Chapter V: Part 5

Now we come to the Tribute they paid, which at first was only skins of beasts, paid not by the _Laplanders_, but the _Birkarli_, yet only as an acknowledgement of their subjection to the Crown of _Sweden_. _Buræus_ calls it _naogra timber graoskin_, _graoskin_ signifies gray Squirrils skins, of which color the Squirrils were constantly in the Winter; _timber_ denotes the number of the skins, which were fourty, tied together in a bundle. It is uncertain how many of these bundles the _Birkarli_ gave, but in the Contract with _Gustavus_ the first, those of _Luhla_ and _Pitha_ were engaged to pay 8, which makes in all 360 skins, besides two Martins skins. Those also of _Torne_ were taxed with the same number; and shortly after this number was doubled, by an agreement made in 1528. But after the _Birkarli_ had lost their priviledges, for the forementioned reasons, and the King received the tax by Commissioners for himself, it is very probable some more alteration were made. In the year 1602 they paid instead of skins every tenth Rain-deer, and one tenth of all their dried fish; which is clear from the commands given by _Charles_ to his Deputies _Olaus Burman_ and _Henry Benegtson_, at _Stockholm_ on the 22^d of _July_ in the same year, to require the tribute in this manner, that so the _Laplanders_ might know what and how much they were to pay: for it seems that from _Gustavus_ the first’s time, till then, the Governors used no constant method in raising it, but sometimes demanded skins, at other times other sorts of goods that seemed most necessary for present use; so that by this uncertainty the tribute grew very heavy upon the Inhabitants, and their Governors took occasion from it to exact what they pleased under pretence of the public account, for their own proper uses. Yet this custom continued not long, being thought perhaps too burthensome to the _Laplanders_, and very prejudiciable to their herds; wherefore it was ordered in 1606, that every one which was then 17 years of age, should pay either two Bucks, or three Does out of their herds of Rain-deers, and eight pound of dried fish; as also every tenth Fawn out of their stock, and every tenth tun from their fishery. This tax was also imposed on the _Birkarli_ that had any trafic with them. This order was kept a long while, and renewed again by the same King in 1610. The tribute they pay at this time is either mony, Rain-deers, or skins, either plain or fitted up for use. These they pay according to the largeness of the Provinces in which they dwell, the largest of which, they say, are _een heel skatt_, that is, they pay the full tribute; the lesser _een half skatt_, that is, half tribute; and so likewise for the rest. He that possesseth a Province of the whole tribute, pays two _Patacoons_, which they call _Skattadaler_, and others that have lesser possessions and half tribute, give one _Patacoon_; those which want mony, pay fish or skins, which are commonly of Foxes or Squirrils, of these 50, of the others one with a pair of _Lapland_ shoes, are equal to a _Patacoon_: two pounds also of dry fish are of the same value; now to every pound of dried fish they allow five over, because so much is commonly lost in the drying. They call this pound with its addition _Skattpund_, that is the pound for tribute. They value their Rain-deers at 3 Dollars a piece, and pay the tenths of them, not each family, but every hundred. I have set the prices down here, because if any one had rather keep his Cattel, he can be forced to no more then after this rate. Now concerning the tenths they pay of skins, every housholder is taxed one white Foxe’s skin, or a pair of _Lapland_ shoes; if he hath neither of these, half a pound of dried Jack. This is the Tribute yearly received by the Crown of _Sweden_ from _Lapland_, of which the greatest part is commonly by the Kings gracious favor allowed for the maintenance of their Priests, as was shewn in another place. Now because it is so far both by Sea and Land, before these commodities can be brought to the Kings Storehouses, besides the ordinary tax they give a pair of _Lapland_ shoes, which they call _Haxapalka_, that is the price for carriage. This is all they pay to the King of _Sweden_, but besides they are tributary to the Crown of _Danmark_, and the great Duke of _Moscovy_, not as Subjects to these Princes, but upon the account of their receiving several advantages from their Dominions in their hunting and fishing. Those that are thus, are all the allotments of _Torna_ beyond the mountains, who by reason of the liberty they have to bring down their Cattel from the mountains into the vallies in the Summer time, near the Sea shore, and taking the opportunity from thence of fishing, are taxed by the _Danes_, but not at above half the rate that they pay to the _Swedes_. These allotments are called _Koutokeine_, _Aujouara_, _Teno_, and _Utziocki_. The _Laplanders_ also of the allotment of _Enare_ in _Kiemi_, are in the same condition, who for fishing and hunting pay both to the _Danes_ and _Moscovites_ as well as to the _Swedes_: to the first one half, to the other a third part of what the _Swedes_ receive. The tribute was in former time gathered when the Governor pleased, but afterwards only in the Winter, against which time it was all brought into Storehouses, each County having its proper place for that purpose. But when the place for their Markets and Fairs was determined, the Governor came thither and received it, which course they still take in this business. That this was also the time for receiving it, will appear from the account I shall give of their Fairs in the next Chapter.

CHAP. XIV.

_Of the_ Laplanders _Fairs, and Customs in Trading._

That we may not yet leave the Public concerns of the _Laplanders_, of which we have treated, let us proceed in the next place to consider their Fairs and common Markets, in which what Customs they anciently used is not so well known. _Paulus Jovius_ saies that among the _Laplanders_ he that had any thing to sell, after he had exposed his Wares, went his way and left them, and that the Chapman coming, and taking what was for his turn, left in the place the full value thereof in white furrs or skins. The reason why they did not speak and bargain with their Chapmen, he saies was, because they were a rustic People, extreamly fearful, and ready to run away from the very sight of a ship, or stranger. Others, that are of a more probable opinion, confess indeed that they used no words in their trading, but that it was not out of rusticity, want of cunning, or the like; but because they had a language quite different from others, and so peculiar to themselves, that they could neither understand, nor be understood of their neighbours: so that it was rather the barbarism, and roughness of their speech, then manners, that made them use this dumb way of traffiking. But of their language we shall treat in its proper place.

Concerning their trading with their neighbours, it is most certain that it was performed without words, by nods and silent gestures: neither was it properly a buying and selling (for they did not of old use either gold or silver) but rather an exchange of one commodity for another. So that whereas _Zieglerus_ tells us they did _permutatione & pecunia commercia agere_, we may justly doubt whether it be not rather to be read _nec pecunia_, (unless happily he intend _pecunia_ in the primary sense, and hath more respect to the original of the word, then to the acception now in use.) And truly this way of exchange among them, in those ancient times, was no less then necessary; when indeed, as well the neighbouring Countries, as the _Laplanders_ were quite strangers to any current mony; and this we may understand from the _Swedes_, among whom there were in those daies either no coins at all; or else only such as had bin transported out of _England_ and _Scotland_, the use of the Mint being then utterly unknown in that Country. And if at that time there was no mony in _Swedland_, it is certainly no great wonder there should be none in _Lapland_. But neither in after times, and when they were under the Jurisdiction of the _Birkarli_, could the _Laplanders_ come to the use of mony; for they that were Lords over them, monopolizing the whole trade to themselves, did not give them mony for their commodities, but such other merchandise, as their Country stood in need of. In fine to this very day the _Laplanders_ know no other mony but the _Patacoon_ and half _Patacoon_; other coins whether of copper, silver, or gold, they do not so much value, which will give us to understand that the use of mony among them cannot be of any long date, for the _Patacoon_ is but of later daies, and was never known before the discovery of the Mine in the Vale of _Joachim_.

These _Patacoons_ they value singly at 2 onces of silver a piece, whence it appears that as they had no other mony, so neither did this pass currant among them, but only by weight, and as if it were in the Mass: and I beleive was not at all in use, untill they were forced to pay tribute in that kind, of which I have discoursed before, and shewed that it was but of late instituted. But what _Damianus_ means by his _permutatione tantum annonam & pecuniam acquirunt_, we cannot so easily guess; for we do not say that men barter and deal by exchange when mony is paid for a commodity: for to what end should those People seek after getting mony, which was in use neither among themselves nor their neighbours; so that perhaps here also we ought to read _nec pecuniam_, and then the sense runs, that they were not so sollicitous in getting mony, as in providing the more necessary things of life: altho neither is that true which he delivers of their provisions, as will appear from what follows.

But whatsoever _Damianus_ means, it is most certain that in all their commerce they did but exchange one thing for another; and that to this day the same custom remains among them, who are now concern’d for no more mony then what is sufficient to pay their tribute. Only if there is any commodity among them of great and extraordinary value, that indeed is to be bought with mony.

Their custom is now, not as formerly, to bargain by signs and nods, but either they use speech, (for there are many of them now that are skilled in that of their neighbours) or Interpreters, of which there are plenty enough among them. They with whom they trafic are for the most part their neighbours, on the one side the _Swedes_ and _Norwegians_, on the other the _Finlanders_, _Russians_, and _Moscovites_. Neither was it otherwise in old times, unless when they were under the power of the _Birkarli_, who endeavouring to get all the trade into their own hands, did more narrowly watch those that were nighest _Sweden_, that so they might exclude all but themselves from trafficking in any part of _Lapland_. The power that we read was given the _Birkarli_ over the _Laplanders_ by _Ladulaus_ the great King, I suppose, chiefly consisted in this; for the other speciall rights and priviledges, which they and their ancestors for a long time possessed, _Gustavus_ the first hath set down, as I have in another place declared.

And this we may also gather from the prohibition of _Charles_ the ninth, denying the _Birkarli_ the priviledge of trafficking in _Lapland_, as they had formerly done. The words of the injunction published in the year 1602 are to this purpose; _And we do utterly forbid the_ Birkarli _any more to trade for skins or other commodities, as they have formerly used_. Before this time therefore they were either the only, or chief Merchants in _Lapland_, whither when they had brought their merchandise, they went round the Country purchasing all the skins they could, of which afterwards they made great sums of mony. And this they continually did till the time of _Gustavus_ the first, when that priviledge began to be denyed them; by which they were grown so rich and powerfull, and what is the common consequent thereof, proud and haughty.

But neither could _Gustavus_ provide against all their arts and evasions; for tho he took from them all power over the _Laplanders_, yet they being better skilled in the commodities of the Country and constitution of the People then others, did still, tho not so openly, keep correspondence and trafic with them, till in the year 1602, in the time of _Charles_ the ninth, they were forbid by the forementioned injunction, at any time, or in any place, to hold any commerce with them, and the monopoly of all skins was annext to the Crown; a certain rate being set at which they were to be sold. The words of the Edict are thus: “Whatsoever skins are found in _Lapland_, we do command and enjoyn our Governors to buy up for our use, according to the statute and rate in that case provided.” And this was also again enforced in the year 1610, only in this there was a clause inserted, that the skins of _Elkes_ should be brought into the Kings tresury _gratis_. The clause runs thus: “And we do command all _Laplanders_ in our name to bring to our Governors all saleable skins, for which they shall return the worth in other commodities, as is by statute provided; but the skins of _Elkes_ they shall seize upon for our use, not giving any consideration for them; if any man shall take this beast, it shall be lawfull for him to keep the flesh for his own private use, but the skin shall belong to Us and our Crown.” But their trading is now grown more general, and they have of late years learned to deal more freely and openly with other Nations; for they that dwell among the mountains that divide _Norway_ and _Swedland_, deal both with the _Norwegians_ and _Swedes_, and they that live more Northerly and Easterly with the _Russians_ and _Finlanders_.

But I come to the commodities themselves, which _Jovius_ saies are only white skins, or furrs, called _Ermines_. _Zieglerus_ reckons fishes also, of which they have so great draughts, that they are forced to keep them in trunks and ponds till they can transport them into _Northbothnia_ and _Russia alba_. But there are several other sorts of skins, which _Olaus Magnus_ comprehends under a more general term, and calls _pelles pretiosas_. _Sam. Rheen_ gives us this catalogue of them, the commodities of the _Laplanders_ are, Raindeers, skins of Raindeers, skins of black, yellow, blew, white Foxes; skins of Otters, of _Gluttons_, or Badgers, of Martins, of Beavers, of Squirrils, of Wolves, and of Bears, Laplandish garments, Boots, shoes, Gloves, dried Pike, and Cheeses of Rain-deers. With these commodities the _Laplanders_ traffic for Silver, Patacoons, Wollen and linnen Cloth, Copper, Alchimy, Salt, Corn, Bulls hides, Sulphur, Needles and Pins, Knives, Spirit of Wine, and which is more strange for Tobacco, of which as I said before they are great admirers.

Upon all these things as was but now declared, there was a certain rate set by _Charles_ the ninth, according to which they were to be bought up for the use of the Crown; and the same custom is so far yet observed, that to this very day, with whomsoever they deal, they have a certain estimate, whereby they prize both their own and others commodities: the proportion of which rates is according to the Patacoon, or which is the same thing with them, 2 ounces of silver. For example, an ordinary Rain-deer they value at 2 Patacoons, or 4 ounces of silver, the skin of a wild Rain-deer at one Patacoon and 1/2, or 3 ounces of silver; the skin of a tame male Rain-deer at one Patacoon, but if castrated, at 1/4 of a Patacoon, and if a female at 1/2. So likewise an ordinary Fox skin is worth a Patacoon, 40 gray colored Squirril skins are valued at the same price, which number of those skins they call _timber_. The skin of a Martin at the same price, 3 white Fox skins at the same price, a Bears skin is worth 2 Patacoons, and a Wolves skin as much, an ordinary Laplandish garment, which they call _Mudd_, is worth 3 Patacoons, a pair of Boots half a Patacoon, and 4 pair of shoes, 4 pair of gloves, and one pound of dried Pike, each of them are valued at the same price.

Now on the other side, of the commodities for which they traffic, an ell of ordinary cloth, commonly called _Silesian_ or _Tangermyndense_, they esteem at the rate of a Patacoon, or 2 ounces of silver; 3 pound of Copper at the same rate, and one tunn of Corn at 2 Patacoons and 1/2, or 5 ounces of silver, 2 pound of Salt at 1/2 of a Patacoon, 10 yards of course cloth, such as we call _home-spun_, and they call _Waldmar_, is worth a Patacoon, a Can of spirit of Wine half as much; but if they chance to light upon any commodities of a lower price, they value them by gray colored Squirril skins, proceeding from one to 10, which number of skins they call _Artog_, and value at 1/4 of a Patacoon, and these are the commodities that drive the trade between the _Swede_ and _Laplander_. But to those of _Norway_ they carry all sorts of coverlets, made of the skins of Rain-deers, also the beasts themselves, their skins and cheeses, and the feathers of Birds; moreover those things for which they trade with the _Swedes_, are Copper and Alchimy vessels, ordinary cloth woven by the Swedish Boors, these they change for Bulls, and Cows, whose milk they live on in the Summer, and on their flesh in the Winter, also for Goats and Sheep, out of whose skins they make themselves coverlets, for silver, for the skins of black Foxes, and Otters, for woollen blankets, and for fish, which they sell again to the _Swedes_, as Herrings, dried Codfish, Skails, and such like. _Johannes Tornæus_ comprehends them in a shorter catalogue, the _Laplanders_, saies he, traffic with those with _Norway_ and _Bothnia_, Subjects of the Crown of _Sweden_, for ordinary woollen cloth, linnen cloth of both sorts, as well the finest as coursest, for corn, bread, brass, iron, and all sorts of Country utensils. But above all things it was their chiefest care to get beasts out of _Norway_, which in the Autumn, they used to Sacrifice to their Idols.

Whether there were anciently any set places or times in which they did trade, I cannot certainly pronounce, tho _Olaus Magnus_, Lib. 4. Cap. 5. seems to affirm it, and saies, there were certain set places, some in open fields, and some upon the Ice, in which they did every year keep their Fairs, and exhibit to the public view what they had by their own industry gained, either at home or abroad. But for all this he proceeds not to tell us where those Fairs were kept, or where those places were. And _Charles_ the ninth forbidding the _Birkarli_ continually, and at all times to make their circuits round the Country, did nevertheless appoint certain times and places, in which, as at public Fairs, all traffic should be free and open as well to them as others. The words of the Edict published in the year 1602 I will give you, which run thus: “Wherefore seeing we have forbidden the _Birkarli_ to trade in _Lapland_, according to their old custom, and in manner aforesaid, We do will and command to be appointed two Fairs every year in every Province, one in the Winter, the other in the Summer, as it shall seem most convenient, and We do will and command our Governors to take care that certain fit places be looked out, in which these Fairs may be kept, and to appoint set times, at which most conveniently as well all _Laplanders_, _Birkarlians_, _Moscovites_, as others, may resort unto them. Furthermore our Will and pleasure is, that each Fair last for two or three weeks, during which time, it shall be lawfull for every one to make such bargains as may be most for his own profit. And we do also command our Governors, that certain Boothes and Sheds be provided after the most convenient manner.” Now by all this it may appear that in former times there were no such things either observed or known, seeing the King here speaks of them as first instituted by him; neither indeed in the Edict it self doth he set down any certain time or place, but names them only as things intended, and which he leaves to the discretion of his Governors, which also _Andr. Buræus_ seems to intimate was performed, when he saies that when they were to pay their tribute, they were at a certain time and in certain places gathered together, as into a _Store-house_, where those Merchants, we before called _Birkarli_, exhibited their wares. But now he also leaves us in the dark as to a certainty either of time or place, so that it may seem these Fairs and constitutions did not find so good success as it was hoped they would, untill at length the Queen _Christina_ taking the business into consideration, brought it to greater perfection. There is an Edict of hers, published in the year 1640, in which two Fairs are appointed, one at _Arfwisjerf_ in _January_, the other at _Arieplog_ to be kept in _February_. The words are to this purpose: “Furthermore We have given and granted, and by these presents do give and grant 2 solemn Fairs, one at _Arfwisjerf_ on the Feast of the Conversion of S. _Paul_, being the 25 of _Jan._ the other at _Arieplog_ on the Feast of the Purification of the B. V. _Mary_, being the 2^d of _February_, each to be held for 3 daies, at which times it shall be lawfull for the _Pithenses_ and all _Laplanders_ to exercise all sorts of traffic, and these Fairs shall first be holden the next year 1641.” From this time they began to be more diligently observed, and are kept upon those Feasts to this very day, for in all Provinces there are every Spring 3 Fairs kept; the first in _Lapmarkia Umensis_ upon the Feast of the _Epiphany_, the 2^d in _Lapmarkia Luhlensis_ on the Conversion of S. _Paul_, the last in _Lapmarkia Pithensis_, _Tornensis_, and _Kimensis_ on the Feast of the _Purification_. These are the Fairs which _Christina_ instituted, only that in _Umensis_ I beleive was observed from the time of _Charles_ the ninth, and the rather because that _Lapmark_ is nighest _Swedland_. Into _Norway_ they resort and keep Fairs twice a year, the first at Midsummer on the Feast of S. _John_, the other in the Autumn on the Feast of _Simon_ and _Jude_, or _All-Saints_ day. And so much for the times and places of their Fairs.

As for their way of dealing they were of old in all their bargains very faithfull and just, tho _Damianus à Goes_ seems to note some craftiness in them, and saies they were very cunning in all their tradings. And _Sam. Rheen_ in plain terms call them cheats, and saies they were so deceitful, that one that did not know all their tricks, could hardly escape being over-reached by them. So that we may suppose that as long as others dealt fairly with them, so long they were trusty and faithfull, but in after times coming to learn how others had served them, by understanding how they had been cheated formerly, they themselves learned to deceive others. But of this we have spoken before: and these thing may serve to give us some light into their customs in trafficking.

CHAP. XV.

_Of the Language of the_ Laplanders.

In the former Chapter we told you that the Language of the _Laplanders_ was such as did very much differ from that of their neighbours, our next business shall be, as well as we can, to discover what it is. Now whatsoever is received, used, commonly, and publikly spoken in any Country, is certainly a Language, but of this of the _Laplanders_, _Zieglerus_ in general observes only that it was peculiar to themselves, and not understood by their neighbours. _Damianus_ speaks more plain, and accuses them of barbarism and roughness of speech. Our modern Writers say their speech is a confused miscellany of the Language of their neighbours, and that it was called _Lingua Lapponica_, quasi _corrasa_, _eet Lappatspraock_, and that it is made up of many other Tongues, as of that of _Finlanders_ and _Swedes_, as for instance; the _Laplanders_ say _stour_, the _Swedes_, _stoor_; the one _Salug_, the other _saligh_. And that there are also some Latine words, as _Porcus_, _Oriens_, &c. But tho these Writers suppose that they have borrowed many words from their neighbours, yet they confess that much of their Language is their own, and neither used, or known by any other Naitons, but that as well the original of the words, as propriety of the Phrases, is peculiar to themselves. Others suppose it took its rise and was derived from _Finland_: and indeed it is confessed on all hands that there are many words in both Languages that seem no great strangers. So that there is little doubt but there are many words in both Languages which very much agree, which any one that is a little skilled in them must needs confess: and to make this more clear, I shall here insert some words of both Languages not much unlike.

God Jubmar _or_ Immel Jumala
Fire Tolle Tuli
Day Paiwe Paiwa
Night Ii Yœ
A River Jocki _the same_
A Lake Jaur Jarwi
Ice Jenga Iææ
a Hill Warra Wuori
Wood Medz Medza
the Eye Silmæ _the same_
the Nose Niuna Nenæ
the Arm Ketawerth Kasiwersi
the Hand Kiætt Kæsi
the Foot Ialk Ialka
Cheese Iost Iuusto
Bootes _The Sappad _The Saapas
a Show Laplanders Kamath Finlanders Kamgett
a Shed call_ Kaote say_ Koto
an Arrow Niaola Nuoli
Warr Tziaod Sotæ
King Konnagas Cuningas
Father Atkia Ajæ
Mother Am Ama
Brother Wellje Weli
Wife Morswi Morsian
Dog Piednax Peinika
a Ferret Natæ Nætæ
a Squirrill Orre Orawa
a Bird Lodo Lindu
a Fish Qwælie Cala
a Salmon Losa Lobi
a wild Pine tree. Quaosa Cuusi.

These words I suppose may serve to declare the affinity that we said was between the Language of the _Laplanders_ and _Finlanders_: and because the words that I have set down, do not signify any forreign commodities, but things natural, and such as are in use among all People alike, I am given to beleive that the _Laplanders_ had not any peculiar Language, which did wholy differ from that of _Finland_, but that it took its original thence. For if, as some would have it, they had any Language, they might properly call their own, why did they not out of it, upon things of so common occurrence and ordinary use, rather impose their own words, then such as no man could doubt were taken from the _Finlanders_. No People certainly were ever guilty of so much folly as to impose forreign names upon so common things, if they had any Language of their own to express them in: as might be at large demonstrated from the Languages of the _Germans_, ancient _Gaules_, _Spaniards_, _Italians_, _Greeks_, &c. neither have we any reason to count it a hard inference if we should from hence gather, that the _Laplanders_ themselves sprung from the _Finlanders_. For otherwise why should they have used any other Language then what they received from their fore-Fathers. And this seems to be the argument _Wexonius_ uses to prove the Language of the _Laplanders_ to have taken its rise from the _Finlanders_, when from the original of the People he infers the same of the Speech; for in this he intimates that to spring from any Country, and to use the same Language, are very convertible propositions. All which indeed seems to be no more then the truth. But now some one may object that the opinion of those men that affirm the Language of this Country to be primarily its own, could not be destitute of all reason, and that they must necessarily have had some probabilities whereon they grounded their opinion; and truly it cannot be denied but that there are many words which do not any waies agree with the Language of the _Finlanders_, as may appear from what follows,

The Sun Beiwe Auringa
Heaven Albme Taiwas
Water Kietze Wesi
Rain Abbræ Sade
Snow Mota Lumi
a Man Ulmugd Ihminen
Gent. Man Albma Mies
Woman Nissum Waimo
Hair _The Laplanders Waopt _The Finlanders_ Hiuxi
the Mouth call_ Nialbme Suu
the Chin Kaig Leuca
the Heart Waibmi Sydaon
the Flesh Ogge Liha
a Wolf Seibik Susi
a Bear Muriel Karhu
a Fox. Riemnes Kettu.

And the Difference between these and the like words without doubt was that which gave occasion to some to think that anciently the _Laplanders_ had a Speech peculiar to themselves, and quite different from that of _Finland_, of which ancient Language these relicts did remain, and for this they give this reason; that the _Laplanders_ were forced to frame to themselves a new Language, for fear, least being understood by their neighbours the _Finlanders_, they should fall into their snares. So _Olaus Petri_ saies that often times they found spies about their tents in the night, hearkning after their Councels, now for this reason, according to the Policy of their Forefathers, flying into the allotment of _Rengo_, in the Province of _Nolnense_, they there agreed upon, and framed to themselves a Speech quite different from that of _Finland_. So that there are very few words found to agree in both Languages. Now by the Spies he there talks of, he understands the _Finlanders_, who being driven out of their Country by _Matthias Kurkius_ and the _Tavastians_, roved up and down, seeking where they might most conveniently settle, as may appear from what goes before in that place. Others think that these are the relicts of that Language which they first brought into _Lapland_, which they suppose to be no other but that of the _Tartars_. But how false this is, may appear from the vast difference between those Tongues, in which there is not one word that signifies the same thing in both Languages. And that you may not think I say this without any reason, I will give you a few instances.

God Allah Jubmel
the Sun Gynesch Beiwe
Heaven Gioech Alm
Fire Atasch Tulla
Air Jusger Biægga
Water Sauf Tziatz
a Lake Dannis Jauur
Ice Büüs Jenga
the Earth Ier _or_ toprak Ænnam
a Hill Dagda Ware
a Man Adam Aolmaitz
Hair Sadsch Waopta
the Eye Gios Tzialme
the Nose _The Burnum _The Nierune
a Beard Tartars Beichlar Laplanders_ Sæmao
an Arm call_ Æhl Kiettawerdi
a Hand Cholun Kietta
a Foot Ajach Iwobge
a Heart Jurek Waimao
a Bow Jay Taugh
an Arrow Och Niæla
Father Babam Atziæ
Mother Anasse Ænnæ
Brother Cardasch Wiælæ
Sister Kiscardasche Aobbe
a Wolf Sirma Kurt
a Bear Ajuf Kwoptza
a Fish Balich Kwele.

And indeed there is as great incongruity in all the rest of the words as in these, so that this opinion is not only foolish, but ridiculous. And neither is the other, which pretends they framed a Language to themselves, grounded upon any greater truth then this former. For first why should they only have changed some words and not all? And then these words which do agree in both Languages are not the names of things less known, or not so ordinarily used, as other things, but of such as were as common as life, light, or breathing: wherefore I am clearly of the other opinion, and do beleive that these differing words are as much Finnonick as any of the rest. But they who from the difference of these words infer the independency of the Speeches, do not at all consider that, then which there is nothing more common and incident to Languages, _viz._ to be changed and altered according to the times, and so much the more by how much the People have greater commerce with other Nations. And this is plain from the example of the _Islanders_ and _Norwegians_; for that the _Islanders_ sprung from the _Norwegians_ is by the Histories of both Nations made so clear that no man can doubt of it. But now the _Islanders_ use many words which those of _Norway_ are quite ignorant of; and yet I hope no man will thence say that the _Islanders_ have a Language wholly independent and different from that of _Norway_: for the one living by themselves, and having little or no dealings with other People, do to this day keep entire the same Language which they first brought, and which they received down from their ancestors: but it was quite otherwise with the _Norwegians_, who together with their Empire lost also their ancient Language. The same seems to be the case of the _Finlanders_, who being brought under the Jurisdiction of others, and holding more frequent commerce with their neighbours, lost much of their ancient manner of speaking, which the _Laplanders_ on the contrary living a more solitary life, it is probable, do still keep uncorrupt. Wherefore it is no wonder if in their language we meet with many words, which compared with those of the modern _Finlanders_, seem to have nothing of likeness; tho happily one that is well skilled in the dialect and propriety of the Finnonick Language, will find enough to make him conjecture that there are many words which, as they are now used seem quite different, yet are very agreeable in the original. And this is likewise the common fate of other languages, as for example of the _German_, in which a little too rashly the learned _Olaus Wormius_ in his _literatura Runica_, as he calls it, Cap. 27, hath taken notice of so great a difference. For in these daies not only _nach_, but _effter_ is used, as may appear _affterred_, _afterdam_ &c. And so likewise the _Germans_ use not only _Gesicht_, but also _Antlitz_; not only _Verstand_, but _Vernunfft_; and as well _essen_, _anfangen_, _Schuss_, _Alter_, _Gefængnus_, _auffthun_, _Bett_, _Dopff_, &c. as, _As_, _beginnen_, _keimen_, _uralt_, _haffte_, _entdecken_, _Lægerstad_, _locken_, in all which they agree with the ancient _Germans_. In my opinion therefore the difference of a few words, is not authority enough to prove that the _Laplanders_ in ancient times had a peculiar language. But it shews rather that they are not all of the same antiquity, but that some came from _Finland_ longer ago, who brought those obsolete words with them, and some of later daies, who now use the new; and this I think to be the best account of the Language of the _Laplanders_. Of which this also is observable, that it doth not in all places alike agree with it self, but hath its several different Dialects, and is so various, that those that live in one part of the Country, can scarce understand those of the other. There are especially three Dialects, the first used by the _Umenses_ and _Pithenses_ in the West, the 2^d by the _Luhlenses_ in the North, the last by the _Tornenses_ and _Kimenses_ in the East. And the variety of these Dialects was doubtless caused by the difference of times in which they came into _Lapland_; some coming sooner, some later, some settling in one part, some in another. Now of all these Dialect, there is none more rough or unplesant then that of the _Luhlenses_, who as well in their life and manners, as in their way of speaking, are far the most rustick and clownish of all the _Laplanders_. But that you may see what a disparity there is between these Dialects, I will set down a few example: the _Pithenses_ say _Jubmel_, the _Tornenses_, _Immel_, the _Pithenses_ say _Jocki_, _Warra_, _Olbmo_, _nisw_, _skaigki_, _kiist_, _nissu_, _pardei_, _seibig_, _muriet_, _reppi_; for which the _Tornenses_ put, _virte_, _taodar_, _almai_, _kab_, _kawtza_, _raopka_, _kaap_, _alik_, _owre_, _kops_, _riemnes_. Now as the Language of the _Laplanders_ is varied according to the diversity of the Territories and Marches, just as it is in other Nations, particularly in _Germany_, where the _Swavelanders_, _Saxons_, and _Belgians_, speak all different tongues, so hath it this also common with other Countries, _viz._ that the nigher the Territory tends to any other People, so much the more do the Inhabitants participate of their Language; and so the _Tornenses_ and _Kimenses_, who border upon the _Finlanders_, do at this day use very much of their speech: nay they go yet farther, and make it their business to learn the Language of their Neighbours, so the _Tornenses_ and _Kimenses_ get the _Finnonik_, the _Luhlenses_, _Pithenses_, and especially the _Umenses_ the Swedish Language, and that man that is skilled in these Tongues hath not little conceit of himself, and is indeed much esteemed among his neighbours. It is therefore no wonder if there be many Swedish words, found among the _Laplanders_: for it could not otherwise happen but that this People, who were supplied by others in many things which they had not themselves, should with Forreign commodities receive also and use Forreign names; and of this I could give many instances, but it is not the business in hand. Now of this kind we ought to esteem these words following; in _Lapland_, _Salug_ signifies _blessed_, which the _Swedes_ call _Saligh_: _Niip_ a knife, the _Swedes_ call it _kniif_; _Fiælo_, a rafter with the _Swedes_ _tilio_, and many more of the like nature. Of all which the R. and learned _Johan. Tornæus_ gives this account, that the use of Forreign words was introduced partly by necessity, and partly by conversing with Strangers; and upon this account it is that they that converse with the _Swedes_ do oftentimes use Swedish words. The like may be said of those that deal with the _Finlanders_, and with the _Germans_ in _Norway_, and this is the reason why one and the same thing is often called by divers appellations, as for example, the _Swedes_ call a Horse _Hæst_, the _Finlanders_, _Hapoitz_, the _Germans_, _Ross_, which also is the name the _Laplanders_ give the beast, for they having no Horses of their own were forced to borrow a name from the Country from whence they had them. Now what _Tornæus_ observes concerning the word _Ross_, I beleive may be applyed also to the word _Porcus_, which I suppose they had rather from the _Germans_ then _Latines_, for the _Germans_ call a Barrow-Hog, _Bork_, now their Swine they had all out of _Norway_, and it is very probable they did thence borrow that appellation also. And not to trouble our selves any farther, this will hold true in all the rest of that kind. Wherefore setting apart other considerations, and looking upon this Language, not as it contains in it forreign words, but only such as they alwaies used within themselves, and were ever received among them, it remains that we conclude it to be not a miscellany or collection of Latin, German, Swedish scraps, and the like, neither as a peculiar speech, different from them altogether, but such as originally took its rise from the _Finlanders_, tho time hath brought it to pass that perhaps few of them understand it.

This Tongue, as well as others, hath its Declensions, Comparisons, Conjugations, Moods, Tenses, _&c._ and perhaps it may not be amiss if I should here insert some examples: I will therefore first decline you a Laplandish Noun, and afterwards give you the Finnonick Declension of the same, that by comparing both you may better understand the parity and disparity of these Languages. This Noun shall be _Immel_, for so the _Tornenses_ call it, tho other say _Jubmel_, the _Finlanders_ terms it _Jumala_, and it signifies _God_.

Lappon. | Finlappon.
|
_Singul._ _Plural._ | _Singul._ _Plural._
_N._ Immel. _N._ Immeleck. | _N._ Jumala. _N._ Jumalat.
_G._ Immele. _G._ Immeliig. | _G._ Jumalan. _G._ Jumalden.
_D._ Immela. _D._ Immewoth. | _D._ Jumalalle. _D._ Jumalille.
_A._ Immel. _A._ Immeliidh. | _A._ Jumalaa. _A._ Jumalat.
_V._ ô Immel. _V._ ô Immæleck. | _V._ Jumala. _V._ ô Jumalat.
_A._ Immelist. _A._ Immæliie. | _A._ Jumalasta. _A._ Jumalilda.

I will add one more Noun, that the case may be more clear, and that shall be _Olmai_, which signifies a man.

_Singul._ _Plural._
_N._ Olmai. _N._ Olmack.
_G._ Olma. _G._ Olmaig.
_D._ Olmas. _D._ Olmaid.
_A._ Olma. _A._ Olmaig.
_V._ ô Olmai. _V._ ô Olmack.
_A._ Olmast. _A._ Olmaija.

And after this manner it is in all the rest.

Adjectives have their terminations in comparison, as

_Stoure_, great, _stourapo_, greater, _stouramus_, greatest.
_Enach_, much, _enapo_, more, _enamus_, most.
_Utze_, little, _utzapo_, less, _utzamus_, least.

The comparative for the most part ends in _po_, the Superlative in _mus_. They have also their Articles, but seldom use them before Nouns, as it also in other Tongues.

In the Masc. and the Fem. Gender the Article hath the same termination, but differs in the Neuter; for _tott_ signifies _hic & hæc_, _towt_, _hoc_.

Their Pronouns are _mun_, I, _tun_, thou, _sun_, he, _mii_, we, _sii_, you, _tack_, they. The Verbs also are conjugated in their Tenses, and Persons, as in the Indicative mood thus, Sing. _Mun pworastan_ I love, _tum pworastack_ thou lovest, _sun pworasta_. Plur. _Mii pworastop_ we love, _sii pworost_ you love, _tack pwrost_. And after this manner do they decline their other Verbs.

Sing. _mun læm_ I am, _tun læck_, thou art, _suu lia_ he is.
Plur. _mii læp_ we are, _sii læ_ you are, _tack læ_ they are.

These will serve to give us some light into the nature of this Language, at least as much as is to our purpose, who did not undertake to write a Grammar, but only give some small description.

Now the _Laplanders_ have a peculiar way of pronouncing words, according to which it is impossible to express them in letters, for they do mouth out all their words, so that the vowels might be heard loud enough, but the other letters come very softly out; they do also quite cut off and drown the last syllables, especially of Nouns. Letters they neither have, nor ever had any, and in this they agree with their ancestors the _Finlander_: the Calendar which they use, is no other but the Swedish in _Runick_ letters. And this also, before they came to have commerce with the _Swedes_, and had learned of them the observation of Holy-daies, was never in use among them. _Johannes Buræus_ tells us that he heard from persons of good credit, of certain grave-stones and monuments, which had sometimes bin found in _Lapland_ (more whereof perhaps might be found) on which were engraved _Runick_ Characters. But suppose we this true, it is not, I hope, therefore necessary that we should conclude that these were formerly the letters of the _Laplanders_, to which indeed, as well themselves as their forefathers the _Finlanders_ are equally Strangers. But we have more reason to think that the _Swedes_ coming thither in ancient times, either by force of arms, or otherwise, inhabited there abouts, and left those stones. To this day both the _Laplander_ and _Finlander_ use the Latine letters; in the same Character the _Swedes_ and _Germans_ make them, altho the number of them that can read among them is but very small, and of them that can write, a great deal less, and are only such as they call great Scholars.

Now this Speech being only used among the _Laplanders_, and there being none that desire to learn it but themselves, in all negotiations with others, they are forced to use the help of Interpreters, of whom upon this account there are great numbers, as I have formerly said: tho these Interpreters speak all Languages, but the _Finnonick_, very barbarously, which is also the fault of all _Laplanders_, who are very hardly brought to learn or pronounce any other Tongue, and much given to confound one with another. So that they which traffic in _Norway_, and border upon that Country, do in their speaking mingle together the Speech of the _Norwegians_ and _Swedes_, as for instance, _jeghkiæmi_, for _jag kom_, _jag gaong_, for _jag goar_. So for _hustro_, they say _koona_, for _min myssa_, _mitt hofwud_, &c. But of the Language of the _Laplanders_ let this suffice.

CHAP. XVI.

_Of the Houses of the_ Laplanders.

Hitherto we have treated of the _Laplander_ as he hath relation to the Common-wealth, we shall in the next place speak of him as a private person. And this we shall do first, considering the things they have need of. Secondly, their imployments. And thirdly their leasure and pastimes. All necessary accommodations are either such as are to defend us from ill inconveniences, or to give us necessaries. Of the first sort, are Houses and Cloathes, of the 2^d, Meat and Drink. We shall begin with their houses, or places of aboad. The _Laplanders_ have not any houses like other Northern People, it having bin their custom to wander up and down, and so, sometimes in one place and sometimes in another, to set up small sheds for their present use: so that they had no certain habitations, but having eaten and consumed the fish and beasts in one place, they march to another, carrying their sheds or tents with them.

But this liberty of wandring up and down the Country, was in a special Edict forbid them by _Charles_ the ninth, in the year 1602, and a certain place of habitation assigned to every family. The words of the Edict are to this purpose: “We do in the first place command that in every _Lapmark_ an account be taken of all Fenns, Rivers, Lakes, _&c._ and who they are that have hitherto had the benefit and use of them, with the names of all such: and then that the number of the families be compared with that of the Rivers, _&c._ and so equally divided that one family shall not possess more Rivers and Fenns then are for its use. Lastly every _Lapmark_ being thus divided, it shall be committed to honest and good men, who, without either favor or prejudice, shall assign to every family its just portion: and thenceforth it shall not be lawfull for any _Laplander_, at his plesure to wander up and down all marches, as hath formerly bin used.” From the time of this Edict the _Laplanders_ had their certain bounds and limits assigned them sufficient for the sustaining of their families. Neither was it afterward lawfull for any one to invade the propriety of another, or to wander where he pleased.

Notwithstanding, that custom of removing their sheds from one place to another was quite abolished, but is yet used among them, tho now they move not out of the bounds assigned them. So that they have no certain mansion, but as the Season of the year offers it self, either for fishing or hunting, so do they order their habitations accordingly on the side of some River, Wood, or Mountain, and having spent there some daies or weeks, remove their tents again to a more seasonable place. To this agrees also our modern writer _Sam. Rheen_. This wandring is chiefly caused by their manner of getting their living, for the _Laplanders_ having all their livelihood from Rain-deers, Fish, and wild beasts, they are forced to live where they may have sufficient pastures for their Rain-deers, and plenty of other beasts, and fishes for themselves; and yet to take care that they destroy not the breed. But this cannot be done if they should live alwaies in one place, and therefore it is that _Buræus_ saies, they order their habitations according to the seasons of fishing, hunting, _&c._ Now this conveniency cannot be in all places at all times alike, for fish do abound most when about the time of their spawning they are gathered together, which some fish do at one time, and some at another, and one sort in one Lake, and another sort in another Lake; so that they that are of this trade cannot alwaies live in one place. In like manner it is also with their Rain-deers: and therefore _Sam. Rheen_ saies they take their journeys either to provide pasture for their Rain-deers, or to fish: for at that time, when fishes generate either in this or that Lake or River, then the _Laplander_, with his house and family, takes his journy. But this journeying is not so as that they should forsake and never return again to their former places; but they do, as it were, go in a circle: so that in the space of a year, the pasture being again grown that was before consumed, they return into the same seats again. This is the custom of the _Laplanders_ that live in the Mountains: but they that live in the Woods, do not only once a year, but oftner return into the same places. For they leave and return to their habitations severall times in a year, _viz._ as often as occasion is offerred either of fishing, fowling, hunting, _&c._ Now they do so order their journeys, that the Fishermen at those times when the fishes do spawn, do alwaies live on the side of some River. They that take care of, and trade with Rain-deers, do in the Winter live in the Woods, but in the Summer ascend towards the mountains of _Norway_: for in the Winter they cannot abide on those Mountains, where there are so frequent storms, great Snows, and no Wood. At that season therefore they descend into the nighest woods, where by reason of the depth of the Snow they can easily keep their Rain-deers together: so that from Christmas untill the Feast of the Annunciation they remain for the most part in one place, at which time the Snow beginning to melt, they march nigher and nigher again towards the Mountains, where they remain till S. _Ericus_’s day: about which time because the female Rain-deer use to bring forth, therefore they remain in the same place untill the feast of _S. John_, or Midsummer-day. Afterwards, when, as well in the Mountains as Vallies, the grass and pasture do most florish, they proceed farther and farther, some on the tops of the highest Mountains, where the Rain-deers are less infested with flies and gnats, in which Mountains they wander up and down till the feast of S. _Bartholomew_, when by little and little they betake themselves to the Woods again, and then _Christmas_ coming they do again as we told you in the beginning. And these are the circuits of the _Laplanders_, and reasons why they cannot stay in one place, together with the times of their severall removes. But now these journeys sometimes are for many miles, and of a far longer space of time, so that sometimes they march for 20 miles and farther. Now because some of them live in the Mountains, some among the Trees, especially Pine-trees, nigh the Rivers and Lakes; therefore are they accordingly called by different names. Some are called _fiæll Lapper_, because they live in the Mountains nigh _Norway_, which are called _fiæll_. Others are termed _Graan Lapper_, because they live among the Pine trees, which are called by the _Swedes_ and _Norwegians_, _Graan_. For their journeys in the Summer they make different preparations from what they do in the Winter; in the Winter they use sledges (of which I will speak hereafter) but in the Summer they go on foot, the Rain-deers carrying their goods on pannels and pack-saddles, and sometimes their Infants also. So that in the Winter they put their houshold-stuff in one sledge, and their tents in another, and so march from place to place, but in the Summer they use pannels which they make after this manner: