
intelligible.”

337 The Bishop of North Queensland (Dr. Frodsham) in a letter to me,
dated Bishop’s Lodge, Townsville, Queensland, July 9th, 1909. The
Bishop’s authority for the statement is the Rev. C. W. Morrison,
M.A., acting head of the Yarrubah Mission. In the same letter Dr.
Frodsham, speaking from personal observation, refers to “the belief,
practically universal among the northern tribes, that copulation is
not the cause of conception.” See J. G. Frazer, “Beliefs and Customs
of the Australian Aborigines,” _Folk-lore_, xx. (1909) pp. 350-352;
_Man_, ix. (1909) pp. 145-147; _Totemism and Exogamy_, i. 577 _sq._

M78 Theories as to the birth of children in Northern and Western
Australia. Belief that conception in women is caused by the food
they eat.

338 Herbert Basedow, _Anthropological Notes on the Western Coastal
Tribes of the Northern Territory of South Australia_, pp. 4 _sq._
(separate reprint from the _Transactions of the Royal Society of
South Australia_, vol. xxxi. 1907).

M79 Conception supposed to be caused by a man who is not the father.

339 A. R. Brown, “Beliefs concerning Childbirth in some Australian
Tribes,” _Man_, xii. (1912) pp. 180 _sq._ Compare _id._, “Three
Tribes of Western Australia,” _Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute_, xliii. (1913) p. 168.

M80 Some rude races still ignorant as to the cause of procreation.

340 Those who desire to pursue this subject further may consult with
advantage Mr. E. S. Hartland’s learned treatise _Primitive
Paternity_ (London, 1909-1910), which contains an ample collection
of facts and a careful discussion of them. Elsewhere I have argued
that the primitive ignorance of paternity furnishes the key to the
origin of totemism. See _Totemism and Exogamy_, i. 155 _sqq._, iv.
40 _sqq._

M81 Legends of virgin mothers.
M82 Procreative virtue apparently ascribed to the sacred stocks and
stones at Semitic sanctuaries.

341 Jeremiah ii. 27. The ancient Greeks seem also to have had a notion
that men were sprung from trees or rocks. See Homer, _Od._ xix. 163;
F. G. Welcker, _Griechische Götterlehre_ (Göttingen, 1857-1862), i.
777 _sqq._; A. B. Cook, “Oak and Rock,” _Classical Review_, xv.
(1901) pp. 322 _sqq._

342 The _ashera_ and the _masseba_. See 1 Kings xiv. 23; 2 Kings xviii.
4, xxiii. 14; Micah v. 13 _sq._ (in Hebrew, 12 _sq._); Deuteronomy
xvi. 21 _sq._; W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 pp.
187 _sqq._, 203 _sqq._; G. F. Moore, in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_,
_svv._, “Asherah” and “Massebah.” In the early religion of Crete
also the two principal objects of worship seem to have been a sacred
tree and a sacred pillar. See A. J. Evans, “Mycenaean Tree and
Pillar Cult,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xxi. (1901) pp. 99
_sqq._

343 As to conical images of Semitic goddesses, see above, pp. 34 _sqq._
The sacred pole (_asherah_) appears also to have been by some people
regarded as the embodiment of a goddess (Astarte), not of a god. See
above, p. 18, note 2. Among the Khasis of Assam the sacred upright
stones, which resemble the Semitic _masseboth_, are regarded as
males, and the flat table-stones as female. See P. R. T. Gurdon,
_The Khasis_ (London, 1907), pp. 112 _sq._, 150 _sqq._ So in
Nikunau, one of the Gilbert Islands in the South Pacific, the
natives had sandstone slabs or pillars which represented gods and
goddesses. “If the stone slab represented a goddess it was not
placed erect, but laid down on the ground. Being a lady they thought
it would be cruel to make her stand so long.” See G. Turner, LL.D.,
_Samoa_ (London, 1884), p. 296.

M83 These conclusions confirmed by the excavation of a sanctuary at the
Canaanitish city of Gezer. The infants buried in the sanctuary may
have been expected to be born again.

344 See above, pp. 91 _sqq._

345 As to the excavations at Gezer, see R. A. Stewart Macalister,
_Reports on the Excavation of Gezer_ (London, N.D.), pp. 76-89
(reprinted from the _Quarterly Statement of the Palestine
Exploration Fund_); _id._, _Bible Side-lights from the Mound of
Gezer_ (London, 1906), pp. 57-67, 73-75. Professor Macalister now
inclines to regard the socketed stone as a laver rather than as the
base of the sacred pole. He supposes that the buried infants were
first-born children sacrificed in accordance with the ancient law of
the dedication of the first-born. The explanation which I have
adopted in the text agrees better with the uninjured state of the
bodies, and it is further confirmed by the result of the Austrian
excavations at Tell Ta’annek (Taanach) in Palestine, which seem to
prove that there children up to the age of two years were not buried
in the family graves but interred separately in jars. Some of these
sepulchral jars were deposited under or beside the houses, but many
were grouped round a rock-hewn altar in a different part of the
hill. There is nothing to indicate that any of the children were
sacrificed: the size of some of the skeletons precludes the idea
that they were slain at birth. Probably they all died natural
deaths, and the custom of burying them in or near the house or
beside an altar was intended to ensure their rebirth in the family.
See Dr. E. Sellin, “Tell Ta’annek,” _Denkschriften der Kaiser.
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse_, l.
(Vienna, 1904), No. iv. pp. 32-37, 96 _sq._ Compare W. W. Graf
Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_, p. 59 n.3. I have to thank Professor
R. A. Stewart Macalister for kindly directing my attention to the
excavations at Tell Ta’annek (Taanach). It deserves to be mentioned
that in an enclosure close to the standing stones at Gezer, there
was found a bronze model of a cobra (R. A. Stewart Macalister,
_Bible Side-lights_, p. 76). Perhaps the reptile was the deity of
the shrine, or an embodiment of an ancestral spirit.

M84 Semitic custom of sacrificing a member of the royal family. The
burning of Melcarth at Tyre. Festival of “the awakening of Hercules”
at Tyre.

_ 346 The Dying God_, pp. 166 _sqq._ See Note I., “Moloch the King,” at
the end of this volume.

347 Philo of Byblus, quoted by Eusebius, _Praepar. Evang._ i. 10. 29
_sq._; 2 Kings iii. 27.

348 See above, p. 15.

349 Philo of Byblus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.
Müller, iii. pp. 569, 570, 571. See above, p. 13.

350 See above, p. 16.

351 Sophocles, _Trachiniae_, 1191 _sqq._; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_,
ii. 7. 7; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 38; Hyginus, _Fab._ 36.

352 [S. Clementis Romani,] _Recognitiones_, x. 24, p. 233, ed. E. G.
Gersdorf (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, i. 1434).

353 Josephus, _Antiquit. Jud._ viii. 5. 3, _Contra Apionem_, i. 18.
Whether the quadriennial festival of Hercules at Tyre (2 Maccabees
iv. 18-20) was a different celebration, or only “the awakening of
Melcarth,” celebrated with unusual pomp once in four years, we do
not know.

354 Eudoxus of Cnidus, quoted by Athenaeus, ix. 47, p. 392 D, E. That
the death and resurrection of Melcarth were celebrated in an annual
festival at Tyre has been recognised by scholars. See
Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de
l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième
Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 25 _sqq._; H. Hubert et M. Mauss, “Essai
sur le sacrifice,” _L’Année Sociologique_, ii. (1899) pp. 122, 124;
M. J. Lagrange, _Études sur les Religions Sémitiques_,2 pp. 308-311.
Iolaus is identified by some modern scholars with Eshmun, a
Phoenician and Carthaginian deity about whom little is known. See F.
C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. (Bonn, 1841) pp. 536 _sqq._; F.
Baethgen, _Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_ (Berlin,
1888), pp. 44 _sqq._; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im
Altertum_ (Gotha, 1896-1903), i. 268; W. W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis
und Esmun_, pp. 282 _sqq._

355 Zenobius, _Centur._ v. 56 (_Paroemiographi Graeci_, ed. E. L.
Leutsch et F. G. Schneidewin, Göttingen, 1839-1851, vol. i. p. 143).

356 Quails were perhaps burnt in honour of the Cilician Hercules or
Sandan at Tarsus. See below, p. 126, note 2.

357 Alfred Newton, _Dictionary of Birds_ (London, 1893-96), p. 755.

358 H. B. Tristram, _The Fauna and Flora of Palestine_ (London, 1884),
p. 124. For more evidence as to the migration of quails see Aug.
Dillmann’s commentary on Exodus xvi. 13, pp. 169 _sqq._ (Leipsic,
1880).

359 The Tyrian Hercules was said to be a son of Zeus and Asteria
(Eudoxus of Cnidus, quoted by Athenaeus, ix. 47, p. 392 D; Cicero,
_De natura deorum_, iii. 16. 42). As to the transformation of
Asteria into a quail see Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 4. 1; J.
Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 401; Hyginus, _Fab._ 53; Servius on
Virgil, _Aen._ iii. 73. The name Asteria may be a Greek form of
Astarte. See W. W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_, p. 307.

360 Quintus Curtius, iv. 2. 10; Arrian, _Anabasis_, ii. 24. 5.

M85 Worship of Melcarth at Gades, and trace of a custom of burning him
there in effigy.

361 Strabo, iii. 5. 5, pp. 169 _sq._; Mela, iii. 46; Scymnus Chius,
_Orbis Descriptio_, 159-161 (_Geographi Graeci Minores_, ed. C.
Müller, i. 200 _sq._).

362 Silius Italicus, iii. 14-32; Mela, iii. 46; Strabo, iii. 5. 3, 5, 7,
pp. 169, 170, 172; Diodorus Siculus, v. 20. 2; Philostratus, _Vita
Apollonii_, v. 4 _sq._; Appian, _Hispanica_, 65. Compare Arrian,
_Anabasis_, ii. 16. 4. That the bones of Hercules were buried at
Gades is mentioned by Mela (_l.c._). Compare Arnobius, _Adversus
Nationes_, i. 36. In Italy women were not allowed to participate in
sacrifices offered to Hercules (Aulus Gellius, xi. 6. 2; Macrobius,
_Saturn._ i. 12. 28; Sextus Aurelius Victor, _De origine gentis
Romanae_, vi. 6; Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 60). Whether the
priests of Melcarth at Gades were celibate, or had only to observe
continence at certain seasons, does not appear. At Tyre the priest
of Melcarth might be married (Justin, xviii. 4. 5). The worship of
Melcarth under the name of Hercules continued to flourish in the
south of Spain down to the time of the Roman Empire. See J. Toutain,
_Les Cultes païens dans l’Empire Romain_, Première Partie, i.
(Paris, 1907) pp. 400 _sqq._

363 Livy, xxi. 21. 9, 22. 5-9; Cicero, _De Divinatione_, i. 24. 49;
Silius Italicus, iii. 1 _sqq._, 158 _sqq._

364 Pausanias, x. 4. 5.

365 B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 674; G. A. Cooke,
_Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, p. 351.

366 F. Imhoof-Blumer and P. Gardner, _Numismatic Commentary on
Pausanias_, pp. 10-12, with pl. A; Stoll, _s.v._ “Melikertes,” in W.
H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 2634.

M86 Evidence of a custom of burning a god or goddess at Carthage. The
fire-walk at Tyre. The fire-walk at Castabala. The Carthaginian king
Hamilcar sacrifices himself in the fire.

367 Justin, xviii. 6. 1-7; Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 473 _sqq._, v. i. _sqq._;
Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 545 _sqq._; Timaeus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum
Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, i. 197. Compare W. Robertson Smith,
_Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 373 _sqq._ The name of Dido has been
plausibly derived by Gesenius, Movers, E. Meyer, and A. H. Sayce
from the Semitic _dôd_, “beloved.” See F. C. Movers, _Die
Phoenizier_, i. 616; Meltzer, _s.v._ “Dido,” in W. H. Roscher’s
_Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, i. 1017 _sq._; A. H.
Sayce, _Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Babylonians_ (London
and Edinburgh, 1887), pp. 56 _sqq._ If they are right, the divine
character of Dido becomes more probable than ever, since “the
Beloved” (_Dodah_) seems to have been a title of a Semitic goddess,
perhaps Astarte. See above, p. 20, note 2. According to Varro it was
not Dido but her sister Anna who slew herself on a pyre for love of
Aeneas (Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 682).

368 Justin, xviii. 6. 8.

369 Silius Italicus, i. 81 _sqq._

370 See above, pp. 16, 110 _sqq._

371 Ezekiel xxviii. 14, compare 16.

_ 372 Balder the Beautiful_, ii. 1 _sqq._ But, as I have there pointed
out, there are grounds for thinking that the custom of walking over
fire is not a substitute for human sacrifice, but merely a stringent
form of purification. On fire as a purificatory agent see below, pp.
179 _sqq._, 188 _sq._

373 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. In Greece itself accused persons used to
prove their innocence by walking through fire (Sophocles,
_Antigone_, 264 _sq._, with Jebb’s note). Possibly the fire-walk of
the priestesses at Castabala was designed to test their chastity.
For this purpose the priests and priestesses of the Tshi-speaking
people of the Gold Coast submit to an ordeal, standing one by one in
a narrow circle of fire. This “is supposed to show whether they have
remained pure, and refrained from sexual intercourse, during the
period of retirement, and so are worthy of inspiration by the gods.
If they are pure they will receive no injury and suffer no pain from
the fire” (A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold
Coast_, London, 1887, p. 138). These cases favour the purificatory
explanation of the fire-walk.

374 Euripides, _Iphigenia in Tauris_, 621-626. Compare Diodorus Siculus,
xx. 14. 6.

375 Herodotus, vii. 167. This was the Carthaginian version of the story.
According to another account, Hamilcar was killed by the Greek
cavalry (Diodorus Siculus, xi. 22. 1). His worship at Carthage is
mentioned by Athenagoras (_Supplicatio pro Christianis_, p. 64, ed.
J. C. T. Otto, Jena, 1857.) I have called Hamilcar a king in
accordance with the usage of Greek writers (Herodotus, vii. 165
_sq._; Aristotle, _Politics_, ii. 11; Polybius, vi. 51; Diodorus
Siculus, xiv. 54. 5). But the _suffetes_, or supreme magistrates, of
Carthage were two in number; whether they were elected for a year or
for life seems to be doubtful. Cornelius Nepos, who calls them
kings, says that they were elected annually (_Hannibal_, vii. 4),
and Livy (xxx. 7. 5) compares them to the consuls; but Cicero (_De
re publica_, ii. 23. 42 _sq._) seems to imply that they held office
for life. See G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic
Inscriptions_, pp. 115 _sq._

M87 The death of Hercules a Greek version of the burning of Melcarth.

376 Lucian, _Amores_, 1 and 54.

M88 The Tyrian Melcarth in Cyprus. The lion-slaying god.

377 See above, p. 32.

378 G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, Nos. 23 and
29, PP. 73, 83 _sq._, with the notes on pp. 81, 84.

379 G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iii.
566-578. The colossal statue found at Amathus may be related,
directly or indirectly, to the Egyptian god Bes, who is represented
as a sturdy misshapen dwarf, wearing round his body the skin of a
beast of the panther tribe, with its tail hanging down. See E. A.
Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_ (London, 1904), ii. 284
_sqq._; A. Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London,
1897), pp. 159 _sqq._; A. Furtwängler, _s.v._ “Herakles,” in W. H.
Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, i. 2143 _sq._

380 However, human victims were burned at Salamis in Cyprus. See below,
p. 145.

M89 The Baal of Tarsus, an Oriental god of corn and grapes.

381 See above, p. 41.

382 For traces of Phoenician influence in Cilicia see F. C. Movers, _Die
Phoenizier_, ii. 2, pp. 167-174, 207 _sqq._ Herodotus says (vii. 91)
that the Cilicians were named after Cilix, a son of the Phoenician
Agenor.

383 As to the fertility and the climate of the plain of Tarsus, which is
now very malarious, see E. J. Davis, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_
(London, 1879), chaps. i.-vii. The gardens for miles round the city
are very lovely, but wild and neglected, full of magnificent trees,
especially fine oak, ash, orange, and lemon-trees. The vines run to
the top of the highest branches, and almost every garden resounds
with the song of the nightingale (E. J. Davis, _op. cit._ p. 35).

384 Strabo, xiv. 5. 13, pp. 673 _sq._

385 Dio Chrysostom, _Or._ xxxiii. vol. ii. pp. 14 _sq._, 17, ed. L.
Dindorf (Leipsic, 1857).

386 F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, ii. 2, pp. 171 _sq._; P. Gardner,
_Types of Greek Coins_ (Cambridge, 1883), pl. x. Nos. 29, 30; B. V.
Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 614; G. F. Hill,
_Catalogue of Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_
(London, 1900), pp. 167-176, pl. xxix.-xxxii.; G. Macdonald,
_Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection_ (Glasgow,
1899-1905), ii. 547; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art
dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 727. In later times, from about 175 B.C.
onward, the Baal of Tarsus was completely assimilated to Zeus on the
coins. See B. V. Head, _op. cit._ p. 617; G. F. Hill, _op. cit._ pp.
177, 181.

M90 The Baal of Tarsus has his counterpart at Ibreez in Cappadocia. The
pass of the Cilician Gates.

387 Sir W. M. Ramsay, _Luke the Physician, and other Studies in the
History of Religion_ (London, 1908), pp. 112 _sqq._

M91 The rock-sculptures at Ibreez represent a god of corn and grapes
adored by his worshipper, a priest or king.

388 E. J. Davis, “On a New Hamathite Inscription at Ibreez,”
_Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology_, iv. (1876)
pp. 336-346; _id._, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_ (London, 1879), pp.
245-260; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans
l’Antiquité_, iv. 723-729; Ramsay and Hogarth, “Prehellenic
Monuments of Cappadocia,” _Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la
Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes_, xiv.
(1903) pp. 77-81, 85 _sq._, with plates iii. and iv.; L.
Messerschmidt, _Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_ (Berlin, 1900),
Tafel xxxiv.; Sir W. M. Ramsay, _Luke the Physician_ (London, 1908),
pp. 171 _sqq._; John Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_ (London,
1910), pp. 191-195, 378 _sq._ Of this sculptured group Messrs. W. M.
Ramsay and D. G. Hogarth say that “it yields to no rock-relief in
the world in impressive character” (_American Journal of
Archaeology_, vi. (1890) p. 347). Professor Garstang would date the
sculptures in the tenth or ninth century B.C. Another inscribed
Hittite monument found at Bor, near the site of the ancient Tyana,
exhibits a very similar figure of a priest or king in an attitude of
adoration. The resemblance extends even to the patterns embroidered
on the robe and shawl, which include the well-known _swastika_
carved on the lower border of the long robe. The figure is
sculptured in high relief on a slab of stone and would seem to have
been surrounded by inscriptions, though a portion of them has
perished. See J. Garstang, _op. cit._ pp. 185-188, with plate lvi.
For the route from Tarsus to Ibreez (Ivriz) see E. J. Davis, _Life
in Asiatic Turkey_, pp. 198-244; J. Garstang, _op. cit._ pp. 44
_sqq._

M92 The fertility of Ibreez contrasted with the desolation of the
surrounding country.

389 See above, pp. 28 _sq._

390 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. When Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia
(51-50 B.C.) he encamped with his army for some days at Cybistra,
from which two of his letters to Atticus are dated. But hearing that
the Parthians, who had invaded Syria, were threatening Cilicia, he
hurried by forced marches through the pass of the Cilician Gates to
Tarsus. See Cicero, _Ad Atticum_, v. 18, 19, 20; _Ad Familiares_,
xv. 2, 4.

391 E. J. Davis, in _Transactions of the Society of Biblical
Archaeology_, iv. (1876) pp. 336 _sq._, 346; _id._, _Life in Asiatic
Turkey_, pp. 232 _sq._, 236 _sq._, 264 _sq._, 270-272. Compare W. J.
Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_ (London,
1842), ii. 304-307.

M93 The horned god.

392 L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_ (London, 1903), pp. 49 _sq._ On an
Assyrian cylinder, now in the British Museum, we see a warlike deity
with bow and arrows standing on a lion, and wearing a similar bonnet
decorated with horns and surmounted by a star or sun. See De Vogüé,
_Mélanges d’Archéologie Orientale_ (Paris, 1868), p. 46, who
interprets the deity as the great Asiatic goddess. As to the horned
god of Ibreez “it is a plausible theory that the horns may, in this
case, be analogous to the Assyrian emblem of divinity. The sculpture
is late and its style rather suggests Semitic influence” (Professor
J. Garstang, in some MS. notes with which he has kindly furnished
me).

393 See below, p. 132.

_ 394 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 16 _sq._, ii. 3 _sqq._

M94 The god of Ibreez a Hittite deity.

395 The identification is accepted by E. Meyer (_Geschichte des
Altertums_,2 i. 2. p. 641), G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez (_Histoire de
l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 727), and P. Jensen (_Hittiter und
Armenier_, Strasburg, 1898, p. 145).

396 Ramsay and Hogarth, “Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” _Recueil
de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes
et Assyriennes_, xiv. (1893) p. 79.

397 G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_,
ii. 360-362; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans
l’Antiquité_, iv. 572 _sqq._, 586 _sq._

398 That the cradle of the Hittites was in the interior of Asia Minor,
particularly in Cappadocia, and that they spread from there south,
east, and west, is the view of A. H. Sayce, W. M. Ramsay, D. G.
Hogarth, W. Max Müller, F. Hommel, L. B. Paton, and L.
Messerschmidt. See _Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement
for 1884_, p. 49; A. H. Sayce, _The Hittites_3 (London, 1903), pp.
80 _sqq._; W. Max Müller, _Asien und Europa_ (Leipsic, 1893), pp.
319 _sqq._; Ramsay and Hogarth, “Pre-Hellenic Monuments of
Cappadocia,” _Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à
l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes_, xv. (1893) p. 94; F.
Hommel, _Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients_
(Munich, 1904), pp. 42, 48, 54; L. B. Paton, _The Early History of
Syria and Palestine_ (London, 1902), pp. 105 _sqq._; L.
Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_ (London, 1903), pp. 12, 13, 19, 20; D.
G. Hogarth, “Recent Hittite Research,” _Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909) pp. 408 _sqq._ Compare Ed.
Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. (Stuttgart and Berlin,
1909) pp. 617 sqq.; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 315
_sqq._ The native Hittite writing is a system of hieroglyphics which
has not yet been read, but in their intercourse with foreign nations
the Hittites used the Babylonian cuneiform script. Clay tablets
bearing inscriptions both in the Babylonian and in the Hittite
language have been found by Dr. H. Winckler at Boghaz-Keui, the
great Hittite capital in Cappadocia; so that the sounds of the
Hittite words, though not their meanings, are now known. According
to Professor Ed. Meyer, it seems certain that the Hittite language
was neither Semitic nor Indo-European. As to the inscribed tablets
of Boghaz-Keui, see H. Winckler, “Vorläufige Nachrichten über die
Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907, 1. Die Tontafelfunde,”
_Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 35,
December 1907, pp. 1-59; “Hittite Archives from Boghaz-Keui,”
translated from the German transcripts of Dr. Winckler by Meta E.
Williams, _Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology_, iv. (Liverpool,
1912), pp. 90-98.

399 G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_,
ii. 351, note 3, with his references; L. B. Paton, _op. cit._ p.
109; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, p. 10; F. Hommel, _op. cit._
p. 42; W. Max Müller, _Asien und Europa_, p. 332. See the preceding
note.

M95 The burning of Sandan or Hercules at Tarsus.

400 A. H. Sayce, “The Hittite Inscriptions,” _Recueil de Travaux
relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et
Assyriennes_, xiv. (1893) pp. 48 _sq._; P. Jensen, _Hittiter und
Armenier_ (Strasburg, 1898), pp. 42 _sq._

401 Georgius Syncellus, _Chronographia_, vol. i. p. 290, ed. G. Dindorf
(Bonn, 1829): Ἡρακλέα τινές φασιν ἐν Φοινίκῃ γνωρίζεσθαι Σάνδαν
ἐπιλεγόμενον, ὡς καὶ μεχρὶ νῦν ὑπὸ Καππαδόκων καὶ Κιλίκων. In this
passage Σάνδαν is a correction of F. C. Movers’s (_Die Phoenizier_,
i. 460) for the MS. reading Δισανδάν, the ΔΙ having apparently
arisen by dittography from the preceding ΑΙ; and Κιλίκων is a
correction of E. Meyer’s (“Über einige semitische Götter,”
_Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, xxxi.
737) for the MS. reading Ἱλίων. Compare Jerome (quoted by Movers and
Meyer, _ll.cc._): “_Hercules cognomento Desanaus in Syria Phoenice
clarus habetur. Inde ad nostram usque memoriam a Cappadocibus et
Eliensibus (al. Deliis) Desanaus adhuc dicitur._” If the text of
Jerome is here sound, he would seem to have had before him a Greek
original which was corrupt like the text of Syncellus or of
Syncellus’s authority. The Cilician Hercules is called Sandes by
Nonnus (_Dionys._, xxxiv. 183 _sq._). Compare Raoul-Rochette in
_Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii.
Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 159 _sqq._

402 Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 8. 3; Dio Chrysostom, _Or._ xxxiii. vol.
ii. p. 16, ed. L. Dindorf (Leipsic, 1857). The pyre is mentioned
only by Dio Chrysostom, whose words clearly imply that its erection
was a custom observed periodically. On Sandan or Sandon see K. O.
Müller, “Sandon und Sardanapal,” _Kunstarchaeologische Werke_, iii.
6 _sqq._; F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. 458 _sqq._;
Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de
l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième
Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 178 _sqq._; E. Meyer, “Über einige
Semitische Götter,” _Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen
Gesellschaft_, xxxi. (1877) pp. 736-740: _id._, _Geschichte des
Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 641 _sqq._ § 484.

403 P. Gardner, _Catalogue of Greek Coins, the Seleucid Kings of Syria_
(London, 1878), pp. 72, 78, 89, 112, pl. xxi. 6, xxiv. 3, xxviii. 8;
G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and
Cilicia_ (London, 1900), pp. 180, 181, 183, 190, 221, 224, 225, pl.
xxxiii. 2, 3, xxxiv. 10, xxxvii. 9; F. Imhoof-Blumer, “Coin-types of
some Kilikian Cities,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xviii. (1898)
p. 169, pl. xiii. 1, 2. The structure represented on the coins is
sometimes called not the pyre but the monument of Sandan or
Sardanapalus. Certainly the cone resting on the square base reminds
us of the similar structure on the coins of Byblus as well as of the
conical image of Aphrodite at Paphos (see above, pp. 14, 34); but
the words of Dio Chrysostom make it probable that the design on the
coins of Tarsus represents the pyre. At the same time, the burning
of the god may well have been sculptured on a permanent monument of
stone. The legend ΟΡΤΥΓΟΘΗΡΑ, literally “quail-hunt,” which appears
on some coins of Tarsus (G. F. Hill, _op. cit._ pp. lxxxvi. _sq._),
may refer to a custom of catching quails and burning them on the
pyre. We have seen (above, pp. 111 _sq._) that quails were
apparently burnt in sacrifice at Byblus. This explanation of the
legend on the coins of Tarsus was suggested by Raoul-Rochette (_op.
cit._ pp. 201-205). However, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me that “the
interpretation of Ὀρτυγοθήρα as anything but a personal name is
rendered very unlikely by the analogy of all the other inscriptions
on coins of the same class.” Doves were burnt on a pyre in honour of
Adonis (below, p. 147). Similarly birds were burnt on a pyre in
honour of Laphrian Artemis at Patrae (Pausanias, vii. 18. 12).

404 Herodian, iv. 2.

405 See Franz Cumont, “L’Aigle funéraire des Syriens et l’Apothéose des
Empereurs,” _Revue de l’Histoire des Religions_, lxii, (1910) pp.
119-163.

M96 Sandan of Tarsus an Asiatic god with the symbols of the lion and the
double axe.

406 F. Imhoof-Blumer, _Monnaies Grecques_ (Amsterdam, 1883), pp. 366
_sq._, 433, 435, with plates F. 24, 25, H. 14 (_Verhandelingen der
Konink. Akademie von Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, xiv.);
F. Imhoof-Blumer und O. Keller, _Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Münzen
und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums_ (Leipsic, 1889), pp. 70 _sq._,
with pl. xii. 7, 8, 9; F. Imhoof-Blumer, “Coin-types of some
Kilikian Cities,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xviii. (1898) pp.
169-171; P. Gardner, _Types of Greek Coins_, pl. xiii. 20; G. F.
Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and
Cilicia_, pp. 178, 179, 184, 186, 206, 213, with plates xxxii. 13,
14, 15, 16, xxxiv. 2, xxxvi. 9; G. Macdonald, _Catalogue of Greek
Coins in the Hunterian Collection_, ii. 548, with pl. lx. 11. The
booted Sandan is figured by G. F. Hill, _op. cit._ pl. xxxvi. 9.

M97 Boghaz-Keui the ancient capital of a Hittite kingdom in Cappadocia.

407 Herodotus, i. 76; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Πτέριον. As to the
situation of Boghaz-Keui and the ruins of Pteria see W. J. Hamilton,
_Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_ (London, 1842), i.
391 _sqq._; H. Barth, “Reise von Trapezunt durch die nördliche
Hälfte Klein-Asiens,” _Ergänzungsheft zu Petermann’s Geographischen
Mittheilungen_, No. 2 (1860), pp. 44-52; H. F. Tozer, _Turkish
Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor_ (London, 1881), pp. 64, 71 _sqq._;
W. M. Ramsay, “Historical Relations of Phrygia and Cappadocia,”
_Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S., xv. (1883) p. 103;
_id._, _Historical Geography of Asia Minor_ (London, 1890), pp. 28
_sq._, 33 _sq._; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans
l’Antiquité_, iv. 596 _sqq._; K. Humann und O. Puchstein, _Reisen in
Kleinasien und Nordsyrien_ (Berlin, 1890), pp. 71-80, with Atlas,
plates xi.-xiv.; E. Chantre, _Mission en Cappadoce_ (Paris, 1898),
pp. 13 _sqq._; O. Puchstein, “Die Bauten von Boghaz-Köi,”
_Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 35,
December 1907, pp. 62 _sqq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the
Hittites_ (London, 1910), pp. 196 _sqq._

M98 The sanctuary in the rocks. The rock-sculptures in the outer
sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui represent two processions meeting. The
central figures.

408 This procession of men is broken (_a_) by two women clad in long
plaited robes like the women on the opposite wall; (_b_) by two
winged monsters; and (_c_) by the figure of a priest or king as to
which see below, pp. 131 _sq._

M99 The rock-sculptures in the inner sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui. The
lion-god. The god protecting his priest. Other representations of
the priest at Boghaz-Keui and Euyuk.

409 W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_
(London, 1842), i. 393-395; H. F. Tozer, _Turkish Armenia and
Eastern Asia Minor_, pp. 59 _sq._, 66-78; W. M. Ramsay, “Historical
Relations of Phrygia and Asia Minor,” _Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society_, N.S. xv. (1883) pp. 113-120; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez,
_Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 623-656, 666-672; K.
Humann und O. Puchstein, _Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien_, pp.
55-70, with Atlas, plates vii.-x.; E. Chantre, _Mission en
Cappadoce_, pp. 3-5, 16-26; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, pp.
42-50; Th. Macridy-Bey, _La Porte des Sphinx à Eyuk_, pp. 13 _sq._
(_Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1908, No. 3,
Berlin); Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 631
_sq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_ (London, 1910), pp.
196 _sqq._ (Boghaz-Keui) 256 _sqq._ (Eyuk). Compare P. Jensen,
_Hittiter und Armenier_, pp. 165 _sqq._ In some notes with which my
colleague Professor J. Garstang has kindly furnished me he tells me
that the two animals wearing Hittite hats, which appear between the
great god and goddess in the outer sanctuary, are not bulls but
certainly goats; and he inclines to think that the two heaps on
which the priest stands in the outer sanctuary are fir-cones.
Professor Ed. Meyer holds that the costume which the priestly king
wears is that of the Sun-goddess, and that the corresponding figure
in the procession of males on the left-hand side of the outer
sanctuary does not represent the priestly king but the Sun-goddess
in person. “The attributes of the King,” he says (_op. cit._ p.
632), “are to be explained by the circumstance that he, as the
Hittite inscriptions prove, passed for an incarnation of the Sun,
who with the Hittites was a female divinity; the temple of the Sun
is therefore his emblem.” As to the title of “the Sun” bestowed on
Hittite kings in inscriptions, see H. Winckler, “Vorläufige
Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907,”
_Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 35,
December 1907, pp. 32, 33, 36, 44, 45, 53. The correct form of the
national name appears to be Chatti or Hatti rather than Hittites,
which is the Hebrew form (חתי) of the name. Compare M. Jastrow, in
_Encyclopaedia Biblica_, ii. coll. 2094 _sqq._, _s.v._ “Hittites.”

An interesting Hittite symbol which occurs both in the sanctuary at
Boghaz-Keui and at the palace of Euyuk is the double-headed eagle.
In both places it serves as the support of divine or priestly
personages. After being adopted as a badge by the Seljuk Sultans in
the Middle Ages, it passed into Europe with the Crusaders and became
in time the escutcheon of the Austrian and Russian empires. See W.
J. Hamilton, _op. cit._ i. 383; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _op. cit._
iv. 681-683, pl. viii. E; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, p. 50.

M100 The two deities at the head of the processions at Boghaz-Keui appear
to be the great Asiatic goddess and her consort. The Hittite god of
the thundering sky. Jupiter Dolichenus.

410 W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_, i.
394 _sq._; H. Barth, in _Monatsberichte der königl. Preuss. Akademie
der Wissenschaften_, 1859, pp. 128 _sqq._; _id._, “Reise von
Trapezunt,” _Ergänzungsheft zu Petermann’s Geograph. Mittheilungen_,
No. 2 (Gotha, 1860), pp. 45 _sq._; H. F. Tozer, _Turkish Armenia and
Eastern Asia Minor_, p. 69; E. Chantre, _Mission en Cappadoce_, pp.
20 _sqq._ According to Barth, the scene represented is the marriage
of Aryenis, daughter of Alyattes, king of Lydia, to Astyages, son of
Cyaxares, king of the Medes (Herodotus, i. 74). For a discussion of
various interpretations which have been proposed see G. Perrot et
Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 630 _sqq._

411 This is in substance the view of Raoul-Rochette, Lajard, W. M.
Ramsay, G. Perrot, C. P. Tiele, Ed. Meyer, and J. Garstang. See
Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de
l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième
Partie (Paris, 1848), p. 180 note 1; W. M. Ramsay, “On the Early
Historical Relations between Phrygia and Cappadocia,” _Journal of
the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S. xv. (1883) pp. 113-120; G. Perrot
et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 630
_sqq._; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_, i.
255-257; Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 633
_sq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 235-237; _id._,
_The Syrian Goddess_ (London, 1913), pp. 5 _sqq._

412 K. Humann und O. Puchstein, _Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien_
(Berlin, 1902), Atlas, pl. xlv. 3; _Ausgrabungen zu Sendschirli_,
iii. (Berlin, 1902) pl. xli.; J. Garstang, _The Land of the
Hittites_, p. 291, with plate lxxvii.; R. Koldewey, _Die Hettitische
Inschrift gefunden in der Königsburg von Babylon_ (Leipsic, 1900),
plates 1 and 2 (_Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen
Orient-Gesellschaft_, Heft 1); L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus
Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_, pl. i. 5 and 6; _id._, _The Hittites_
(London, 1903), pp. 40-42, with fig. 6 on p. 41; M. J. Lagrange,
_Études sur les Religions Sémitiques_2 (Paris, 1905), p. 93. The
name of the god is thought to have been Teshub or Teshup; for a god
of that name is known from the Tel-el-Amarna letters to have been
the chief deity of the Mitani, a people of Northern Mesopotamia akin
in speech and religion to the Hittites, but ruled by an Aryan
dynasty. See Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 578,
591 _sq._, 636 _sq._; R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian
Literature_, pp. 222, 223 (where the god’s name is spelt Tishub).
The god is also mentioned repeatedly in the Hittite archives which
Dr. H. Winckler found inscribed on clay tablets at Boghaz-Keui. See
H. Winckler, “Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in
Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907,” _Mitteilungen der Deutschen
Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 35, December 1907, pp. 13 _sq._,
32, 34, 36, 38, 39, 43, 44, 51 _sq._, 53; “Hittite Archives from
Boghaz-Keui,” translated from the German transcripts of Dr.
Winckler, _Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology_, iv. (Liverpool
and London, 1912) pp. 90 _sqq._ As to the Mitani, their language and
their gods, see H. Winckler, _op. cit._ pp. 30 _sqq._, 46 _sqq._ In
thus interpreting the Hittite god who heads the procession at
Boghaz-Keui I follow my colleague Prof. J. Garstang (_The Land of
the Hittites_, p. 237; _The Syrian Goddess_, pp. 5 _sqq._), who has
kindly furnished me with some notes on the subject. I formerly
interpreted the deity as the Hittite equivalent of Tammuz, Adonis,
and Attis. But against that view it may be urged that (1) the god is
bearded and therefore of mature age, whereas Tammuz and his fellows
were regularly conceived as youthful; (2) the thunderbolt which he
seems to carry would be quite inappropriate to Tammuz, who was not a
god of thunder but of vegetation; and (3) the Hittite Tammuz is
appropriately represented in the procession of women immediately
behind the Mother Goddess (see below, pp. 137 _sq._), and it is
extremely improbable that he should be represented twice over with
different attributes in the same scene. These considerations seem to
me conclusive against the interpretation of the bearded god as a
Tammuz and decisive in favour of Professor Garstang’s view of him.

413 J. Garstang, “Notes of a Journey through Asia Minor,” _Annals of
Archaeology and Anthropology_, i. (Liverpool and London, 1908) pp. 3
_sq._, with plate iv.; _id._, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 138,
359, with plate xliv. In this sculpture the god on the bull holds in
his right hand what is described as a triangular bow instead of a
mace, an axe, or a hammer.

414 A. Wiedemann, _Ägyptische Geschichte_ (Gotha, 1884), ii. 438-440; G.
Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, ii.
(Paris, 1897) pp. 401 _sq._; W. Max Müller, _Der Bündnisvortrag
Ramses’ II. und des Chetitirkönigs_, pp. 17-19, 21 _sq._, 38-44
(_Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1902, No. 5,
Berlin); L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, pp. 14-19; J. H.
Breasted, _Ancient Records of Egypt_ (Chicago, 1906-1907), iii.
163-174; _id._, _A History of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1908),
p. 311; Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 631, 635
_sqq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 347-349. The
Hittite copy of the treaty was discovered by Dr. H. Winckler at
Boghaz-Keui in 1906. The identification of Arenna or Arinna is
uncertain. In a forthcoming article, “The Sun God[dess] of Arenna,”
to be published in the Liverpool _Annals of Archaeology and
Anthropology_, Professor J. Garstang argues that Arenna is to be
identified with the Cappadocian Comana.

415 Ed. Meyer, “Dolichenus,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und
röm. Mythologie_, i. 1191-1194; A. von Domaszewski, _Die Religion
des römischen Heeres_ (Treves, 1895), pp. 59 _sq._, with plate iiii.
fig. 1 and 2; Franz Cumont, _s.v._ “Dolichenus,” in Pauly-Wissowa’s
_Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, v. i.
coll. 1276 _sqq._; J. Toutain, _Les Cultes païens dans l’Empire
Romain_, ii. (Paris, 1911) pp. 35-43. For examples of the
inscriptions which relate to his worship see H. Dessau,
_Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii. Pars i. (Berlin, 1902)
pp. 167-172, Nos. 4296-4324.

M101 The Mother Goddess.

416 As to the lions and mural crown of Cybele see Lucretius, ii. 600
_sqq._; Catullus, lxiii. 76 _sqq._; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 23. 20;
Rapp, _s.v._ “Kybele,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und
röm. Mythologie_, ii. 1644 _sqq._

417 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 31; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 23. 19. Lucian’s
description of her image is confirmed by coins of Hierapolis, on
which the goddess is represented wearing a high head-dress and
seated on a lion. See B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887),
p. 654; G. Macdonald, _Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian
Collection_ (Glasgow, 1899-1905), iii. 139 _sq._; J. Garstang, _The
Syrian Goddess_, pp. 21 _sqq._, 70, with fig. 7. That the name of
the Syrian goddess of Hierapolis-Bambyce was Atargatis is mentioned
by Strabo (xvi. 1. 27, p. 748). On Egyptian monuments the Semitic
goddess Kadesh is represented standing on a lion. See W. Max Müller,
_Asien und Europa_, pp. 314 _sq._ It is to be remembered that
Hierapolis-Bambyce was the direct successor of Carchemish, the great
Hittite capital on the Euphrates, and may have inherited many
features of Hittite religion. See A. H. Sayce, _The Hittites_,3 pp.
94 _sqq._, 105 _sqq._; and as to the Hittite monuments at
Carchemish, see J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 122
_sqq._

418 Diodorus Siculus, ii. 9. 5.

M102 The youth on the lioness, bearing the double axe, at Boghaz-Keui may
be the divine son and lover of the goddess.

419 In thus interpreting the youth with the double axe I agree with Sir
W. M. Ramsay (“On the Early Historical Relations between Phrygia and
Cappadocia,” _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S. xv. (1883)
pp. 118, 120), C. P. Tiele (_Geschichte der Religion im Alterturm_,
i. 246, 255), and Prof. J. Garstang (_The Land of the Hittites_, p.
235; _The Syrian Goddess_, p. 8). That the youthful figure on the
lioness or panther represents the lover of the great goddess is the
view also of Professors Jensen and Hommel. See P. Jensen, _Hittiter
und Armenier_, pp. 173-175, 180; F. Hommel, _Grundriss der
Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients_, p. 51. Prof. Perrot
holds that the youth in question is a double of the bearded god who
stands at the head of the male procession, their costume being the
same, though their attributes differ (G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez,
_Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 651). But, as I have
already remarked, it is unlikely that the same god should be
represented twice over with different attributes in the same scene.
The resemblance between the two figures is better explained on the
supposition that they are Father and Son. The same two deities,
Father and Son, appear to be carved on a rock at Giaour-Kalesi, a
place on the road which in antiquity may have led from Ancyra by
Gordium to Pessinus. Here on the face of the rock are cut in relief
two gigantic figures in the usual Hittite costume of pointed cap,
short tunic, and shoes turned up at the toes. Each wears a
crescent-hilted sword at his side, each is marching to the
spectator’s left with raised right hand; and the resemblance between
them is nearly complete except that the figure in front is beardless
and the figure behind is bearded. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez,
_Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 714 _sqq._, with fig. 352;
J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 162-164. A similar, but
solitary, figure is carved in a niche of the rock at Kara-Bel, but
there the deity, or the man, carries a triangular bow over his right
shoulder. See below, p. 185.

With regard to the lionesses or panthers, a bas-relief found at
Carchemish, the capital of a Hittite kingdom on the Euphrates, shows
two male figures in Hittite costume, with pointed caps and turned-up
shoes, standing on a crouching lion. The foremost of the two figures
is winged and carries a short curved truncheon in his right hand.
According to Prof. Perrot, the two figures represent a god followed
by a priest or a king. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de
l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 549 _sq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of
the Hittites_, pp. 123 _sqq._ Again, on a sculptured slab found at
Amrit in Phoenicia we see a god standing on a lion and holding a
lion’s whelp in his left hand, while in his right hand he brandishes
a club or sword. See Perrot et Chipiez, _op. cit._ iii. 412-414. The
type of a god or goddess standing or sitting on a lion occurs also
in Assyrian art, from which the Phoenicians and Hittites may have
borrowed it. See Perrot et Chipiez, _op. cit._ ii. 642-644. Much
evidence as to the representation of Asiatic deities with lions has
been collected by Raoul-Rochette, in his learned dissertation “Sur
l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de l’Académie des
Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris,
1848), pp. 106 _sqq._ Compare De Vogüé, _Mélanges d’Archéologie
Orientale_, pp. 44 _sqq._

M103 The mystery of the lion-god.

420 Similarly in Yam, one of the Torres Straits Islands, two brothers
named Sigai and Maiau were worshipped in a shrine under the form of
a hammer-headed shark and a crocodile respectively, and were
represented by effigies made of turtle-shell in the likeness of
these animals. But “the shrines were so sacred that no uninitiated
persons might visit them, nor did they know what they contained;
they were aware of Sigai and Maiau, but they did not know that the
former was a hammer-headed shark and the latter a crocodile; this
mystery was too sacred to be imparted to uninitiates. When the
heroes were addressed it was always by their human names, and not by
their animal or totem names.” See A. C. Haddon, “The Religion of the
Torres Straits Islanders,” _Anthropological Essays presented to E.
B. Tylor_ (Oxford, 1907), p. 185.

M104 The processions at Boghaz-Keui appear to represent the Sacred
Marriage of the god and goddess. Traces of mother-kin among the
Hittites.