Chapter XXXII: Section VII

_Great chancery suit here about_ 1738—_violent storm or hurricane in_ 1741—_its effects here and in the adjacent country—the damages here repaired—perilous state then of the river and harbour—rebellion breaking out in_ 1745—_its effects in this town—its progress—suppressed after the battle of Culloden—reflections thereon—subsequent events relating to Lynn to the end of that reign—state of the nation—accession of George III_.

About the time of which we have been speaking, our Corporation had a great suit in Chancery with one of their own principal members; and however justifiable or unjustifiable it might be, a falling out among brethren must be allowed to be, at any time and on any occasion, a very unpleasant occurrence. Our knowledge of this unlovely affair is derived from the following luminous passage in our book of Extracts—“Dec. 22. 1738; Whereas there was lately a suit depending in Chancery between the mayor and burgesses and Robt. Britiffe Esq. their trustee, against alderman Thomas Allen, (which was the 7th. Octr. 1738, agreed that Mr. Serjeant Urlin, Chas. Clarke Esq. and Mr. Tho. Nutting be appointed Referees to arbitrate) for the recovery of the ancient customary payment of 1_d._ per quarter for corn sold by the said Tho. Allen, upon contracts made by him with other merchants, not being freemen, for shipping such corn at a price certain, clear of all charges. Said Mr. Allen hath agreed to pay not only all the arrears for all corn he shipped off out of this port, where the same was not really his own risque and adventure, but in all future times to pay the said dues for all corn which he shall contract for and sell to any persons not being freemen of the said borough, which shall be exported out of the said borough by water.” In this suit the corporation evidently got the better of their opponent; but this is far from having been invariably the case in all their law-suits, as has before appeared in the course of this work.

The year 1741 was rendered very remarkable and memorable in this town and country, on account of a violent storm, or hurricane, which then happened, and did great damage to the churches and other buildings. It arose on the 8th of September O. S. and blew down the spires of St. Nicholas’ chapel, and St. Margaret’s Church, and demolished a great part of the body of the latter. The following memoranda, written at that period, will further describe the awful effects of this disastrous visitation. Among our Extracts, so often quoted, it is noted as follows under the date of Sept. 9. 1741; “The Hurrycane yesterday blew down the spire and body of St. Margaret’s Church; also the spire of St. Nicholas’s Chappell.” And in another place, but of the same date, it is thus noted—“That whereas the Hurricane yesterday blew down St. Margaret’s spire and part of the Church, application be made to Sir Robert Walpole to procure ane act of parliament for rebuilding the same.” But a more particular account of the effects of this furious tempest we have found written on a blank leaf, at the end of a copy of the history of the great storm in 1703. It is in the handwriting of a Mr. _Tho. Peirson_, a clergyman, if we are not mistaken, whose property the book probably was, and it runs as follows—

“M E M. That on Tuesday 8. Sept. 1741, about 20 minutes after 12 at
noon, was a most violent storm of wind and rain, which blew down St.
Margarett’s Church Steeple and St. Nicholas at Lynn Regis, with the
Weather-cock, &c. of All-Hallows Church in South Lynn, {920} Norfolk.
Also the great West gabble-end, with a very large stack of chimneys,
and the Weather-Hand of Middleton-Hall—And a great barn belonging to
Henry Whiteman’s Farm at Tilney, with a small barn belonging to Thos.
Cricks Farm at Outwell, in the Isle of Ely, the property of
Me.—Besides divers other buildings in Marshland; and great damage was
done to the Timber and others Trees in the country about Lynn and
Downham.

_Ita Testor_. _Tho: Peirson_.”

The damages sustained here from this storm were all in time repaired: those of St. Margaret’s Church, it seems, by virtue of an act of parliament. One of our MS. narratives informs us that the rebuilding of that church was begun in 1742, during the mayoralty of Edward Everard, and completed in 1747, during that of Walter Robertson; so that it appears to have been about five years in rebuilding. But the new, or present church, like Ezra and Nehemiah’s new temple at Jerusalem, is said to be much inferior to the former, in point of dimension, as well as beauty and magnificence. It may be supposed however, that the _pardons_ or _indulgences_ offered to the contributors towards the old edifice, procured ampler funds for its completion than the _act of parliament_ that was obtained for completing the new.

It would seem as if our very river and harbour had not entirely escaped the effects of that storm, and even that it did, or occasioned some very material damage to them; at least, there were great complaints made just after, of the bad and very perilous state to which they were then reduced. This will appear from the following passage, extracted from the Town Records—

“Sept. 9. 1741 agreed that the defences in sundry places of the
Harbour are become insufficient to confine the fflux and reflux of
the Tide, so that the Port and Harbour will soon be lost—That the two
points of land on the east and west side of the river about a mile
below the town are worn away by the rage of the sea, so that
Marshland on one hand, and Gaywood and Wooton and all the low-lands
thereabouts on the other, are in danger of being swallowed up by the
sea—That, to guard against the flux and reflux, Piers are conceived
to be absolutely necessary to be placed both above and below Lynn,
for the preservation of the Town as well as the Port and Harbour.”

Shortly after another meeting was held at the Hall on the same occasion; which is thus noticed in the same Extracts—“Octr. 15. 1741, Sir John Turner, bart. is desired to write to Sir Robert Walpole, to recommend a Surveyor to view the Harbour, and to draw a report thereof, in order to have the same laid before parliament.”—Three weeks after, the result of this application to the minister is thus announced—“Nov. 5th. Sir John Turner acquainted that he had received a Letter from Sir Robt. Walpole, recommending Mr. Roswell, then at Hull, to survey the Harbour; and he is accepted and approved of to be Surveyor, and B. Nuthall Esq. or his Deputy, Mr. Recorder, aldermen Goodwin, Allen, Farthing, Bagge—Mr. Hulton, Everard, Langley, or any five or more to be a committee to prepare instructions for him.”—again—“Dec. 14. 1741; Ordered 21_l._ to be presented to Mr. Rodwell [_so the name is spelt here_:] for his trouble and advice in matters relating to the Harbour and South Marsh.”—Furthermore—“Febr. 24 1741–2;—Mr. Wm. Reynolds presented his report touching his survey of the Harbour, together with ane estimate of the charges in the erecting of two Piers which he proposes for the restoration and preservation thereof, which is approved off.”

Afterwards we hear no more of this business, for nine months or more. Then we find it further noticed as follows—

“Novr. 29th. 1742; Ordered that application be made to parliament for
the preservation of the channel and harbour of this Port and Borough,
which are in danger of being lost.—The schemes of Mr Rosewell and Mr.
Reynolds being read and approved of, it is agreed that the same be
carryed into execution, and this House hath agreed to resolve itselfe
into a Committee of the whole House, to consider of ways and means
for raising moneys, by laying such rates and duties on goods and
merchandizes imported into, and exported out of this Port, or by such
other ways as they shall think proper for the effectuall carrying
those schemes into execution, for preserving the channel and harbour
aforesaid and rendring the same usefull and safe for navigation.”

What beneficial effects resulted from the above measures we have not been able to discover. Nor do our Extracts afford us any further information relating to the subject, except what is suggested in the following passage—“Dec. 19. 1744; A Committee [was appointed] to view the state of the banks, in Gaywood and Wooton, lying against the sea—and to view the breach made in the South Marsh bank, by the rageing tides, and enquire if the corporation may desert the lands lying upon the banks, and whether by such desertion the corporation will be discharged from the repairing said banks.”—This passage discovers more selfishness than public spirit. They seemed disposed to let the banks remain unrepaired, and take no further care of them, whatever might be the consequence to the country, provided they could be sure it might be done with perfect safety, or without any pecuniary risk to themselves. This is in the true corporation character.

The next year (1745) was very memorably distinguished by the rebellion, which then broke out in Scotland in favour of the pretender, or the son of James II.

“On the 6th of August this year some notices having been communicated
to the government of such an attempt, aided by the French Court, a
proclamation was published, offering a reward of 30,000_l._ for
apprehending and securing the eldest son of the pretender, in case he
should land, or attempt to land, in any of his majesty’s dominions.
On the 17th. an account arrived, that several persons had landed
between the islands of _Mull_ and _Skie_, one of whom it was supposed
was the pretender’s Son. On September 5, his majesty sent notice to
the lord mayor of London, that the pretender’s eldest son had landed
in Scotland, and that several persons had assembled there and broke
out into open rebellion.

“Soon after advice arrived, that the rebels had marched Southward.
On the 13th. they passed the Forth, five miles above Stirling, and on
the 17th. took possession of the city of Edinburgh. By that time
general _Cope_ with his army landed at Dunbar, and began to march
towards that capital. The rebels did not wait to be attacked by him,
but came out to meet him, and on the 21st. at daybreak, they attacked
him at _Preston Pans_, seven miles east of Edinburgh, and totally
defeated him, making most of his infantry prisoners. The dragoons
made their escape to _Berwick_, with little loss, save that of the
brave _Colonel Gardiner_. These advantages on the side of the rebels
spread a general consternation throughout the kingdom; but all ranks
and orders, as we are told, vied with each other in displaying their
loyalty, and abhorrence of this unnatural rebellion.”

Many associations were now entered into for the support of his majesty’s crown and dignity, and the constitution in church and state. A large body of _British_, _Dutch_, and _Hessian_ troops were brought over from Flanders: and the success of the rebellion, and dread of a threatened invasion from France, having caused a great run upon the Bank, 1100 merchants and eminent tradesmen met, and subscribed their names to an agreement, not to refuse bank-notes in any payment to be made to them.—On Oct. 18. the duke of Cumberland arrived from Flanders, and set out on Nov. 26. to take upon him the command of the army, then on its march into Lancashire. For the rebels, having increased to 8,000, had left _Edinburgh_, on October 26, and on November 15. the city of _Carlisle_ was surrendered to them. On the 24th. without any molestation, they arrived at _Lancaster_, and on the 29th. took possession of _Manchester_, where they formed into a regiment those who had joined them in England. In the beginning of December they left _Manchester_ and advanced to _Congleton_, as if they intended to meet and engage the Duke of Cumberland, whose advanced guard was then at _Newcastle-under-Line_. But they suddenly turned off to the left, and marched into _Derbyshire_, seeming to have an intention to slip by the duke, and take their way directly to London.

When this news reached the metropolis it occasioned the greatest consternation imaginable; the run upon the Bank and depression of the public Funds became very great and alarming; but recourse was immediately had to such measures as were thought most proper towards remedying those evils, and frustrating the supposed intention of the dreaded enemy. On the 4th. of December, the rebels entered the town of _Derby_, and soon, after contrary to expectation, began to retreat northward by the rout they came. Such was the panic with which the nation was then seized, that it was thought if they had proceeded straight to London, they might have entered and mastered it with little or no opposition. There were then no bands of armed citizens, as at some other periods; and the troops stationed there and thereabout, were now ordered to march and form a camp upon _Finchley-common_: but had the rebels appeared, they would probably have behaved no better than their brethren had done at _Preston Pans and Falkirk_.

In the meantime, the general panic and alarm, as might be supposed, extended even to Lynn, and produced here very remarkable and whimsical effects. No sooner was it known that the rebels were at _Derby_, than it was concluded, by our wise men, that they certainly meant to visit this town, in their way to the metropolis. And as it was judged that they would attempt to enter at the South-Gate, or that the town was most vulnerable on that side, it was deemed necessary to strengthen that part by constructing there some new outworks. In this service great numbers of the inhabitants cheerfully engaged. The late Mr. _Philip Case_ was then mayor. His worship and the whole corporate body turned out on this occasion, and took their places among the numerous workmen, with spades, shovels, and pickaxes in their hands, assisting with all their might towards the completion of what was supposed so necessary a measure for the effectual defence and preservation of the town.

But these extraordinary exertions of our patriotic townsmen did not long continue, being soon rendered unnecessary, by the arrival of undoubted intelligence, that the rebels had no immediate design upon these parts, and were actually in full retreat towards Scotland. All our fear and consternation now vanished, of course; the project for fortifying the town was instantly relinquished; every thing, in short, reverted to its usual channel, and resumed its former undisturbed and tranquil appearance. But, if our traditional information may be relied upon, there occurred here, during the bustling and alarming interval, some very queer and ludicrous incidents, which some of our ancient townsmen often relate, with much pleasantry and good humour, as what would seem less creditable to the wisdom, the sagacity, and the fortitude of their good forefathers of that period, than to their loyalty, or their patriotism. {927}

The rebellion existed for several months after its dread had ceased to be felt in this town. As soon as the duke got notice of the retreat of the rebels, he set out in pursuit of them, with all the horse in his army, and about a thousand foot soldiers mounted on horseback. Marshal _Wade_ also, who commanded a separate corps, detached a considerable body of cavalry, under general _Oglethorpe_ for the same purpose. On December 18th. the duke came up with the rear of the rebels at _Clifton_, in Northumberland, where he obtained some advantage over them. On the 30th. he retook _Carlisle_, after a siege of nine days, making the garrison prisoners. Their main army had by that time reached Scotland, to which kingdom the rebellion was thenceforth entirely confined till its final suppression after the battle of _Culloden_.

On Jan. 5, 1746, the duke returned to St. James’s; and on the 17th. of that month, the rebels defeated the king’s forces commanded by general _Hawley_, near _Falkirk_, though the latter were much superior in numbers. Upon this misfortune, it was thought expedient the duke should take upon him the command of the army in Scotland. He accordingly left London for that purpose, and arrived at Edinburgh on the 30th. of that month. The rebels, who had laid siege to the castle of _Stirling_, then retreated, and the duke followed them, as fast as the severity of the season and badness of the roads would permit, and arrived at _Aberdeen_ on the 27th of February. Meantime the rebels reduced the Castle of _Inverness_ and Fort _Augustus_, and laid siege also to Fort _William_, and _Blair_ Castle, of Athol, but failed in both those attempts. On the 8th. of April the duke left _Aberdeen_, and on the 14th. arrived at _Nairn_; and being there assured that the rebels were encamped at _Culloden_ House, near _Inverness_, he rested the whole of the 15th. at _Nairn_, to refresh his men. That night the rebels marched, with intent to attack him before daylight; but failed, through some mismanagement; whereupon they returned to _Culloden_, resolving, in that station, to wait for their pursuers.

The duke, on the 16th. left _Nairn_, between 4 and 5 in the morning; and at two in the afternoon the engagement began. The rebels obtained some advantage at first, but were soon thrown into confusion and totally defeated, with great slaughter, and circumstances of unusual barbarity, which exposed the duke to much censure, especially from our northern countrymen, and procured him the reproachful appellation of the _bloody butcher_. Others, however, hailed him as the saviour of the country, and a pattern of every patriotic and princely excellence; and he ever after possessed, especially in these southern parts, great and unrivalled popularity. The battle of Culloden put an end to every chance or hope of restoring the Stuart family, and the evils of rebellion and civil war have never since been experienced in this island.

Of the numerous prisoners taken in the course of the rebellion, some were pardoned, and a considerable number executed, but a far greater number of them were transported to America, where they largely contributed, by their sobriety and industry, to the increasing population and prosperity of that country. The duke continued in Scotland sometime after the battle of _Culloden_, when some further severities were exercised, but whether just and wholesome, or not, we will not now take upon us to pronounce. Agreeably with those severities, an act passed that same year for _disarming_ the Highlanders, and restraining the use of the Highland _dress_; which must have reduced those people to a must humiliating and degrading situation. A more liberal and enlightened policy, towards that country, was adopted by our government some years after, under the administration of the elder _Pitt_: since which time the Scots have ranked invariably among the most loyal and zealous of the adherents or subjects of the House of Hanover. A similar policy adopted towards _Ireland_ would, no doubt, produce similar effects there, and place that whole nation among the most estimable subject of the British empire. But it is to be feared that we shall not be very soon blessed with a ministry endowed with so much virtue, or so much wisdom.

From the termination of the rebellion to the time of the king’s death, the affairs of the nation went on prosperously, as did also those of this town. The years 1747 and 1748 were here much distinguished by the uncommon number of persons who were then made free _gratis_—Such as Joseph Tayler M.D. John Wilson Esq. Chas. Townshend Esq. Rd. Hammond Esq. Rev. Wm. Everard; Rev. Dr. Edm. Pyle; Rev. Robt. Hammond; Robt. Hammond Esq. John Nuthall Esq. Chas: Cooper Morely; John Partridge gent. John Davis Esq. Rev. John Daville, and Rev. Chas. Phelps.—Such a batch of new burgesses must, no doubt, have greatly augmented the consequence and respectability of the town.

The year 1749, or, at least, the mayoralty that began that year, exhibited here a most sad catastrophe, attended with most shocking circumstances. It was the condemnation and execution of one _Charles Holditch_, for burglary in his own father’s house, and an attempt to murder the old man in his bed, which he was prevented from perpetrating by a child, who was then in bed with the old man. This was certainly an instance of enormous and almost unexampled depravity; and may, perhaps, be considered as an indication of the wretched state of morals then in this town among the common people. The clergy, as it is too often the case, cared, probably, little or nothing about instructing the lower orders; and there were here then but few dissenters to supply the lack of service, or deficiencies of the established ministry.

In 1751, or during the mayoralty which then commenced, another shocking scene occurred here, which is thus related in one of our MS. narratives—“This year _Wm. Chaplain_ was hang’d on a gibbet upon South-Lynn Common, for the murdering of _Mary Gafferson_—being the first ever known to be hung in chains in this town.” This seems to corroborate what was said before, of the wretched state of morals here then among the lower orders of the community. And the present writer can easily conceive, and is very confident that such must have been then the case, from what he knows it to have been somewhat more than twenty years after, (or 35 years ago,) when he first came to reside here. In point of morals, manners, and outward decency, the town is much improved since that period; and yet there is much room still for further improvement. The change for the better which has already taken place, and which is hoped to be still in its progress, must be ascribed partly to the superior character of the church ministry here of late years, and partly to the unwearied exertions of the methodists and our other dissenters: {932} and as the numbers of those who have been reformed and converted from their former rudeness and heathenism have already much increased, and are still increasing, it may be hoped that the influence of their example will also increase in equal proportion, till our whole population becomes thoroughly reformed, civilized, and enlightened.

Among the most memorable and important of the recorded acts of our municipality in 1751, are to be reckoned the choosing of _Dr. Joseph Tayler_, a _physician_, into the common-council, and enrolling the name of our respected townsman, _Thomas Day Esq._ among our free burgesses. From that time nothing worth notice occurs till 1755, when the following passage is noted among our Extracts—“1755, July 7th. Ordered that his Majesties grant 8th May 1755, to Henry Partridge Esq. Recorder, in trust for the Mayor and Burgesses, of the fourth part of the Tollbooth and Tolls in the Village and Port of Lynn, and the Tolls for weighing Wool, mensuration, and Love Copp, and also the Water of Wiggenhall and office of Bailif there, with the profits of Courts, &c. and also the office of gauger in the Village and Port afforesaid, and the profits of the fyshery of the said waters, &c. to hold for 31 years from Lady Day 1755, and expires at Lady Day 1786, to be laid up in the Treasury.”—These advantages seem to have been conferred by the corporation on the Recorder of that day, in consideration of the slenderness of the Salary annexed to his office. Whether there be any similar appendage to the Salary of the present Recorder, we are unable to say.—Under the same year the following note occurs—“August 27. The Mayor’s Sallary to be 100_l._ from Michaelmas next.” It seems to have been before unfixed. It surely ought to be now 300_l._ at least. Yet we cannot find that to be the case.

Nothing of any consequence appear to have occurred here during the remainder of this reign. The last recorded acts of our municipality before the expiration of this period, as far as we can find, are the following—“August 29. 1760, Mr. Th. Day chosen Common-Councell-man—Honourable Geo. Townshend ffree gratis.”—again—“Sept. 29. The Mayor for the time being to be indemnifyed from all charges, &c. occasioned thro’ any neglects of the Goaler or Serjeants at Mace.” The king died on the 25th. of October that same year, at Kensington, in the 77th. year of his age, and the 34th. of his reign, the close of which was distinguished by what has been generally deemed very glorious events, and a most happy harmony among his subjects.

Before we close this section and take our final leave of George II, some notice may and ought to be taken of a circumstance, the most important and interesting, perhaps, in its effects, or consequences, of any that occurred in that reign: and that is, the _origin of methodism_, or of that popular religious sect, whose votaries or constituents are denominated _methodists_, and which is now become the most numerous body of protestant dissenters in the British dominions. Their numbers and their influence are now so great, and so rapidly increasing, as to have evidently excited no small alarm among our higher powers, in church and state, and even among the _Wilberforce party_, or that class of churchmen which assumes or bears the name of _evangelical_; {935} as we learn from the late memorable Bill of Lord _Sidmouth_, together with certain circumstances which it was the means of bringing to light.

This Sect, like most others, sprang from a small beginning. Its founders were a few young men of the university of Oxford, of the names of Morgan, John and Charles Wesley, Kirkman, Ingham, James Harvey, George Whitefield, &c. A young gentleman of _Christ Church_ named them _methodists_, in allusion to some ancient physicians, so called. Others denominated them the _Holy Club_; but this name soon died away; whereas the other remained, and became permanent; and the sect is known and distinguished by it to this day. Oxford could not long contain, or retain these birds of paradise. They soon got out of the shell, quitted the nest and flew abroad; and by the time of the birth of our present sovereign, their voice was heard, and much listened to, in London, and a great many other places. Since that time they have been ever on the increase, more or less; and of late years prodigiously so; which may account for the doubts and fears entertained in certain quarters, as to the consequence.

_John Wesley_ and _George Whitefield_ being by far the most active and eloquent of the original methodists, soon came to be looked upon as the oracles, or proper chiefs and leaders of the sect. They went on harmoniously for sometime; but, after a while, these extraordinary men imbibed opposite opinions, and became attached to different creeds. Wesley declared himself an _arminian_, and Whitefield a _calvinist_; which occasioned a separation among their followers, and produced two distinct sects, under the expressive denominations of _Wesleyan_ or _arminian methodists_, {936} and _Whitefieldian_ or _calvinian methodistis_. But the worst of it was, that from being warm and sworn friends, they now became bitter and deadly foes, and declared open war against each other, which was carried on with unabated rancour for many years, to the no small amusement and gratification of the enemies of both parties, and the just and lasting reproach of their own arrogant pretensions to superior goodness and sanctity.

Nothing could be more uncharitable, illiberal, and unchristian than the behaviour of these two sister sects, for many years, towards each other. The champions on both sides generally treated their opponents as the vilest miscreants and reprobates; and such enemies of God and man as had scarcely any chance of salvation while they retained their professed and respective principles. At length their bitter animosities subsided, and the fierce contest ceased: a sort of alliance took place between them; and ever since the utmost efforts of their malevolence, and whole energy of their intolerance have been employed in calumniating and persecuting other religionists, called _unitarians_, _universalists_, &c. whom they now treat in a manner much like that in which they formerly treated each other. This is a remarkable circumstance, which we ought not to lose sight of, as it will enable us to form a proper estimate of the respect that is due to the hostile and clamorous conduct of these domineering sects towards those illfated religionists who are, at this present time, the chief objects of their jealousy, their malevolence, and their opposition.

At the commencement of the present reign this sect was become very considerable among the religious denominations of this kingdom; and it has been ever since rapidly increasing, so as to cause no small alarm in some quarters. At present, it seems to be the prevailing opinion that methodism will soon acquire unrivalled preponderance among us, and perhaps become, at last, and at no very distant period, the established religion of England. {937} Should it so happen, it is to be hoped that it will previously undergo a kind of _regeneration_, so as to prove (among other things) less illiberal and intolerant than it is at present; otherwise neither the dissenting sects, nor the nation at large will have any mighty cause to congratulate themselves on the occasion.—But we will dwell no longer upon this subject at present, as we may have occasion to resume it in another part of the work.—Having now made our way to the year 1760 and the commencement of the present reign, we shall here close this long section.