Chapter XXV: Section V

_History of Lynn continued from_ 1680 _to_ 1688—_Addresses to the throne—Quo Warranto proceedings—surrender and restoration of the charters—the revolution_.

The years 1680 and 1681 (or 1682) were distinguished here by two notable addresses to the throne. Of that of the former year an account has been given already at pages 788 and 789, and a rare piece of curiosity it certainly was. Of the address of 1681 (or 1682) we cannot speak so positively, having never met with a copy of it; but there is great reason to presume that it was pretty much of a kin, or not at all dissimilar to the former. Relating to this memorable document the following article has been extracted from the Town-Books—“March 2. 1681, 2; Ordered that Mr. Recorder (Henry Ferrour Esq.) be desired to draw up an Humble Address to his Majestie in abhorrence and detestation of that late designed traiterous _association_ lately produced at the Old Baly.” This evidently alludes to a circumstance that transpired in the course of the proceedings that had then lately been carried on against the earl of _Shaftsbury_, at the instigation, it seems, of the sovereign, of which an account has been given by Rapin, Burnet, and other historians.

“The king (says _Rapin_,) passionately wished to be revenged of this
lord, who for sometime had shown him little regard: To this end he
granted a special commission of Oyer and Terminer to all the judges
of the kingdom to sit, the 24th of November, with the Lord Mayor and
Aldermen, at the Old Baily, on the Earl’s trial. Eight witnesses
were heard against him, who deposed upon oath many things from his
own mouth, which discovered pernicious designs against the king’s
person. But the greatest crime objected against him was, the copy
(or plan) of an _Assosiation_ (found in his study) against the
enemies of the king, of the protestant religion, and of their
country. But notwithstanding the hopes conceived by the Court, of
being freed from this enemy, the Grand Jury, consisting of one and
twenty of the principal citizens of London, considering that the
paper containing the association was only a copy, and not writ in the
earl of Shaftsbury’s hand, and observing very great improbabilities
in the depositions of the witnesses, found no sufficient ground for
the Bill, and returned it _Ignoramus_. Immediately the whole city
testified their joy for the earl’s deliverance, by bonfires in all
the Streets, and other marks of satisfaction; and the witnesses
against him were in great danger of being torn in pieces by the mob.”
{837}

Arbitrary and vindictive as these proceedings of the Court were, they appear to have been entirely approved of by our corporation. Of the conduct and principles of Shaftsbury and the country party they evidently had no opinion. They were ready to condemn them without hesitation and without mercy: and as to the very idea of an _association_ to counteract or check the tyrannical measures of the Court, it was looked upon by them as truly horrid and detestable. Yet it was to something of that kind, a few years after, that we owed our glorious revolution, our deliverance from popish superstition and despotism, and the establishment of civil and religious liberty. {838} This Corporation afterwards seemed no less pleased with the proceedings of William and the revolutionists than they had been before with those of Charles and his cabal, or of James and his popish counsellors: and had the pretender succeeded in 1715, or in 1745, they would probably have been as joyful on that, as they had been on any former occasion, and addressed the new sovereign with a zeal no way inferior to what they had expressed or manifested towards the most favoured and patriotic of his predecessors. In short, like most corporations, their conduct would have been regulated by circumstances or self interest, rather than by truth or genuine patriotism.

Great and notorious as had been the obsequiousness and devotedness of this corporation to the two last of the Stuart princes, it did not give them entire satisfaction. They wanted to have this, and all other corporations that sent members to parliament, completely in their own power, so as to have their parliament-men to consist solely of such as they should please to appoint; that is, of the tools or minions of the court; which would bid fair always, to insure a parliamentary majority. To accomplish this, it was necessary to abolish, or disannul all the Charters, and grant new ones on such terms as would enable his majesty to appoint all the leading men or municipal functionaries, and remove at any time all such as he should find unfit for his purpose, and replace them with such as would prove perfectly ductile and manageable. This, no doubt, was deemed by many a deep and well-laid scheme, which entitled its projectors to the reputation of being endowed with uncommon sagacity. But they never could bring it to bear, so as to realize the hopes they had conceived from it; and it was at last abandoned: when the former charters were restored, and things reverted again into their old channels. Of the process or trial of this notable experiment here, the following, it is presumed, is a fair and correct representation.

Lynn had not the honour of being the first of our corporations that was made to experience this mode or description of the _royal touch_. The precedence, as on other occasions, was given to the corporation of London, against which a _Quo Warranto_ was issued in 1683; in the event of which the judges of the court of King’s Bench declared, that the liberties and privileges of the city of London were forfeited, and might be seized into the king’s hands. It was not till the following year that it came to the turn of Lynn to be questioned on a similar account. Accordingly we find the following notice of it in the Town-Books—“May 26. 1684. This day the mayor, (Benj. Keen Esq.) aldermen, and common councell of this Burgh, _with one assent and consent_, have ordered, consented, and agreed, that all and singular the powers, franchises, liberties, priviledges and authorities whatsoever and howsoever granted to the mayor and burgesses, or to be used or exercised by or under them, by virtue of any charters, letters patents, custome or prescriptions now in force, of or concerning electing, nominating, or appointing any person or persons into any the offices of magistracy or places of trust within this Burgh, Be _fully and freely surrendered_ unto the King’s most excellent Majestie, and that an Instrument for that purpose be forthwith drawn and prepared to be sealed with the common Seale of this Burgh at the next Hall: and it is ordered that a committee be appointed and empowered, as deputies and attorneys for the mayor and burgesses, to attend the King’s Majestie, with the instrument of surrender aforesaid, as _the act and deed of the mayor and burgesses_.—May 29. This day the Letter from Lord Townshend, High Steward, resigning his Patent, being read, was delivered to Mr. Mayor till the same be further considered.—This day the Instrument of surrender was sealed.—June 9. This day the Instrument of deputation to surrender the Charter and Liberties was signed; and the deputies are ordered and authorized to petition his Majestie to regrant, renew, and confirm such liberties, franchises, and powers as his Majestie in his princely wisdom shall think proper for his service, and the good government, profit and interest of this burgh. {840}—July 24. This day the charter of our most gracious Lord and King, renewed and confirmed to the mayor and burgesses, dated 9th. instant, was read in the outward open Hall. {841}—August 6th. The Duke of Norfolk by his Majesties Charter being appointed High Steward, 10_l_, the ancient annual Fee, is ordered to be paid at Christmas yearly.”

Such a change was now effected here as thoroughly corresponded with the royal policy. Our Corporation continued subject to this new order of things afterwards, for several years; even till within a few weeks of the Revolution. The king, dying a few months after he had granted his second Charter, had little opportunity to act much upon it, or give it its full operation. All that was left for his brother and successor _James_, who took special care that it should be rendered sufficiently operative. He, accordingly, in the Summer of 1688, thought proper to set it in motion, and play it on our body corporate with full and terrible effect. _Fifteen_ of that body, not thought well of by his majesty, and including the _mayor_ himself, the Town-Clerk and _five aldermen_, were then expelled the Hall in one day, and replaced by others who were more to their sovereign’s liking. Of this memorable event there are the following memoranda in the Hall-Books.—

“June 11th. (1688) Whereas by order of Councell at White-Hall, dated
1st. June 1688, for the discharging severall members from their
respective places in this Corporation, those words following—“By the
King’s most excellent majestie, and the Lords of his most honorable
Privy Councell, whereas by the Charter lately granted to the town of
Lynn Regis in the county of Norfolk _a power is reserved to his
Majesty_, by his order in Councell, _to remove from their employments
any officers in the said town_, His Majestie in Councell is this day
pleased to order, and it is hereby ordered that Robert Sparrow, mayor
and alderman, Sir John Turner, Benj. Holly, Willm. Hadfield, Robt.
Pain, Giles Bridgeman, aldermen; Hen. Bell, Wm. Holly, Chas. Turner,
Hen. Pope, Sam. Bridgeman, Ja: Greene, Tim. Priest, and John
Bradfield, Common Councell, and Edmd. Rolfe, Town-Clerke, and Mayor’s
Clerk, and Clerk of Guild-Hall Courts, and Courts of Sessions, Court
Leet, and Court of Pyepouder, Be, and they are hereby removed and
displaced from their said offices in the said Town of Lynn Regis.

_John Nicholas_.

[Then it immediately follows] “And the said severall persons in the
said order mentioned were and are by the Hall this day accordingly
displaced and discharged.” [Next after which it is added.] “June
11th. Att a further congregation the same day, before Sir Symon
Tayler Kt. Th. Robinson, John Kidd, Benj: Keen, Th. Lemon, Edwd:
Hooke, Edwd. Bodham. A mandate under his Majesties Hand and Seale
read before the members above mentioned to remove severall therein
mentioned, and to require to elect John Davy to be mayor, Wm.
Linstead, Cyp. Anderson, Hen: Framingham, Charles Peast, Wm. Blyth,
to be aldermen; and Th. Buckingham, Sym: Tayler, John Hall, Wm.
Thompson, John Tidd, Pet: Busby, Seel Peast, and St: Tayler to be
Common Councell, and Math: Oufande to be Town-clerk, without
administering to them any Oaths but for the execution of their
respective offices, with which wee are pleased to dispense in their
behalfe. {843}—By his Majesties Command.

_Sunderland_.”

The king appeared now bent upon persevering in these arbitrary measures; and in the following month of September, he issued his royal mandate for continuing as chief magistrate, during another year, the above mentioned _John Davy_, who seems to have been highly thought of by his sovereign, and, but for the revolution, might, perhaps, have been appointed mayor of Lynn for life. Of the said royal mandate the following notice is taken in the Hall-Books.—“Sept. 29. 1688. This day a madat [mandate] under his Majesties hand and seal was read, to elect and continue John Davy mayor for the ensuing year, without administring any oaths but of office.” Then it is added—“This day John Davy Esq. is elected mayor for the next year, by the common councell.”

Dark and humiliating as was the aspect of this new order of things, it continued only between four and five years. The last charter which reduced the corporation to so degrading a condition was granted in June 1684; and it was cancelled, in effect, or disannulled in the autumn of 1688, when the old Charters were again restored and the former order of things reestablished. Of these events the Hall-Books contain the following memoranda—“October 20. 1688: This day his Majesties Royal Proclamation for restoring Corporations to their antient Charters, Liberties, Rights and Franchises bearing date 17th. October being read in this House, and thereupon the several members of this Corporation being members at the time of the late surrender made of the Priviledges of this Burgh being now assembled did proceed, viz.—The Common Councell have elected Ed: Hooke, Robt. Sparrow, and Cyprian Anderson, aldermen; and chosen Cyprian Anderson, alderman, mayor till Michaelmas next.—Oct. 26. the Duke of Norfolk is elected and confirmed Lord High Steward of this Burgh.”—Under the same date the following memorandum is inserted—“In pursuance of an order from the office of Ordnance, signifying his Majesties Commands to send all the Guns to Hull, it is agreed to remove the same accordingly.” {845a}—“Nov. 2. Ordered the Seal to be affixed to the Patent for the Duke of Norfolk being High Steward. {845b}—Also the Seal to one Letter of Attorney giving authority to sundry persons therein named to receive from his Majesties attorney general the late Instrument or Deed of Surrender of divers franchises and liberties.”—While things were going on thus at Lynn, the prince of Orange arrived; which brings us to the happy era of the Revolution, and to the close of this chapter.

CHAP. VI.

History of Lynn from the Revolution to the present time.

The change which took place at the accession of William and Mary we denominate, by way of eminence, _The Revolution_, and sometimes, _The glorious Revolution_. It was certainly a most happy change for this nation, and very different from that which took place at the restoration of Charles II. The nation behaved now like people in their senses; but they behaved then like madmen, and were accessary to all the enormities of that detestable reign, and of the whole period from the restoration to the revolution. Had the people, or their leaders, done their duty at the Restoration, neither Charles nor James would have found it so easy a matter as they did to tyrannize over their subjects, and enslave their country. They were placed on the throne, like all other despots, not only without any terms or stipulation in favour of the people, but even with those lofty notions which they inherited from their predecessors, and in which they were confirmed by their priests and courtiers, and other sycophants, that they were _absolute_ princes, who ruled by right divine, and so were not amenable to any human tribunal, or accountable to any earthly being for any of their actions. With such notions we need not wonder at the arbitrary measures they pursued, or at their wishing to be as absolute or uncontrolled here as their cousin, Lewis XIV, was in France, or the grand Seignior in Turkey. It was very natural for such men as they to be or to do so, and for their fawning and time-serving courtiers to encourage them in it: but for the whole church and priesthood to act herein as abettors, till James, rather impoliticly, proceeded to take some undue liberties with the hierarchy, is somewhat more remarkable. As to _Charles_, he took special care to keep fair with the prelates and mother church, and play into their hands to their utmost wishes, which enabled him to rule as despotically as he pleased, with or without a parliament: they on the other hand complimented him, by calling him _most sacred majesty_, and telling, even the Almighty, that he was _a most religious king_. But _James_ departed from this wise policy of his brother, by presuming to encroach upon the sacred prerogatives of the church, and order the very bishops to read, and cause their clergy also, in all the churches, publickly to read his _Declaration of Liberty of Conscience to all his subjects_; which, certainly, was, in itself, no very unreasonable demand. Yet this was the rock on which he split, and the occurrence which most of all contributed to facilitate and hasten the Revolution. For it caused such an accession to the patriotic party as rendered it predominant and irresistible.