Chapter VII: Hyacinth (4)

421 “There can be no doubt that there is here represented a Sacred
Marriage, the meeting of two deities worshipped in different places,
like the Horus of Edfu and the Hathor of Denderah” (C. P. Tiele,
_Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_, i. 255). This view seems to
differ from, though it approaches, the one suggested in the text.
That the scene represents a Sacred Marriage between a great god and
goddess is the opinion also of Prof. Ed. Meyer (_Geschichte des
Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 633 _sq._), and Prof. J. Garstang (_The Land
of the Hittites_, pp. 238 _sq._; _The Syrian Goddess_, p. 7).

422 See above, p. 133.

423 See below, p. 285. Compare the remarks of Sir W. M. Ramsay
(“Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” _Recueil de Travaux
relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et
Assyriennes_, xiii. (1890) p. 78): “Similar priest-dynasts are a
widespread feature of the primitive social system of Asia Minor;
their existence is known with certainty or inferred with probability
at the two towns Komana; at Venasa not far north of Tyana, at Olba,
at Pessinous, at Aizanoi, and many other places. Now there are two
characteristics which can be regarded as probable in regard to most
of these priests, and as proved in regard to some of them: (1) they
wore the dress and represented the person of the god, whose priests
they were; (2) they were ἱερώνυμοι, losing their individual name at
their succession to the office, and assuming a sacred name, often
that of the god himself or some figure connected with the cultus of
the god. The priest of Cybele at Pessinous was called Attis, the
priests of Sabazios were Saboi, the worshippers of Bacchos Bacchoi.”
As to the priestly rulers of Olba, see below, pp. 144 _sqq._

424 See above, p. 132. However, Prof. Ed. Meyer may be right in thinking
that the priest-like figure in the procession is not really that of
the priest but that of the god or goddess whom he personated. See
above, p. 133 note.

425 See above, pp. 36 _sqq._

426 H. Winckler, “Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in
Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907,” _Mitteilungen der Deutschen
Orient-Gesellschaft_, No. 35, December, 1907, pp. 27 _sq._, 29; J.
Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 352 _sq._; “Hittite
Archives from Boghaz-Keui,” translated from the German transcripts
of Dr. Winckler by Meta E. Williams, _Annals of Archaeology and
Anthropology_, iv. (Liverpool and London, 1912) p. 98. We have seen
(above, p. 136) that in the seals of the Hittite treaty with Egypt
the Queen appears along with the King. If Dr. H. Winckler is right
in thinking (_op. cit._ p. 29) that one of the Hittite queens was at
the same time sister to her husband the King, we should have in this
relationship a further proof that mother-kin regulated the descent
of the kingship among the Hittites as well as among the ancient
Egyptians. See above, p. 44, and below, vol. ii. pp. 213 _sqq._

427 Compare Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 629-633.

M105 Sandan at Tarsus appears to be a son of Baal, as Hercules was a son
of Zeus.

428 The figure exhibits a few minor variations on the coins of Tarsus.
See the works cited above, p. 127.

429 Above, p. 119.

_ 430 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 358 _sqq._

_ 431 The Dying God_, pp. 166 _sqq._

M106 Priests of Sandan-Hercules at Tarsus. Kings of Cilicia related to
Sandan.

432 Athenaeus, v. 54, p. 215 B, C. The high-priest of the Syrian goddess
at Hierapolis held office for a year, and wore a purple robe and a
golden tiara (Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 42). We may conjecture that
the priesthood of Hercules at Tarsus was in later times at least an
annual office.

433 E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) § 389,
p. 475; H. Winckler, in E. Schrader’s _Keilinschriften und das Alte
Testament_,3 p. 88. Kuinda was the name of a Cilician fortress a
little way inland from Anchiale (Strabo, xiv. 5. 10, p. 672).

434 E. Meyer, _op. cit._ i. § 393, p. 480; C. P. Tiele,
_Babylonisch-assyrische Geschichte_, p. 360. Sandon and Sandas occur
repeatedly as names of Cilician men. They are probably identical
with, or modified forms of, the divine name. See Strabo, xiv. 5. 14,
p. 674; Plutarch, _Poplicola_, 17; _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_,
ed. August Boeckh, etc. (Berlin, 1828-1877) vol. iii. p. 200, No.
4401; Ch. Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_ (Brussels,
1900), p. 718, No. 878; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in
Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der Kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Philosoph.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 46, 131
_sq._, 140 (Inscriptions 115, 218, 232).

M107 Priestly kings of Olba who bore the names of Teucer and Ajax. The
Teucrids of Salamis in Cyprus. Burnt sacrifices of human victims at
Salamis and traces of a similar custom elsewhere. Burnt sacrifice of
doves to Adonis.

435 Strabo, xiv. 5. 10, p. 672. The name of the high-priest Ajax, son of
Teucer, occurs on coins of Olba, dating from about the beginning of
our era (B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_, Oxford, 1887, p. 609); and
the name of Teucer is also known from inscriptions. See below, pp.
145, 151, 159.

436 E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from Western Cilicia,” _Journal of
Hellenic Studies_, xii. (1891) pp. 226, 263; R. Heberdey und A.
Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der Kaiser. Akademie
der Wissenschaften_, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 53, 88.

437 Ch. Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_, pp. 718 _sqq._, No.
878. Tarkondimotos was the name of two kings of Eastern Cilicia in
the first century B.C. One of them corresponded with Cicero and fell
at the battle of Actium. See Cicero, _Epist. ad Familiares_, xv. 1.
2; Strabo, xiv. 5. 18, p. 676; Dio Cassius, xli. 63. 1, xlvii. 26.
2, l. 14. 2, li. 2. 2, li. 7. 4, liv. 9. 2; Plutarch, _Antoninus_,
61; B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 618; W.
Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_ (Leipsic,
1903-1905), ii. pp. 494 _sq._, Nos. 752, 753. Moreover, Tarkudimme
or Tarkuwassimi occurs as the name of a king of Erme (?) or Urmi (?)
in a bilingual Hittite and cuneiform inscription engraved on a
silver seal. See W. Wright, _The Empire of the Hittites_2 (London,
1886), pp. 163 _sqq._; L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus Inscriptionum
Hettiticarum_, pp. 42 _sq._, pl. xlii. 9; _id._, _The Hittites_, pp.
29 _sq._; P. Jensen, _Hittiter und Armenier_ (Strasburg, 1898), pp.
22, 50 _sq._ In this inscription Prof. Jensen suggests Tarbibi- as
an alternative reading for Tarku-. Compare P. Kretschmer,
_Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache_ (Göttingen,
1896), pp. 362-364.

438 Isocrates, _Or._ ix. 14 and 18 _sq._; Pausanias, ii. 29. 2 and 4; W.
E. Engel, _Kypros_, i. 212 _sqq._ As to the names Teucer and
Teucrian see P. Kretschmer, _op. cit._ pp. 189-191. Prof. Kretschmer
believes that the native population of Cyprus belonged to the
non-Aryan stock of Asia Minor.

439 W. E. Engel, _Kypros_, i. 216.

440 Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, ii. 54 _sq._; Lactantius, _Divin. Inst._
i. 21. As to the date when the custom was abolished, Lactantius says
that it was done “recently in the reign of Hadrian.” Porphyry says
that the practice was put down by Diphilus, king of Cyprus, “in the
time of Seleucus the Theologian.” As nothing seems to be known as to
the date of King Diphilus and Seleucus the Theologian, I have
ventured to assume, on the strength of Lactantius’s statement, that
they were contemporaries of Hadrian. But it is curious to find kings
of Cyprus reigning so late. Beside the power of the Roman governors,
their authority can have been little more than nominal, like that of
native rajahs in British India. Seleucus the Theologian may be, as
J. A. Fabricius supposed (_Bibliotheca Graeca_,4 Hamburg, 1780-1809,
vol. i. p. 86, compare p. 522), the Alexandrian grammarian who
composed a voluminous work on the gods (Suidas, _s.v._ Σέλευκος).
Suetonius tells an anecdote (_Tiberius_, 56) about a grammarian
named Seleucus who flourished, and faded prematurely, at the court
of Tiberius.

441 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 49.

442 Diogenianus, _Praefatio_, in _Paroemiographi Graeci_, ed. E. L.
Leutsch et F. G. Schneidewin (Göttingen, 1839-1851), i. 180.
Raoul-Rochette regarded the custom as part of the ritual of the
divine death and resurrection. He compared it with the burning of
Melcarth at Tyre. See his memoir, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et
Phénicien,” _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et
Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième Partie (1848), p. 32.

443 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 54.

M108 The priestly Teucers of Olba perhaps personated a native god Tark.

444 A. H. Sayce, in W. Wright’s _Empire of the Hittites_,2 p. 186; W. M.
Ramsay, “Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” _Recueil de Travaux
relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et
Assyriennes_, xiv. (1903) pp. 81 _sq._; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der
Religion im Altertum_, i. 251; W. Max Müller, _Asien und Europa_, p.
333; P. Jensen, _Hittiter und Armenier_, pp. 70, 150 _sqq._, 155
_sqq._; F. Hommel, _Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des
alten Orients_, pp. 44, 51 _sq._; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_,
p. 40. Sir W. M. Ramsay thinks (_l.c._) that Tark was the native
name of the god who had his sanctuary at Dastarkon in Cappadocia and
who was called by the Greeks the Cataonian Apollo: his sanctuary was
revered all over Cappadocia (Strabo, xiv. 2. 5, p. 537). Prof.
Hommel holds that Tarku or Tarchu was the chief Hittite deity,
worshipped all over the south of Asia Minor. Prof. W. Max Müller is
of opinion that Targh or Tarkh did not designate any particular
deity, but was the general Hittite name for “god.” There are grounds
for holding that the proper name of the Hittite thunder-god was
Teshub or Teshup. See above, p. 135 note.

445 J. T. Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Proceedings of the
Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) p. 458; _id._, “A
Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii.
(1891) p. 222; W. M. Ramsay, _Historical Geography of Asia Minor_
(London, 1890), pp. 22, 364. Sir W. M. Ramsay had shown grounds for
thinking that Olba was a Grecized form of a native name Ourba
(pronounced Ourwa) before Mr. J. T. Bent discovered the site and the
name.

M109 Western or Rugged Cilicia. M110 The Cilician pirates. M111 The deep gorges of Rugged Cilicia.

446 J. Theodore Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Proceedings
of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 445,
450-453; _id._, “A Journal in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Journal of
Hellenic Studies_, xii. (1891) pp. 208, 210-212, 217-219; R.
Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der
kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosoph.-historische Classe_,
xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 49, 70; D. G. Hogarth and J. A. R.
Munro, “Modern and Ancient Roads in Eastern Asia Minor,” _Royal
Geographical Society, Supplementary Papers_, vol. iii. part 5
(London, 1893), pp. 653 _sq._ As to the Cilician pirates see Strabo,
xiv. 5. 2, pp. 668 _sq._; Plutarch, _Pompeius_, 24; Appian, _Bellum
Mithridat._ 92 _sq._; Dio Cassius, xxxvi. 20-24 [3-6], ed. L.
Dindorf; Cicero, _De imperio Cn. Pompeii_, 11 _sq._; Th. Mommsen,
_Roman History_ (London, 1868), iii. 68-70, iv. 40-45, 118-120. As
to the crests carved on their towns see J. T. Bent, “Cilician
Symbols,” _Classical Review_, iv. (1890) pp. 321 _sq._ Among these
crests are a club (the badge of Olba), a bunch of grapes, the caps
of the Dioscuri, the three-legged symbol, and so on. As to the
cedars and ship-building timber of Cilicia in antiquity see
Theophrastus, _Historia Plantarum_, iii. 2. 6, iv. 5. 5. The cedars
and firs have now retreated to the higher slopes of the Taurus.
Great destruction is wrought in the forests by the roving Yuruks
with their flocks; for they light their fires under the trees, tap
the firs for turpentine, bark the cedars for their huts and
bee-hives, and lay bare whole tracts of country that the grass may
grow for their sheep and goats. See J. T. Bent, in _Proceedings of
the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 453-458.

M112 The site and ruins of Olba. The temple of Olbian Zeus.

447 D. G. Hogarth, _A Wandering Scholar in the Levant_ (London, 1896),
pp. 57 _sq._

448 J. Theodore Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Proceedings
of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 445 _sq._,
458-460; _id._, “A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Journal of
Hellenic Studies_, xii. (1890) pp. 220-222; E. L. Hicks,
“Inscriptions from Western Cilicia,” _ib._ pp. 262-270; R. Heberdey
und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kaiser.
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (Vienna,
1896) No. vi. pp. 83-91; W. M. Ramsay and D. G. Hogarth, in
_American Journal of Archaeology_, vi. (1890) p. 345; Ch. Michel,
_Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_, p. 858, No. 1231. In one place
(_Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii. 222) Bent gives the height of
Olba as 3800 feet; but this is a misprint, for elsewhere
(_Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. 446,
458) he gives the height as exactly 5850 or roughly 6000 feet. The
misprint has unfortunately been repeated by Messrs. Heberdey and
Wilhelm (_op. cit._ p. 84 note 1). The tall tower of Olba is figured
on the coins of the city. See G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek
Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_ (London, 1900), pl. xxii.
8.

M113 Limestone caverns of Western Cilicia.

449 Sir Charles Lyell, _Principles of Geology_12 (London, 1875), ii. 518
_sqq._; _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, Ninth Edition, _s.v._ “Caves,”
v. 265 _sqq._ Compare my notes on Pausanias, i. 35. 7, viii. 29. 1.

450 J. T. Bent, in _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S.
xii. (1890) p. 447.

M114 The city of Corycus. The Corycian cave.

451 Fr. Beaufort, _Karmania_ (London, 1817), pp. 240 _sq._

452 Strabo, xiv. 5. 5, pp. 670 _sq._; Mela, i. 72-75, ed. G. Parthey; J.
T. Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Proceedings of the
Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 446-448; _id._, “A
Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii.
(1891) pp. 212-214; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in
Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Philos.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 70-79. Mr. D. G.
Hogarth was so good as to furnish me with some notes embodying his
recollections of the Corycian cave. All these modern writers confirm
the general accuracy of the descriptions of the cave given by Strabo
and Mela. Mr. Hogarth indeed speaks of exaggeration in Mela’s
account, but this is not admitted by Mr. A. Wilhelm. As to the ruins
of the city of Corycus on the coast, distant about three miles from
the cave, see Fr. Beaufort, _Karmania_ (London, 1817), pp. 232-238;
R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, _op. cit._ pp. 67-70.

M115 Priests of Corycian Zeus.

453 The suggestion is Mr. A. B. Cook’s. See his article, “The European
Sky-god,” _Classical Review_, xvii. (1903) p. 418, note 2.

454 J. T. Bent, in _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S.
xii. (1890) p. 448; _id_., in _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii.
(1891) pp. 214-216. For the inscription containing the names of the
priests see R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, _op. cit._ pp. 71-79; Ch.
Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_, pp. 718 _sqq_., No. 878;
above, p. 145.

M116 The cave of the giant Typhon.

455 Mela, i. 76, ed. G. Parthey (Berlin, 1867). The cave of Typhon is
described by J. T. Bent, _ll.cc._

456 Aeschylus, _Prometheus Vinctus_, 351-372.

457 Pindar, _Pyth._ i. 30 _sqq._, who speaks of the giant as “bred in
the many-named Cilician cave.”

M117 Battle of Zeus and Typhon.

458 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 6. 3.

M118 Fossil bones of extinct animals give rise to stories of giants.

459 Pausanias, viii. 29. 1, with my notes. Pausanias mentions (viii. 32.
5) bones of superhuman size which were preserved at Megalopolis, and
which popular superstition identified as the bones of the giant
Hopladamus.

460 Pausanias, viii. 29. 1.

461 A. Holm, _Geschichte Siciliens im Alterthum_ (Leipsic, 1870-1874),
i. 57, 356.

462 (Sir) Edward B. Tylor, _Researches into the Early History of
Mankind_3 (London, 1878), p. 322, who adduces much more evidence of
the same sort.

M119 Chasm of Olbian Zeus at Kanytelideis.

463 J. T. Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Proceedings of the
Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 448 _sq._; _id._,
“A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii.
(1891) pp. 208-210; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in
Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kaiserlichen Akademie der
Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Classe_, xliv. (Vienna,
1896) No. vi. pp. 51-61.

M120 The deity of these great chasms was called Zeus by the Greeks, but
he was probably a god of fertility embodied in vegetation and water.

464 See above, pp. 26 _sq._

M121 Analogy of the Corycian and Olbian caverns to Ibreez and the vale of
the Adonis.
M122 Two gods at Olba, perhaps a father and a son, corresponding to the
Baal and Sandan of Tarsus.
M123 Goddesses less prominent than gods in Cilician religion.
M124 The goddess ’Atheh, partner of Baal at Tarsus, seems to have been a
form of Atargatis. The lion-goddess and the bull-god. In later times
the old goddess became the Fortune of the City.

465 B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 616. [However, Mr.
G. F. Hill writes to me: “The attribution to Tarsus of the ’Atheh
coins is unfounded. Head himself only gives it as doubtful. I should
think they belong further East.” In the uncertainty which prevails
on this point I have left the text unchanged. _Note to Second
Edition._]

466 The name ’Athar-’atheh occurs in a Palmyrene inscription. See G. A.
Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, No. 112, pp.
267-270. In analysing Atargatis into ’Athar-’atheh (’Atar-’ata) I
follow E. Meyer (_Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 605, 650
_sq._), F. Baethgen (_Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_,
pp. 68-75), Fr. Cumont (_s.v._ “Atargatis,” Pauly-Wissowa,
_Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, ii.
1896), G. A. Cooke (_l.c._), C. P. Tiele (_Geschichte der Religion
im Altertum_, i. 245), F. Hommel (_Grundriss der Geographie und
Geschichte des alten Orients_, pp. 43 _sq._), Father Lagrange
(_Études sur les Religions Sémitiques_,2 p. 130), and L. B. Paton
(_s.v._ “Atargatis,” J. Hastings’s _Encyclopaedia of Religion and
Ethics_, ii. 164 _sq._). In the great temple at Hierapolis-Bambyce a
mysterious golden image stood between the images of Atargatis and
her male partner. It resembled neither of them, yet combined the
attributes of other gods. Some interpreted it as Dionysus, others as
Deucalion, and others as Semiramis; for a golden dove, traditionally
associated with Semiramis, was perched on the head of the figure.
The Syrians called the image by a name which Lucian translates
“sign” (σημήιον). See Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 33. It has been
plausibly conjectured by F. Baethgen that the name which Lucian
translates “sign” was really ’Atheh (עתה), which could easily be
confused with the Syriac word for “sign” (אהא). See F. Baethgen,
_op. cit._ p. 73. A coin of Hierapolis, dating from the third
century A.D., exhibits the images of the god and goddess seated on
bulls and lions respectively, with the mysterious object between
them enclosed in a shrine, which is surmounted by a bird, probably a
dove. See J. Garstang, _The Syrian Goddess_ (London, 1913), pp. 22
_sqq._, 70 _sq._, with fig. 7.

The modern writers cited at the beginning of this note have
interpreted the Syrian ’Atheh as a male god, the lover of Atargatis,
and identical in name and character with the Phrygian Attis. They
may be right; but none of them seems to have noticed that the same
name ’Atheh (עתה) is applied to a goddess at Tarsus.

467 As to the image, see above, p. 137.

468 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 31.

469 Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 23. 12 and 17-19. The Greek name of Baalbec
was Heliopolis, “the City of the Sun.”

470 G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, pp. 163,
164. The statue bears a long inscription, which in the style of its
writing belongs to the archaic type represented by the Moabite
Stone. The contents of the inscription show that it is earlier than
the time of Tiglath-Pileser III. (745-727 B.C.). On Hadad, the
Syrian thunder-god, see F. Baethgen, _Beiträge zur semitischen
Religionsgeschichte_, pp. 66-68; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der
Religion im Altertum_, i. 248 _sq._; M. J. Lagrange, _Études sur les
Religions Sémitiques_,2 pp. 92 _sq._ That Hadad was the consort of
Atargatis at Hierapolis-Bambyce is the opinion of P. Jensen
(_Hittiter und Armenier_, p. 171), who also indicates his character
as a god both of thunder and of fertility (_ib._, p. 167). The view
of Prof. J. Garstang is similar (_The Syrian Goddess_, pp. 25
_sqq._). That the name of the chief male god of Hierapolis-Bambyce
was Hadad is rendered almost certain by coins of the city which were
struck in the time of Alexander the Great by a priestly king
Abd-Hadad, whose name means “Servant of Hadad.” See B. V. Head,
_Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 654; J. Garstang, _The Syrian
Goddess_, p. 27, with fig. 5.

471 H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader’s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte
Testament_,3 pp. 442-449; M. Jastrow, _Die Religion Babyloniens und
Assyriens_ (Giessen, 1905-1912), i. 146-150, with _Bildermappe_,
plate 32, fig. 97. The Assyrian relief is also figured in W. H.
Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, _s.v._
“Marduk,” ii. 2350. The Babylonian _ramâmu_ “to scream, roar” has
its equivalent in the Hebrew _ra’am_ (רעם) “to thunder.” The two
names Adad (Hadad) and Ramman occur together in the form Hadadrimmon
in Zechariah, xii. 11 (with S. R. Driver’s note, _Century Bible_).

472 See above, pp. 121, 123.

473 See above, p. 130. However, the animal seems to be rather a goat.
See above, p. 133 note.

474 See above, p. 132.

475 G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and
Cilicia_, pp. 181, 182, 185, 188, 190, 228.

476 E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) pp. 246
_sq._; F. Baethgen, _Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_,
pp. 76 _sqq._ The idolatrous Hebrews spread tables for Gad, that is,
for Fortune (Isaiah lxv. 11, Revised Version).

477 Macrobius, _Saturn_. iii. 8. 2; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 632.

478 Ephippus, cited by Athenaeus, xii. 53, p. 537.

479 F. Baethgen, _op. cit._ p. 77; G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of
North-Semitic Inscriptions_, p. 269.

480 See above, p. 151.

M125 The Phoenician god El and his wife at Mallus in Cilicia.
Assimilation of native Oriental deities to Greek divinities.

481 Strabo, xiv. 5. 16, p. 675.

482 B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), pp. 605 _sq._; G. F.
Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and
Cilicia_, pp. cxvii. _sqq._, 95-98, plates xv. xvi. xl. 9; G.
Macdonald, _Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection_,
ii. 536 _sq._, pl. lix. 11-14. The male and female figures appear on
separate coins. The attribution to Mallus of the coins with the
female figure and conical stone has been questioned by Messrs. J. P.
Six and G. F. Hill. I follow the view of Messrs. F. Imhoof-Blumer
and B. V. Head. [However, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me that the
attribution of these coins to Mallus is no longer maintained by any
one. Imhoof-Blumer himself now conjecturally assigns them to
Aphrodisias in Cilicia, and Mr. Hill regards this conjecture as very
plausible. See F. Imhoof-Blumer, _Kleinasiatische Münzen_ (Vienna,
1901-1902), ii. 435 _sq._ In the uncertainty which still prevails on
the subject I have left the text unchanged. For my purpose it
matters little whether this Cilician goddess was worshipped at
Mallus or at Aphrodisias. _Note to Second Edition._]

483 See above, pp. 34 _sq._

484 Philo of Byblus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.
Müller, iii. 569. El is figured with three pairs of wings on coins
of Byblus. See G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de
l’Orient Classique_, ii. 174; M. J. Lagrange, _Études sur les
Religions Sémitiques_,2 p. 72.

485 Imhoof-Blumer, _s.v._ “Kronos,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der
griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 1572; G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of
Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_, pp. cxxii. 99, pl.
xvii. 2.

486 G. F. Hill, _op. cit._ pp. cxxi. _sq._, 98, pl. xvii. 1.

487 Another native Cilician deity who masqueraded in Greek dress was
probably the Olybrian Zeus of Anazarba or Anazarbus, but of his true
nature and worship we know nothing. See W. Dittenberger, _Orientis
Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_ (Leipsic, 1903-1905), ii. p. 267, No.
577; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Ἄδανα (where the MS. reading
Ολυμβρος was wrongly changed by Salmasius into Ὄλυμπος).

M126 Sarpedonian Artemis. The goddess Perasia at Hieropolis-Castabala.
The fire-walk in the worship of Perasia. Insensibility to pain
regarded as a mark of inspiration.

488 Strabo, xiv. 5. 19, p. 676. The expression of Strabo leaves it
doubtful whether the ministers of the goddess were men or women.
There was a headland called Sarpedon near the mouth of the
Calycadnus River in Western Cilicia (Strabo, xiii. 4. 6, p. 627,
xiv. 5. 4, p. 670), where Sarpedon or Sarpedonian Apollo had a
temple and an oracle. The temple was hewn in the rock, and contained
an image of the god. See R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in
Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Philosoph.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 100,
107. Probably this Sarpedonian Apollo was a native deity akin to
Sarpedonian Artemis.

489 E. J. Davis, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_, pp. 128-134; J. T. Bent,
“Recent Discoveries in Eastern Cilicia,” _Journal of Hellenic
Studies_, xi. (1890) pp. 234 _sq._; E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from
Eastern Cilicia,” _ibid._ pp. 243 _sqq._; R. Heberdey und A.
Wilhelm, _op. cit._ pp. 25 _sqq._ The site of Hieropolis-Castabala
was first identified by J. T. Bent by means of inscriptions. As to
the coins of the city, see Fr. Imhoof-Blumer, “Zur Münzkunde
Kilikiens,” _Zeitschrift für Numismatik_, x. (1883) pp. 267-290; G.
F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and
Cilicia_, pp. c.-cii. 82-84, pl. xiv. 1-6; G. Macdonald, _Catalogue
of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection_, ii. 534 _sq._

490 On the difference between Hieropolis and Hierapolis see (Sir) W. M.
Ramsay, _Historical Geography of Asia Minor_, pp. 84 _sq._ According
to him, the cities designated by such names grew up gradually round
a sanctuary; where Greek influence prevailed the city in time
eclipsed the sanctuary and became known as Hierapolis, or the Sacred
City, but where the native element retained its predominance the
city continued to be known as Hieropolis, or the City of the
Sanctuary.

491 E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from Eastern Cilicia,” _Journal of
Hellenic Studies_, xi. (1890) pp. 251-253; R. Heberdey und A.
Wilhelm, _op. cit._ p. 26. These writers differ somewhat in their
reading and restoration of the verses, which are engraved on a
limestone basis among the ruins. I follow the version of Messrs.
Heberdey and Wilhelm.

492 J. T. Bent and E. L. Hicks, _op. cit._ pp. 235, 246 _sq._; R.
Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, _op. cit._ p. 27.

493 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. See above, p. 115. The Cilician
Castabala, the situation of which is identified by inscriptions, is
not mentioned by Strabo. It is very unlikely that, with his intimate
knowledge of Asia Minor, he should have erred so far as to place the
city in Cappadocia, to the north of the Taurus mountains, instead of
in Cilicia, to the south of them. It is more probable that there
were two cities of the same name, and that Strabo has omitted to
mention one of them. Similarly, there were two cities called Comana,
one in Cappadocia and one in Pontus; at both places the same goddess
was worshipped with similar rites. See Strabo, xii. 2. 3, p. 535,
xii. 3. 32, p. 557. The situation of the various Castabalas
mentioned by ancient writers is discussed by F. Imhoof-Blumer, “Zur
Münzkunde Kilikiens,” _Zeitschrift für Numismatik_, x. (1883) pp.
285-288.

494 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 37 _sq._

495 Jamblichus, _De mysteriis_, iii. 4.

496 Another Cilician goddess was Athena of Magarsus, to whom Alexander
the Great sacrificed before the battle of Issus. See Arrian,
_Anabasis_, ii. 5. 9; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Μάγαρσος; J.
Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 444. The name of the city seems to
be Oriental, perhaps derived from the Semitic word for “cave”
(מגרה). As to the importance of caves in Semitic religion, see W.
Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 197 _sqq._ The site
of Magarsus appears to be at Karatash, a hill rising from the sea at
the southern extremity of the Cilician plain, about forty-five miles
due south of Adana. The walls of the city, built of great limestone
blocks, are standing to a height of several courses, and an
inscription which mentions the priests of Magarsian Athena has been
found on the spot. See R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in
Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Philosoph.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 6-10.

497 E. T. Atkinson, _The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western
Provinces of India_, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) pp. 826 _sq._

498 The Rev. G. E. White (Missionary at Marsovan, in the ancient
Pontus), in a letter to me dated 19 Southmoor Road, Oxford, February
11, 1907.

M127 The divine triad, Baal, ’Atheh, and Sandan, at Tarsus may have been
personated by priests and priestesses.
M128 Tarsus said to have been founded by the Assyrian king Sardanapalus,
who burned himself on a pyre. Deaths of Babylonian and Assyrian
kings on the pyre.

499 Strabo, xiv. 5. 9, pp. 671 _sq._; Arrian, _Anabasis_, ii. 5;
Athenaeus, xii. 39, p. 530 A, B. Compare Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._
Ἀγχιάλη; Georgius Syncellus, _Chronographia_, vol. i. p. 312, ed. G.
Dindorf (Bonn, 1829). The site of Anchiale has not yet been
discovered. At Tarsus itself the ruins of a vast quadrangular
structure have sometimes been identified with the monument of
Sardanapalus. See E. J. Davis, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_, pp. 37-39;
G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv.
536 _sqq._ But Mr. D. G. Hogarth tells me that the ruins in question
seem to be the concrete foundations of a Roman temple. The mistake
had already been pointed out by Mr. R. Koldewey. See his article,
“Das sogenannte Grab des Sardanapal zu Tarsus,” _Aus der Anomia_
(Berlin, 1890), pp. 178-185.

500 See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_,
iv. 542 _sq._ They think that the figure probably represented the
king in a common attitude of adoration, his right arm raised and his
thumb resting on his forefinger.

501 L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_, pp. 17-19,
plates xxi.-xxv.; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans
l’Antiquité_, iv. 492, 494 _sq._, 528-530, 547; J. Garstang, _The
Land of the Hittites_, pp. 107-122.

502 Prof. W. Max Müller is of opinion that the Hittite civilization and
the Hittite system of writing were developed in Cilicia rather than
in Cappadocia (_Asien und Europa_, p. 350).

503 According to Berosus and Abydenus it was not Sardanapalus
(Ashurbanipal) but Sennacherib who built or rebuilt Tarsus after the
fashion of Babylon, causing the river Cydnus to flow through the
midst of the city. See _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.
Müller, ii. 504, iv. 282; C. P. Tiele, _Babylonisch-assyrische
Geschichte_, pp. 297 _sq._

504 Diodorus Siculus, ii. 27; Athenaeus, xii. 38, p. 529; Justin, i. 3.

505 G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_,
iii. 422 _sq._ For the inscriptions referring to him and a full
discussion of them, see C. F. Lehmann (-Haupt), _Šamaš-šumukîn,
König von Babylonien, 668-648 v. Chr._ (Leipsic, 1892).

506 Abydenus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, iv.
282; Georgius Syncellus, _Chronographia_, i. p. 396, ed. G. Dindorf;
E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) pp. 576
_sq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient
Classique_, iii. 482-485. C. P. Tiele thought that the story of the
death of Saracus might be a popular but mistaken duplicate of the
death of Shamash-shumukin (_Babylonisch-assyrische Geschichte_, pp.
410 _sq._). Zimri, king of Israel, also burned himself in his palace
to escape falling into the hands of his enemies (1 Kings xvi. 18).

M129 Story that Cyrus intended to burn Croesus alive. It is unlikely that
the Persians would thus have polluted the sacred element of fire.

507 Herodotus, i. 86 _sq._

508 Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de
l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième
Partie (Paris, 1848), p. 274.

509 J. Darmesteter, _The Zend-Avesta_, vol. i. (Oxford, 1880) pp.
lxxxvi., lxxxviii-xc. (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. iv.).

_ 510 Zend-Avesta_, _Vendîdâd_, Fargard, v. 7. 39-44 (_Sacred Books of
the East_, iv. 60 _sq._).

_ 511 Zend-Avesta_, translated by J. Darmesteter, i. pp. xc. 9, 110 _sq._
(_Sacred Books of the East_, iv.).

512 Strabo, xv. 3. 14, p. 732. Even gold, on account of its resemblance
to fire, might not be brought near a corpse (_id._ xv. 3. 18, p.
734).

M130 The older and truer tradition was that in the extremity of his
fortunes Croesus attempted to burn himself.

513 Sardes fell in the autumn of 546 B.C. (E. Meyer, _Geschichte des
Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884), p. 604). Bacchylides was probably
born between 512 and 505 B.C. See R. C. Jebb, _Bacchylides, the
Poems and Fragments_ (Cambridge, 1905), pp. 1 _sq._

514 Bacchylides, iii. 24-62.

515 F. G. Welcker, _Alte Denkmäler_ (Göttingen, 1849-1864), iii. pl.
xxxiii.; A. Baumeister, _Denkmäler des klassischen Altertums_
(Munich and Leipsic, 1885-1888), ii. 796, fig. 860; A. H. Smith,
“Illustrations to Bacchylides,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_,
xviii. (1898) pp. 267-269; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des
Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, iii. 618 _sq._ It is true that
Cambyses caused the dead body of the Egyptian king Amasis to be
dragged from the tomb, mangled, and burned; but the deed is
expressly branded by the ancient historian as an outrage on Persian
religion (Herodotus, iii. 16).

516 Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de
l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième
Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 277 _sq._; M. Duncker, _Geschichte des
Alterthums_, iv.5 330-332; E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i.
(Stuttgart, 1884) p. 604; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples
de l’Orient Classique_, iii. 618.

517 Herodotus, i. 7.

518 See above, pp. 115 _sq._, 173 _sq._

M131 Legend that Semiramis burnt herself on a pyre.

519 Hyginus, _Fab._ 243; Pliny, viii. 155.

520 See W. Robertson Smith, “Ctesias and the Semiramis Legend,” _English
Historical Review_, ii. (1887) pp. 303-317. But the legend of
Semiramis appears to have gathered round the person of a real
Assyrian queen, by name Shammuramat, who lived towards the end of
the ninth century B.C. and is known to us from historical
inscriptions. See C. F. Lehmann-Haupt, _Die historische Semiramis
und ihre Zeit_ (Tübingen, 1910), pp. 1 _sqq._; _id._, _s.v._
“Semiramis,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm.
Mythologie_, iv. 678 _sqq._; _The Scapegoat_, pp. 369 _sqq._

521 See above, p. 114.

522 In ancient Greece we seem to have a reminiscence of widow-burning in
the legend that when the corpse of Capaneus was being consumed on
the pyre, his wife Evadne threw herself into the flames and
perished. See Euripides, _Supplices_, 980 _sqq._; Apollodorus,
_Bibliotheca_, iii. 7. 1; Zenobius, _Cent._ i. 30; Ovid, _Tristia_,
v. 14. 38.

M132 The “great burnings” for Jewish kings.

523 Isaiah xxx. 33. The Revised Version has “a Topheth” instead of
“Tophet.” But Hebrew does not possess an indefinite article (the few
passages of the Bible in which the Aramaic חת is so used are no
exception to the rule), and there is no evidence that Tophet
(Topheth) was ever employed in a general sense. The passage of
Isaiah has been rightly interpreted by W. Robertson Smith in the
sense indicated in the text, though he denies that it contains any
reference to the sacrifice of the children. See his _Lectures on the
Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 372 _sq._ He observes (p. 372, note
3): “Saul’s body was burned (1 Sam. xxxi. 12), possibly to save it
from the risk of exhumation by the Philistines, but perhaps rather
with a religious intention, and almost as an act of worship, since
his bones were buried under the sacred tamarisk at Jabesh.” In 1
Chronicles x. 12 the tree under which the bones of Saul were buried
is not a tamarisk but a terebinth or an oak.

524 2 Chronicles xvi. 14, xxi. 19; Jeremiah xxxiv. 5. There is no ground
for assuming, as the Authorized version does in Jeremiah xxxiv. 5,
that only spices were burned on these occasions; indeed the burning
of spices is not mentioned at all in any of the three passages. The
“sweet odours and divers kinds of spices prepared by the
apothecaries’ art,” which were laid in the dead king’s bed (2
Chronicles xvi. 14), were probably used to embalm him, not to be
burned at his funeral. For though “great burnings” were regularly
made for the dead kings of Judah, there is no evidence (apart from
the doubtful case of Saul) that their bodies were cremated. They are
regularly said to have been buried, not burnt. The passage of Isaiah
seems to show that what was burned at a royal funeral was a great,
but empty, pyre. That the burnings for the kings formed part of a
heathen custom was rightly perceived by Renan (_Histoire du peuple
d’Israel_, iii. 121, note).

525 Josephus, _Bell. Jud._ v. 4. 1. See _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._
“Jerusalem,” vol. ii. 2423 _sq._

526 As to the Moloch worship, see Note I. at the end of the volume. I
have to thank the Rev. Professor R. H. Kennett for indicating to me
the inference which may be drawn from the identification of the
Valley of Hinnom with the Tyropoeon.

M133 The great burnings for Jewish Rabbis at Meiron in Galilee.

527 W. M. Thomson, _The Land and the Book, Central Palestine and
Phoenicia_ (London, 1883), pp. 575-579; Ed. Robinson, _Biblical
Researches in Palestine_3 (London, 1867), ii. 430. _sq._; K.
Baedeker, _Palestine and Syria_4 (Leipsic, 1906), p. 255.

528 Herodotus, v. 92. 7.

529 C. Bock, _Temples and Elephants_ (London, 1884), pp. 73-76.

M134 Death by fire regarded by the ancients as a kind of apotheosis. Fire
was supposed to purge away the mortal parts of men, leaving the
immortal.

530 This view was maintained long ago by Raoul-Rochette in regard to the
deaths both of Sardanapalus and of Croesus. He supposed that “the
Assyrian monarch, reduced to the last extremity, wished, by the mode
of death which he chose, to give to his sacrifice the form of an
apotheosis and to identify himself with the national god of his
country by allowing himself to be consumed, like him, on a pyre....
Thus mythology and history would be combined in a legend in which
the god and the monarch would finally be confused. There is nothing
in this which is not conformable to the ideas and habits of Asiatic
civilization.” See his memoir, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et
Phénicien,” _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et
Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 247 _sq._,
271 _sqq._ The notion of regeneration by fire was fully recognized
by Raoul-Rochette (_op. cit._ pp. 30 _sq._). It deserves to be noted
that Croesus burned on a huge pyre the great and costly offerings
which he dedicated to Apollo at Delphi. He thought, says Herodotus
(i. 50), that in this way the god would get possession of the
offerings.

531 As to Isis see Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 16. As to Demeter see
Homer, _Hymn to Demeter_, 231-262; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 5.
1; Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 547-560. As to Thetis see Apollonius Rhodius,
_Argon_, iv. 865-879; Apollodorus, _Bibl._ iii. 13. 6. Most of these
writers express clearly the thought that the fire consumed the
mortal element, leaving the immortal. Thus Plutarch says, περικαίειν
τὰ θνητὰ τοῦ σώματος. Apollodorus says (i. 5. 1), εἰς πῦρ κατετίθει
τὸ βρέφος καὶ περιῄρει τὰς θνητὰς σάρκας αὐτοῦ, and again (iii. 13.
6), εἰς τὸ πῦρ ἐγκρυβοῦσα τῆς νυκτὸς ἔφθειρεν ὂ ἦν αὐτῷ θνητὸν
πατρῷον. Apollonius Rhodius says,

ἡ μὲν γὰρ βροτέας αἰεὶ περὶ σάρκας ἔδαιεν νύκτα διὰ μέσσην φλογμῷ
πυρός.

And Ovid has,

“_Inque foco pueri corpus vivente favilla Obruit, humanum purget ut
ignis onus._”

On the custom of passing children over a fire as a purification, see
my note, “The Youth of Achilles,” _Classical Review_, vii. (1893)
pp. 293 sq. On the purificatory virtue which the Greeks ascribed to
fire see also Erwin Rohde, _Psyche_3 (Tübingen and Leipsic, 1903),
ii. 101, note 2. The Warramunga of Central Australia have a
tradition of a great man who “used to burn children in the fire so
as to make them grow strong” (B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _The
Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, London, 1904, p. 429).

532 She is said to have thus restored the youth of her husband Jason,
her father-in-law Aeson, the nurses of Dionysus, and all their
husbands (Euripides, _Medea_, Argum.; Scholiast on Aristophanes,
_Knights_, 1321; compare Plautus, _Pseudolus_, 879 _sqq._); and she
applied the same process with success to an old ram (Apollodorus,
_Bibl._ i. 9. 27; Pausanias, viii. 11. 2; Hyginus, _Fab._ 24).

533 Pindar, _Olymp._ i. 40 _sqq._, with the Scholiast; J. Tzetzes,
_Schol. on Lycophron_, 152.

534 Jamblichus, _De mysteriis_, v. 12.

535 Lucian, _De morte Peregrini_, 27 _sq._

536 Diogenes Laertius, viii. 2. 69 _sq._

537 Lucian, _De morte Peregrini_, 25; Strabo, xv. 1. 64 and 68, pp. 715,
717; Arrian, _Anabasis_, vii. 3.

_ 538 The Dying God_, pp. 42 _sqq._

M135 The Lydian kings seem to have claimed divinity on the ground of
their descent from Hercules, the god of the double-axe and of the
lion; and this Lydian Hercules or Sandon appears to have been the
same with the Cilician Sandan. Lydian kings held responsible for the
weather and the crops.

539 Herodotus, i. 7.

540 Joannes Lydus, _De magistratibus_, iii. 64.

541 See above, p. 144, note 2.

542 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Graecae_, 45. Zeus Labrandeus was worshipped
at the village of Labraunda, situated in a pass over the mountains,
near Mylasa in Caria. The temple was ancient. A road called the
Sacred Way led downhill for ten miles to Mylasa, a city of white
marble temples and colonnades which stood in a fertile plain at the
foot of a precipitous mountain, where the marble was quarried.
Processions bearing the holy emblems went to and fro along the
Sacred Way from Mylasa to Labraunda. See Strabo, xiv. 2. 23, pp. 658
_sq._ The double-headed axe figures on the ruins and coins of Mylasa
(Ch. Fellows, _An Account of Discoveries in Lycia_, London, 1841, p.
75; B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_, Oxford, 1887, pp. 528 _sq._). A
horseman carrying a double-headed axe is a type which occurs on the
coins of many towns in Lydia and Phrygia. At Thyatira this
axe-bearing hero was called Tyrimnus, and games were held in his
honour. He was identified with Apollo and the sun. See B. V. Head,
_Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_ (London, 1901), p. cxxviii.
On a coin of Mostene in Lydia the double-headed axe is represented
between a bunch of grapes and ears of corn, as if it were an emblem
of fertility (B. V. Head, _op. cit._ p. 162, pl. xvii. 11).

543 L. Preller, _Griechische Mythologie_, i.4 (Berlin, 1894) pp. 141
_sq._ As to the Hittite thunder-god and his axe see above, pp. 134
_sqq._

544 Nicolaus Damascenus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.
Müller, iii. 382 _sq._

_ 545 Ibid._ iii. 381.

M136 The lion-god of Lydia.

546 Herodotus, i. 84.

547 Eusebius, _Chronic._ i. 69, ed. A. Schoene (Berlin, 1866-1875).

548 Herodotus, i. 50. At Thebes there was a stone lion which was said to
have been dedicated by Hercules (Pausanias, ix. 17. 2).

549 B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 553; _id._,
_Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_ (London, 1901), pp. xcviii,
239, 240, 241, 244, 247, 253, 254, 264, with plates xxiv. 9-11, 13,
XXV. 2, 12, xxvii. 8.

M137 Identity of the Lydian and Cilician Hercules.

550 See above, p. 143.

M138 The Cilician and Lydian Hercules (Sandan or Sandon) seems to have
been a Hittite deity.

551 Herodotus, ii. 106; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art
dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 742-752; L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus
Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_, pp. 33-37, with plates xxxvii.,
xxxviii.; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 170-173, with
plate liv.

552 Pausanias, iii. 24. 2, v. 13. 7 with my note; G. Perrot et Ch.
Chipiez, _op. cit._ iv. 752-759; L. Messerschmidt, _op. cit._ pp. 37
_sq._, pl. xxxix. 1; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp.
167-170, with plate liii. Unlike most Hittite sculptures the figure
of Mother Plastene is carved almost in the round. The inscriptions
which accompany both these Lydian monuments are much defaced.

553 The suggestion that the Heraclid kings of Lydia were Hittites, or
under Hittite influence, is not novel. See W. Wright, _Empire of the
Hittites_, p. 59; E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i.
(Stuttgart, 1884) p. 307, § 257; Fr. Hommel, _Grundriss der
Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients_, p. 54, note 2; L.
Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, p. 22.

M139 Death and resurrection of the Lydian hero Tylon. Feast of the Golden
Flower at Sardes.

554 See above, pp. 110 _sqq._

555 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Roman._ i. 27. 1.

556 Nonnus, _Dionys._ xxv. 451-551; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxv. 14. The
story, as we learn from Pliny, was told by Xanthus, an early
historian of Lydia.

557 Thus Glaucus, son of Minos, was restored to life by the seer
Polyidus, who learned the trick from a serpent. See Apollodorus,
_Bibliotheca_, iii. 3. 1. For references to other tales of the same
sort see my note on Pausanias, ii. 10. 3 (vol. iii. pp. 65 _sq._).
The serpent’s acquaintance with the tree of life in the garden of
Eden perhaps belongs to the same cycle of stories.

558 B. V. Head, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_, pp. cxi-cxiii,
with pl. xxvii. 12. On the coins the champion’s name appears as
Masnes or Masanes, but the reading is doubtful. The name Masnes
occurred in Xanthus’s history of Lydia (_Fragmenta Historicorum
Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, iv. 629). It is probably the same with
Manes, the name of a son of Zeus and Earth, who is said to have been
the first king of Lydia (Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ i.
27. 1). Manes was the father of King Atys (Herodotus, i. 94). Thus
Tylon was connected with the royal family of Lydia through his
champion as well as in the ways mentioned in the text.

559 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _l.c._

560 See above, p. 183.

561 B. V. Head, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_, p. cxiii.

562 B. V. Head, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_, pp. cx, cxiii.
The festival seems to be mentioned only on coins.

563 See above, p. 154.

564 V. Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere_7 (Berlin, 1902), p. 261. He
would derive the name from the Semitic, or at all events the
Cilician language. The Hebrew word for saffron is _karkôm_. As to
the spring flowers of North-Western Asia Minor, W. M. Leake remarks
(April 1, 1800) that “primroses, violets, and crocuses, are the only
flowers to be seen” (_Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor_, London,
1824, p. 143). Near Mylasa in Caria, Fellows saw (March 20, 1840)
the broom covered with yellow blossoms and a great variety of
anemones, like “a rich Turkey carpet, in which the green grass did
not form a prominent colour amidst the crimson, lilac, blue,
scarlet, white, and yellow flowers” (Ch. Fellows, _An Account of
Discoveries in Lycia_, London, 1841, pp. 65, 66). In February the
yellow stars of _Gagea arvensis_ cover the rocky and grassy grounds
of Lycia, and the field-marigold often meets the eye. At the same
season in Lycia the shrub _Colutea arborescens_ opens its yellow
flowers. See T. A. B. Spratt and E. Forbes, _Travels in Lycia_
(London, 1847), ii. 133. I must leave it to others to identify the
Golden Flower of Sardes.

M140 The custom of burning a god may have been intended to recruit his divine energies. M141 The custom of burning a god may have stood in some relation to volcanic phenomena. M142 The great extinct volcano Mount Argaeus in Cappadocia.

565 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 538. Mount Argaeus still retains its ancient
name in slightly altered forms (_Ardjeh_, _Erdjich_, _Erjäus_). Its
height is about 13,000 feet. In the nineteenth century it was
ascended by at least two English travellers, W. J. Hamilton and H.
F. Tozer. See W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and
Armenia_, ii. 269-281; H. F. Tozer, _Turkish Armenia and Eastern
Asia Minor_, pp. 94, 113-131; Élisée Reclus, _Nouvelle Géographie
Universelle_ (Paris, 1879-1894), ix. 476-478. A Hittite inscription
is carved at a place called Tope Nefezi, near Asarjik, on the slope
of Mount Argaeus. See J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp.
152 _sq._

566 H. F. Tozer, _op. cit._ pp. 125-127.

M143 Persian fire-worship in Cappadocia. Worship of natural fires which
burn perpetually. The perpetual fires of Baku.

567 Strabo, xv. 3. 14 _sq._, pp. 732 _sq._ A bundle of twigs, called the
Barsom (_Beresma_ in the Avesta), is still used by the Parsee
priests in chanting their liturgy. See M. Haug, _Essays on the
Sacred Language, Writings and Religion of the Parsis_3 (London,
1884), pp. 4, note 1, 283. When a potter in Southern India is making
a pot which is to be worshipped as a household deity, he “should
close his mouth with a bandage, so that his breath may not defile
the pot.” See E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_
(Madras, 1909), iv. 151.

568 Baron Charles Hügel, _Travels in Kashmir and the Panjab_ (London,
1845), pp. 42-46; W. Crooke, _Things Indian_ (London, 1906), p. 219.

569 Jonas Hanway, _An Historical Account of the British Trade over the
Caspian Sea: with the Author’s Journal of Travels_, Second Edition
(London, 1754), i. 263. For later descriptions of the fires and
fire-worshippers of Baku, see J. Reinegg, _Beschreibung des
Kaukasus_ (Gotha, Hildesheim, and St. Petersburg, 1796-1797), i.
151-159; A. von Haxthausen, _Transkaukasia_ (Leipsic, 1856), ii.
80-85. Compare W. Crooke, _Things Indian_, p. 219.

M144 The Burnt Land of Lydia.

570 Strabo, xii. 8. 18 _sq._, p. 579; xiii. 4. 11, p. 628. The wine of
the district is mentioned by Vitruvius (viii. 3. 12) and Pliny
(_Nat. Hist._ xiv. 75).

571 W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_, i.
136-140, ii. 131-138. One of the three recent cones described by
Strabo is now called the _Kara Devlit_, or Black Inkstand. Its top
is about 2500 feet above the sea, but only 500 feet above the
surrounding plain. The adjoining town of Koula, built of the black
lava on which it stands, has a sombre and dismal look. Another of
the cones, almost equally high, has a crater of about half a mile in
circumference and three or four hundred feet deep.

572 Strabo, xiii. 4. 11, p. 628. Compare his account of the Catanian
vineyards (vi. 2. 3, p. 269).

M145 Earthquakes in Asia Minor. Worship of Poseidon, the earthquake god.

573 Strabo, xii. 8. 16-18, pp. 578 _sq._; xiii. 4. 10 _sq._, p. 628.

574 Strabo, xii. 8. 18, p. 579. Compare Tacitus, _Annals_, xii. 58.

575 Strabo, i. 3. 16, p. 57. Compare Plutarch, _De Pythiae oraculis_,
11; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 202; Justin, xxx. 4. The event seems to
have happened in 197 B.C. Several other islands are known to have
appeared in the same bay both in ancient and modern times. So far as
antiquity is concerned, the dates of their appearance are given by
Pliny, but some confusion on the subject has crept into his mind, or
rather, perhaps, into his text. See the discussion of the subject in
W. Smith’s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography_ (London, 1873),
ii. 1158-1160. As to the eruptions in the bay of Santorin, the last
of which occurred in 1866 and produced a new island, see Sir Charles
Lyell, _Principles of Geology_12 (London, 1875), i. 51, ii. 65
_sqq._; C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von
Griechenland_ (Breslau, 1885), pp. 272 _sqq._ There is a monograph
on Santorin and its eruptions (F. Fouqué, _Santorin et ses
éruptions_, Paris, 1879). Strabo has given a brief but striking
account of Rhodes, its architecture, its art-treasures, and its
constitution (xiv. 2. 5, pp. 652 _sq._). As to the Rhodian schools
of art see H. Brunn, _Geschichte der griechischen Künstler_
(Stuttgart, 1857-1859), i. 459 _sqq._, ii. 233 _sqq._, 286 _sq._

576 Aristophanes, _Acharn._ 682; Pausanias, iii. 11. 9, vii. 21. 7;
Plutarch, _Theseus_, 36; Aristides, _Isthmic._ vol. i. p. 29, ed. G.
Dindorf (Leipsic, 1829); Appian, _Bell. Civ._ v. 98; Macrobius,
_Saturn._ i. 17. 22; G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum
Graecarum_2 (Leipsic, 1898-1901), ii. p. 230, No. 543.

577 Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 22.

M146 Spartan propitiation of Poseidon during an earthquake.

578 Xenophon, _Hellenica_, iv. 7. 4. As to the Spartan headquarters
staff (οἱ περὶ δαμοσίαν), see _id._ iv. 5. 8, vi. 4. 14; Xenophon,
_Respublica Lacedaem_. xiii. 1, xv. 4. Usually the Spartans desisted
from any enterprise they had in hand when an earthquake happened
(Thucydides, iii. 59. 1, v. 50. 5, vi. 95. 1).