Chapter IX: Introduction: Of Islam and the Rise of a Mohammedan Dynasty in Sulu, (1)

1380-1450

To this period belongs the Mohammedan invasion of the Archipelago. If the Buranun [138] were Dayaks in origin, they certainly did not keep their Dayak characteristics very long. For in all probability Tuan Masha'ika, the Tagimahas, and the Baklayas were Malays [139] who came into Sulu from the west, and the dynasty established by Masha'ika must have exercised due influence on the Buranun. Whatever religion or customs these Malay conquerors had in their original land, they no doubt continued to practise in their new home. It does not appear that the Samals produced any change in this respect, and the same worship and social organization which the Sulus had remained unchanged until the Mohammedans reached the Archipelago.

The two prominent characters who mark this era are Makdum and Raja Baginda. Makdum was a noted Arabian judge or scholar who arrived at Malacca about the middle of the fourteenth century, converted Sultan Mohammed Shah, the ruler, to Islam and established this religion throughout the state of Malacca. He evidently practised magic and medicine and exerted an unusually strong influence on the people of Malacca. Continuing farther east, he reached Sulu and Mindanao about the year 1380. [140] In Sulu, it is said, he visited almost every island of the Archipelago and made converts to Islam in many places. The Island of Sibutu claims his grave, but the places at which he was most successful are Bwansa, the old capital of Sulu, and the Island of Tapul. It is said that the people of Bwansa built a mosque for him, and some of the chiefs of the town accepted his teachings and faith. The Tapul people claim descent from him, and some of them still regard him as a prophet.

Makdum's success in preaching a new faith to people as independent in their individual views and as pertinacious in their religious practices, beliefs, and customs as the Sulus must have been in his time, is certainly remarkable and creditable to a high degree. The results of his mission to Malacca and Sulu throw a new light on the history of Islam in the Philippine Islands and modify the opinion formerly held relative to its introduction by the sword. How much of a lasting effect the teachings of Makdum could have had on Sulu is very difficult of estimation, but in all probability the new sapling planted in the soil of Sulu would have withered before long had it not been for the future current of events which watered it and reared it to maturity.

Some time after Makdum (the Genealogy of Sulu says ten years) there came into Sulu a prince from Menangkabaw called Raja Baginda. Menangkabaw [141] is a rich, high region in central Sumatra, from which many Malayan dynasties seem to have come. Raja was the usual title applied to all Malayan kings. Baginda is said to have touched at Sambuwangan (Zamboanga) and Basilan before reaching Sulu. The nature of such a move can not be explained unless he followed the northern route leading from Borneo to Kagayan Sulu, Pangutaran, and Zamboanga, which route seems to have been taken by all Mohammedan missionaries and invaders mentioned in the tarsila.

The written records of Baginda's arrival and his later history are exceedingly brief. When he arrived at Bwansa, the Sulus came out to engage him in battle, as we would naturally expect; but, the tarsila continues, on learning that he was a Mohammedan, they desisted from fighting, invited him to stay with them, and seem to have entertained him very hospitably. Such an account is absurd on the face of it. Raja Baginda was not a trader nor a traveler touring the Archipelago. He was accompanied by ministers and no doubt came to Bwansa to stay and rule. His coming was an ordinary kind of invasion, which proved successful. When Abu Bakr reached Bwansa, as we will learn later, he was directed to Raja Baginda, who must have been the supreme ruler of Bwansa. Accordingly we find all the chiefs of Sulu enumerated in the tarsila at the day of Baginda's arrival subordinate in rank, having no "rajas" among them.

The Genealogy of Sulu is as misleading as the tarsila of Magindanao in that it pictures the arrival of Baginda as peaceful as that of Kabungsuwan. Some of the chiefs who were Mohammedans possibly intrigued against their former overlords, and, joining Baginda's forces, defeated their opponents; but the dearth of information relative to this early Philippine history renders it impracticable to secure any more light on the subject. It may not, however, be out of place to remind the reader that the fourteenth century was marked by unusual activity in methods of warfare. Gunpowder, which was known and used as an explosive long before that date, had not been made use of in throwing projectiles in battle. The Arabs, we know, used firearms early in the fourteenth century, and we may conjecture that they introduced such weapons into Malacca and other parts of Malaysia as they moved east. It is not improbable then that a prince coming from Sumatra was provided with firearms which overawed the ignorant inhabitants of Bwansa and subdued the valor and courage of the Sulu and Samal pirates of those days. The statement made in the tarsila of Magindanao that, after the people of Slangan came down the river to where Kabungsuwan was anchored, "He beckoned (or pointed his finger) to them, but one of them died on that account, and they were frightened and returned," is the only kind of evidence found which can possibly be interpreted to indicate that a firearm was used. Lacking confirmation as this may be, yet we positively know that when the Spaniards reached these Islands, these people had an abundance of firearms, muskets, lantaka [142] and other cannon, and we may be justified in saying that probably firearms existed in the land in the century preceding the arrival of the Spaniards. This brings us approximately down to Baginda's days.

In considering the etymology of the titles of the Sulu chiefs mentioned in the time of Baginda, we observe that they are of three classes. The first class were the datus. These had mantiri or ministers and probably represented the descendants of Raja Sipad and Tuan Masha'ika. The second class were the sayk. "Sayk" is probably derived from the Arabic "Sheikh" meaning "chief." These were the Tagimaha chiefs, and their rank was evidently subordinate to that of datu. The third class were the orangkaya, the Baklaya chiefs. These are also subordinate in grade and could not have been higher than the sayk. The words datu and orangkaya it must be remembered are of Malay origin, while raja and baginda are Sanskrit, baginda being the highest and being often used as equivalent to emperor, while raja means only king.

Jawa is the Malay term for Java. The incident related in the tarsila relative to the gift of two elephants sent by the raja of Java to the raja of Sulu is interesting, in that it explains the existence in Jolo of the elephants found there during the earlier Spanish invasions. It further indicates that Raja Baginda was not an insignificant chief and that he kept up some kind of communication with the rajas of western Malaysia.

The elephants received by Baginda were let loose, the story says, and they lived and multiplied on Mount Tumangtangis. On the declivity of this mountain there is a place still called lubluban-gaja, which means the "habitat or lying-place of the elephant." The people relate several stories which make mention of the elephant, one of which declares that the chief who killed the last wild elephant was given the hand of the sultan's daughter in marriage, in admiration of his strength and bravery.

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MOHAMMEDAN CHURCH IN SULU AND THE REIGN OF ABU BAKR, 1450-1480

Brevity is without exception a marked characteristic of all Moro writings. Their letters, unlike those of the Malays and Arabs, are brief and devoid of compliment or detail.

It is very difficult to pick out a superfluous word or phrase from the text of the Sulu tarsila. In fact, the narrative of events throughout the manuscript is so curtailed as to be reduced to a mere synopsis of headlines. It gives a very dim view of the general subject and leaves out much that is desired. Thus, the whole question of establishing Islam in Sulu and organizing its sultanate is dispensed with in one short paragraph briefly enumerating the following facts: That Sayid Abu Bakr came to Bwansa from Palembang by the way of Bruney; that he lived with Raja Baginda and taught and established a new religion for Sulu; that he was greatly respected by the people; and that he married Paramisuli, the daughter of Baginda, and became sultan.

The traditions of the country, notwithstanding their brevity, add some further but less reliable information. It is the common belief that Abu Bakr was born in Mecca and that he lived some time at Juhur (or Malacca). Others state that it was his father, Zaynul Abidin, who came from Mecca and that Abu Bakr was born of the daughter of the Sultan of Juhur at Malacca. He came to Pangutaran first, the narrative continues, then to Zamboanga and Basilan. His younger brother, who had accompanied him, continued eastward to Mindanao, while he remained at Basilan for a short while. Having heard of Abu Bakr, the people of Sulu sent Orangkaya Su'il to Basilan to invite him to Bwansa to rule over them. This invitation was accepted and Abu Bakr was inaugurated sultan over Sulu soon after his arrival there.

From the annals of Malacca we know that Abu Bakr was a famous authority on law and religion and that his mission to Malaysia was prompted by enthusiasm for the promulgation of the doctrines of Abu Ishaq, which were embodied in a book entitled "Darul-Mazlum, or The House of the Oppressed or Ignorant." After preaching these doctrines in Malacca with success, he evidently proceeded farther east, stopping at Palembang and Bruney and reaching Sulu about 1450. The hospitality with which he was received at Bwansa points to success in his mission to a degree that enabled him later to marry the Princess Paramisuli, the daughter of Raja Baginda. He established mosques there and taught religion and law; and the people and chiefs actually abandoned their former gods and practiced the new religion and observed its commandments. This process of reformation and conversion was no doubt slow and gradual, but it was real and sure.

There is no evidence to show that Abu Bakr had any military forces by virtue of which he could assume military authority and rule after Baginda's death. But it is perfectly credible that Raja Baginda, being without a male heir, appointed Abu Bakr, his son-in-law and chief judge and priest, as his heir, and delegated to him all the authority he exercised over Bwansa and the Island of Sulu. This it appears was acquiesced in by the native chiefs who accepted Abu Bakr as their temporal overlord, as well as their spiritual master. Claiming descent from Mohammed, he assumed the powers of a caliph and entitled himself sultan. The Sulus as a rule refer to him as As-Sultan ash-Sharif al-Hashimi, meaning the Sultan, the Hashimite Sharif or noble. The words Mohammed and Abu Bakr are generally left out when he is mentioned in prayer or in ordinary discourse.

Having established the church, his next aim, after ascending the throne of Sulu, was the political reorganization of the government. This he undertook to frame on the same principles as those of an Arabian sultanate, giving himself all the power and prerogatives of a caliph. In enforcing such claims of absolute sovereignty, Abu Bakr declared to the people and their local chiefs that the widows, the orphans, and the land were his by right. This the people hesitated to submit to, and another measure was adopted which reconciled the interests of all parties. They agreed that all the shores of the island and all that territory within which the royal gong or drum could be heard should be the sultan's personal property, and that the rest of the island should be divided among the subordinate chiefs and their people. The island was accordingly divided into five administrative districts, over each one of which one panglima exercised power subject to the supervision and superior authority of the sultan. These districts were again divided into smaller divisions, which were administered by subordinate officers or chiefs called maharaja, orangkaya, laksamana, parukka, etc. The districts were called Parang, Pansul, Lati, Gi'tung, and Lu'uk. The boundaries which it seemed necessary at that time to define were marked by large trees, none of which is living at present. Thus a sangay [143] tree separated Parang from Pansul. The location of this tree was at a point near Bud Agad and the stream Agahun, which runs down from Tumangtangis toward Maymbung. A bawnu [143] tree separated Pansul from Lati. This tree was located at a place called Indung, intermediate between Asturias and the walled town of Jolo. A mampalam [143] tree called Tarak separated Lati from Lu'uk. It was in the vicinity of the settlement of Su'. A variety of durian tree named Siggal-saggal formed the boundary of Lati and Gi'tung.

According to later usage, these districts are defined as follows: Parang is the western district lying west of a line passing through a point east of the summit of Tumangtangis and a point on the southern coast 3 miles west of Maymbung. A line passing through Mount Pula and a point a little east of Maymbung marks the boundary between Pansul on the west and Lati and Gi'tung on the east. The watershed is generally considered as the dividing line between Lati and Gi'tung. A line joining Su' on the north and Lubuk on the south separates Lati and Gi'tung from Lu'uk. A sixth district has lately been carved out and termed Tandu, forming the easternmost part of the island. A line joining Sukuban on the south and Limawa on the north divides Tandu and Lu'uk.

The government thus organized was conducted in conformity with local customs and laws modified to such an extent as not to be repugnant and contrary to Mohammedan laws and the precepts of the Quran. To preserve this consistency, a code of laws was made and promulgated by Abu Bakr. This, once established, became the guide of all the subordinate officers of the state, who, as a rule, observed it and carried out its instructions. The general lines on which Abu Bakr conducted his government seem to have been followed very closely by all his successors. Such an adventurous and aggressive man as he was could not have stopped within the limits of the island. In all probability he pushed out in various directions, but no records have so far been found which give any account of the conquests he made or the limits of his empire. Abu Bakr lived thirty years in Sulu and died about 1480.

EARLY DAYS OF THE SULTANATE, 1480-1635

SUCCESSORS OF ABU BAKR

The dynasty founded by Abu Bakr ruled with a firmer hand and attained considerable power and fame. The new organization establishing law and order, consolidated the forces of the state and increased its influence on the outside world. Islam added a new element of strength and another stimulus to campaign and conquest. The Sulus never exceeded 60,000 in number, yet we learn that, prior to the arrival of Magellan, their power was felt all over Luzon and the Bisayan Islands, the Celebes Sea, Palawan, North Borneo, and the China Sea, and their trade extended from China and Japan, at the one extreme, to Malacca, Sumatra, and Java at the other.

Abu Bakr was succeeded by his second son, Kamalud-Din. Alawad-Din, the elder son, was weak-minded and was evidently not supported by the ministers of the state. The next three sultans who followed were Diraja, Upu, and Digunung. Their full names are, the Sultan Amirul Umara [144] Maharaja Diraja, the Sultan Mu`izzul Mutawadi`in [145] Maharaja Upu, the Sultan Nasirud-Din Awal [146] Digunung [147] (or Habud [148]).

The sixth sultan was Mohammedul Halim [149] Pangiran Buddiman. During his reign Governor Sandé equipped and directed large expeditions to Borneo and Sulu. The armada sent to Sulu was commanded by Capt. Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa and reached the town of Jolo in June, 1578. It is asserted that Rodriguez defeated Pangiran and exacted tribute from the Sulus. Rodriguez, however, did not occupy Jolo, and no permanent advantage was derived from his victory.

FIGUEROA'S EXPEDITION AGAINST SULU

This invasion marked the beginning of a state of war between Sulu and Spain, which covered a period of three hundred years and caused considerable devastation and loss of life. It cost Spain an immense loss of men and money and finally brought on the decline of Sulu and its end as an independent state. The magnitude of this strife, its far-reaching effects, and its bearing on the Spanish and American occupation of Sulu, invites special attention to the causes of the war and the Sulu character which it depicts.

The expedition to Jolo formed part of and immediately followed the expedition which was directed by Governor Sandé against Borneo. There is no doubt that, besides the reasons Sandé gave for the expedition to Borneo, he was really actuated by jealousy of the Portuguese, whose influence had reached Bruney and the Moluccas, and by a strong desire to conquer Borneo, Sulu, Mindanao, and the Moluccas. His reasons for sending the expedition against Sulu are best given in his letter of instructions to Capt. Rodriguez de Figueroa, which is extremely interesting and is herein quoted in full: [150]

That which you, Capt. Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, shall
observe on the expedition which you are about to make, God our
Lord helping, is as follows:

From this city and Island of Borneo, God willing, you shall go
to the Islands of Sulu, where you shall endeavor to reduce that
chief and his people to the obedience of his Majesty. You shall
bargain with them as to what tribute they shall pay, which shall
be in pearls, as they are wont to give to the King of Bruney. You
shall exercise great care and, if possible, much mildness; for it
is of importance that those islands should not become depopulated;
therefore, in case they receive you peaceably, you shall treat
them well. And, in addition to the above, you must order that,
besides the tribute that they are to pay in pearls, they shall
obtain as many of them as possible, so that we, the Spaniards or
Castilians, may buy them; that they must trade with us from now on;
that every year Castilians will go to their lands with cloths and
merchandise from China, of whatever they shall declare that they
may need. You shall inform yourself of their needs; and if they
wish to come to our settlements you shall give them permission to
go freely to Manila and to come to Borneo, although not to steal.

Item: You shall find out from them the whereabouts of the artillery
and anchors of a ship lost there some three years ago; and you
shall seek it and see that it be brought you with all haste. You
shall keep close watch over the artillery, ammunition, vessels,
sails, and other like things pertaining to the armed fleet; and
you shall deprive them of those supplies, for it is notorious
that those people are common marauders.

And because of my information that the chief who calls himself
lord of Sulu is a Bornean, and owns houses in this city of Bruney;
that he fought against us in the naval battle, and that he fled
to Sulu, where he is now; and since I am told that he took two
galleys and three small vessels, artillery and ammunition, you
shall exercise the utmost despatch to obtain the said galleys,
vessels, artillery, and ammunition. If he acquiesce, you shall
give him a passport. You shall see whether he has any children;
and if so, you shall take one, and tell him that he must come to
see me in Bruney in February.

And, as I have said, this must be done if possible gently,
in order that no people may be killed. You shall tell him that
it will be to their advantage to be vassals of his Majesty and
our allies. If they do not act respectfully, and it shall be
necessary to punish them in another manner, you shall do so. And
inasmuch as the Sulus, as is well known, are open pirates, whose
only ambition is to steal, and to assault men in order to sell
them elsewhere--especially as they go annually for plunder among
all the Pintados [151] Islands, which are under his Majesty's
dominion--you shall try to ascertain the Pintados slaves among
them, in order to return such to their homes, especially those
who are Christians. And, as I have said, you shall deprive them
of such vessels as seem to be used for raids, leaving them their
fishing vessels, so that if the said lord of Sulu so desire, he
can come to confer reasonably with me. Thus you shall ascertain
who has vessels, and who can inflict injuries; and you shall
command them expressly to settle down on their land, to cultivate,
sow, and harvest, develop the pearl industry, and cease to be
pirates. You shall order them to raise fowls and cattle. You shall
try to ascertain their number, and bring it to me in writing, in
order that I may see it, together with the distance from these
islands to the Sulu Islands, information regarding the food,
water, and healthfulness of that land, and other things that may
occur to you. And you shall tell the people in my name that they
shall tame for me a couple of elephants, and that I shall send
for those animals and pay for them.

After having finished affairs in Sulu, if time permits, you shall,
God willing, go to the Island of Mindanao. There you shall try,
by the most convenient methods and with friendliness, to reduce
the chief of the river of Mindanao, and the other chiefs of that
island, and of those near by, to the obedience of his Majesty,
giving him to understand what they will gain in becoming his
Majesty's vassals and our allies, and in having trade with us.

And, in order that the tribute may not prevent them from making
peace with us, you shall not ask them for any tribute; but you
shall take what they give freely, and nothing more, and in such
form as they are willing to give. Thus you shall suit their
convenience in everything pertaining to them, and cause them to
understand the great expenses of his Majesty in this land. You
shall also tell them that the gain therefrom affects them chiefly,
since we come to teach them our civilization, and most of all
the service of God, our Lord, who created and redeemed them, and
of whom they are ignorant; and how to live in accord with natural
law, as is their obligation. For this purpose you shall tell them
that you are going to their land for two principal reasons:

The first is that they should cease to be pirates, who rob and
harry the weak, and enslave wherever and whomsoever they can,
selling their captives outside of their own island, and separating
them from their wives and children; and that they must cease to
commit other like cruelties and thefts, and must become good and
virtuous men, who shall grow to merit the second and principal
reason for going to their lands. You shall give them to understand
that they are ignorant of God, our Lord, who created and redeemed
them, so that when they know him they may serve him and become
good. It is quite evident that they will gain very much in these
things, and therefore it is right that they aid us and give us
something. This shall be at their own will, as above said.

Item: You shall order them not to admit any more preachers of
the doctrine of Mohammed, since it is evil and false, and that
of the Christians alone is good. And because we have been in
these regions so short a time, the lord of Mindanao has been
deceived by the preachers of Bruney, and the people have become
Moros. You shall tell them that our object is that he be converted
to Christianity; and that he must allow us freely to preach the
law of the Christians, and the natives must be allowed to go to
hear the preaching and to be converted, without receiving any
harm from the chiefs.

And you shall try to ascertain who are the preachers of the sect
of Mohammed, and shall seize and bring them before me and you
shall burn or destroy the house where that accursed doctrine has
been preached, and you shall order that it be not rebuilt.

Item: You shall order that the Indians [152] shall not go outside
of their island to trade; and you shall seize those vessels used
for plundering excursions, leaving them those which, in your
judgment, are used for trade and fishing. You shall take also
what artillery and ammunition they have.

You shall ascertain the harvest seasons and products of the land;
the gold mines and the places where they wash gold; the number
of inhabitants and their settlements; and their customs. You
must especially secure information regarding cinnamon, in order
to ascertain if it is found along the river, or if one must go
to Cavite for it, and why it is not as good as that which the
Portuguese take to Castilla. You shall ascertain how they cut
and strip it from the tree, and if it be of importance that it
dry on the tree, or in what other manner it should be treated,
for I have been told that that obtained from these districts in
the past has not been good and has not a good sale in Spain.

And, since it might happen that the people will not make peace,
and may offer fight, and show disrespect, then you shall punish
them as you deem best, taking special care not to trust them;
for it is evident that before all else they will, if possible,
commit some treachery. You must not await such an occasion,
for we know already their treachery against his Majesty's fleet
commanded by Villalobos, certain of whose men they killed under
assurances of safety; and they seized a boat. In that treachery
all the inhabitants of the islands were participants; for four
or five thousand of the said natives attacked one small boat,
which contained four or five Spaniards. Likewise many people
took part in the killing of the said Villalobos's master-of-camp,
and other soldiers, in that same year. You shall remind them of
these things, and warn them; for, from now on, we shall destroy
them and their generation.

And, since it might happen that, without any occasion of war
or peace, the said natives flee to the mountains, you shall
order that certain of the said natives summon them; and, when
they have come, you shall discuss the matter with them. If they
refuse to come, you shall, in conformity with your orders, remain
there a given time. And if they continue to refuse to come down,
you shall leave them, and shall return, without permitting their
houses to be burned or their palm trees to be cut down. Neither
shall anything be stolen from them; but you shall take only what
is absolutely necessary for food and the food and other things
necessary to provision your vessels for the return trip.

You shall try to secure information of the Island of Linboton,
as well as of Batachina and Celebes, so as to advise me thereof;
and you shall do this in accord with the time limit I have set
for you to make this exploration, and you shall observe the same
rule as in that of Mindanao.

In order that we may allot in encomiendas [153] whatever people
are found in these districts, you shall bring me a signed
notarial writ. Thus, as those lands have no other owner, the
natives thereof may be reduced to the obedience of his Majesty,
according to his will--and by war, if the natives begin it, so
that war on our part may be just, and that the same justice may
continue, so that we can compel them to obey, and impose tributes
upon them. You shall exercise much diligence in this and see to
it that these orders be carried out carefully and intelligently.

God willing, I shall be in Bruney by the end of the month of
January next--or, at the latest, by the eighth of February--with
the fleet and all the necessaries that must be brought from Manila,
and that which is here. And at that time your grace shall come to
Bruney with the fleet that you have, and with all the people that
you have or shall have in the Pintados, so that we may do here
whatever is proper for the service of his Majesty, to which we are
bound. These instructions must not be disregarded in any point,
unless I advise you to the contrary by letter. And to this end
you shall see that all who live and dwell there be commissioned
for the above, in addition to their own duties. Given at Bruney,
May twenty-three, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight.

If the natives of Mindanao or of any other place shall give
tribute according to the above, you shall act according to the
usual custom in these islands--namely, you shall take one-half
and place it to the account of his Majesty, while the other half
shall be distributed among the soldiers. Given ut supra.

Doctor Francisco de Sandé.

Before me:
Alonso Beltran,
His Majesty's notary.

REASONS FOR HOSTILITIES

The above shows clearly that Governor Sandé intended, first, to reduce Sulu to a vassal state; second, to exact tribute in pearls; third, to secure the trade of Sulu for the Spaniards; fourth, to punish the Sultan of Sulu for the help he rendered the Sultan of Bruney against the Spanish forces; fifth, to rescue the Christian slaves in Sulu; sixth, to deprive the Sulus of their artillery and ammunition and of all vessels except fishing vessels, in order to stop their piracy; seventh, to compel the Sulus to become peaceful agriculturists; eighth, to uproot the "accursed doctrine" of Mohammed and to convert the Sulus to the Christian religion.

The leader of the expedition was directed to carry out these instructions as carefully and as gently as possible; and there is no reason to think that he failed to comply with his orders to the letter. But no matter how careful and faithful Captain Rodriguez could have been, it was not difficult for the Sulus to understand the purpose of the expedition and the motives of the Spanish Government, and it does not stand to reason that such people would yield to vassalage and receive a direct insult to their religion without resentment and without a struggle. Governor Sandé knew the reputation of the Sulus, but he must have underestimated their strength and failed to provide garrisons for the occupation of the conquered territory and the protection of peaceful natives.

In January, 1579, Governor Sandé sent an expedition to Mindanao, commanded by Capt. Gabriel de Ribera, under instructions similar to those given to Captain Rodriguez. Ribera had additional orders to visit Jolo and collect the tribute for that year, and special stress was laid on procuring from the Sultan of Sulu "two or three tame elephants." Ribera accomplished nothing in Mindanao; the natives abandoned their villages and fled to the interior. On his return to Kawite or Caldera, he met a deputation from Jolo, which brought insignificant tribute and informed him of the existence of famine in Sulu and the extreme distress of the people. He returned their tribute, receiving in its place a cannon, which the Sulus had obtained from a wrecked Portuguese galley. Ribera then returned to Cebu, without producing any significant effect on conditions in Sulu.

In April, 1580, Governor Sandé was relieved by Governor Gonzalo Ronquillo, who did not take the same interest in Borneo and Sulu. In the same year the kingdom of Portugal and its rich eastern colonies were annexed to the Spanish domain. No danger could then be expected from the direction of Borneo and Sulu, and the ambitious new Governor-General turned his attention to more desirable fields of conquest.

Piracy was not the primary cause of this invasion of Sulu. Public sentiment was not so strong against slavery in those days as it is now; for the Spaniards and other leading civilized nations were then diligently pursuing a profitable trade in it between the west coast of Africa and the West Indies and America. Piracy is always a crime among nations, but it can not be urged as the principal and leading cause of this war or as sufficient reason in itself for the early precipitation of such a deadly conflict between Sulu and Spain. Religion, on the other hand, was declared by Governor Sandé to be the "principal reason for going to their lands." He ordered the Sulus not to admit any more preachers of Islam, but to allow the Spanish priests to preach Christianity to them. The Mohammedan preachers he directed to be arrested and brought to him, and the mosques to be burned or destroyed and not to be rebuilt.

Part of the instructions the Adelantado [154] Miguel Lopez de Legaspi received before embarking on his expedition to the Philippines read as follows:

And you shall have especial care that, in all your negotiations
with the natives of those regions some of the religious
accompanying you be present, both in order to avail yourself of
their good counsel and advice, and so that the natives may see and
understand your high estimation of them; for seeing this, and the
great reverence of the soldiers toward them, they themselves will
hold the religious in great respect. This will be of great moment,
so that, when the religious shall understand their language,
or have interpreters through whom they may make them understand
our holy Catholic faith, the Indians shall put entire faith in
them; since you are aware that the chief thing sought after by
his Majesty is the increase of our holy Catholic faith, and the
salvation of the souls of those infidels. [155]

In 1566, a petition was sent from Cebu to the King of Spain, bearing the signatures of Martin de Goiti, Guido de Labezari, and the other leading officers under Legaspi, setting forth, among other requests, the following:

That the Moros, "because they try to prevent our trade with the
natives and preach to them the religion of Mohammed," may be
enslaved and lose their property. That slave traffic be allowed,
"that the Spaniards may make use of them, as do the chiefs and
natives of those regions, both in mines and other works that
offer themselves." [156]

In a letter addressed to Legaspi King Philip II said:

We have also been petitioned in your behalf concerning the Moro
Islands in that land, and how those men come to trade and carry on
commerce, hindering the preaching of the holy gospel and disturbing
you. We give you permission to make such Moros slaves and to seize
their property. You are warned that you can make them slaves only
if the said Moros are such by birth and choice, and if they come
to preach their Mohammedan doctrine or to make war against you or
against the Indians, who are our subjects and in our royal service.

In a letter addressed to King Philip II Bishop Salazar writes, June 27, 1588, as follows:

The second point is that, in the Island of Mindanao, which is
subject to your Majesty, and for many years has paid you tribute,
the law of Mohammed has been publicly proclaimed, for somewhat more
than three years, by preachers from Bruney and Ternate who have
come there--some of them even, it is believed, having come from
Mecca. They have erected and are now building mosques, and the
boys are being circumcised, and there is a school where they are
taught the Quran. I was promptly informed of this, and urged the
president to supply a remedy therefor at once, in order that that
pestilential fire should not spread in these islands. I could not
persuade them to go, and thus the hatred of Christianity is there;
and we are striving no more to remedy this than if the matter did
not concern us. Such are the calamities and miseries to which we
have come, and the punishments which God inflicts upon us. [157]

In drawing a contract with Capt. Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, in 1591, for the pacification and conquest of Mindanao, the Governor and Captain-General Gomez Perez Dasmariñas makes the following declarations:

His Majesty orders and charges me, by his royal instructions and
decrees, as the most worthy and important thing in these islands,
to strive for the propagation of our holy faith among the natives
herein, their conversion to the knowledge of the true God, and
their reduction to the obedience of His holy church and of the
king, our sovereign. * * *

Moreover, the Island of Mindanao is so fertile and well inhabited,
and teeming with Indian settlements, wherein to plant the faith, *
* * and is rich in gold mines and placers, and in wax, cinnamon,
and other valuable drugs. And although the said island has been
seen, discussed, and explored, * * * no effort has been made
to enter and reduce it, nor has it been pacified or furnished
with instruction or justice--quite to the contrary being, at
the present time, hostile and refusing obedience to his Majesty;
and no tribute, or very little, is being collected. * * *

Besides the above facts, by delaying the pacification of the said
island greater wrongs, to the offense and displeasure of God and
of his Majesty, are resulting daily; for I am informed that the
king of that island has made all who were paying tribute to his
Majesty tributary to himself by force of arms, and after putting
many of them to death while doing it; so that now each Indian pays
him one tae [158] of gold. I am also told that he destroyed and
broke into pieces, with many insults, a cross that he found, when
told that it was adored by the Christians; and that in Magindanao,
the capital and residence of the said king, are Bornean Indians
who teach and preach publicly the false doctrine of Mohammed,
and have mosques; besides these, there are also people from
Ternate--gunners, armorers, and powder-makers, all engaged in
their trades--who at divers times have killed many Spaniards when
the latter were going to collect the tribute, * * * without our
being able to mete out punishment, because of lack of troops. By
reason of the facts above recited, and because all of the said
wrongs and troubles will cease with the said pacification; and,
when it is made, we are sure that the surrounding kingdoms of
Bruney, Sulu, Java, and other provinces, will become obedient
to his Majesty: therefore, in order that the said island may be
pacified, subdued, and settled, and the gospel preached to the
natives; and that justice may be established among them, and they
be taught to live in a civilized manner, and to recognize God and
His holy law, I have tried to entrust the said pacification to
a person of such character that he may be entrusted with it. [159]

It is plain, therefore, that the sentiment of the times justified war on the Moros for the cause of religion alone, and that, though the primary object was conquest, no doubt the religious motives of the Spaniards were stronger than their desire to check piracy. But, of all the Christian nations, the Spaniards should have been most aware of the tenacity, determination, and courage with which the Mohammedans defend their faith, and the Sulus were no exception to the rule, for they had been born and reared in that religion for more than four generations.

A wiser policy on the part of Governor Sandé would have either let the Moros of Sulu and Mindanao alone, or effected a complete reduction of the state of Sulu and immediate occupation of the coasts of Mindanao with strong forces; for it appears from all accounts that neither the Sulus nor the Magindanaos were as strongly organized then as they were a generation later, and either alliance or war should have been easier then than afterwards.

The Spaniards at that time were excellent warriors. Their conquests of the Bisayan Islands and Luzon were rapid and brilliant, but it appears that the system of government which they inaugurated there met with distinct failure the minute it was extended to the more organized communities and the greater forces they encountered in the south. The Sulus, on the other hand, fought in the defense of their national independence and religion, and never found life too dear to sacrifice in that cause. They resented the treatment of Spain, and in their rage and desire for revenge built stronger forts and fleets and became fiercer pirates.

RULE OF BATARA SHAH TANGAH

Pangiran must have died about 1579 and was followed by Sultan Batara Shah Tangah, who is in all probability the Paquian or Paguian Tindig of the Spanish writers. Tangah's claim to the sultanate was strongly contested by his cousin, Abdasaolan [160] who ruled over Basilan. The latter attacked Jolo with a strong force, but failed to reduce its forts. Tangah, however, felt insecure and went to Manila to request Governor Sandé's aid and returned to Sulu with two Spanish armed boats (caracoas). [161] Abdasaolan, whose power had in the meantime increased, prepared for defense and watched for the advance of the Sultan's boat. Finding that the caracoas were at a considerable distance from the Sultan's boat he manned two light salisipans [162] with a strong force and dispatched them, with speed to intercept Tangah. The Sultan's party was completely surprised, and in the fight that resulted Tangah was killed. On reaching Jolo the Spanish forces attacked the town. The Sulus fought valiantly, but their fort was reduced. The officers in command of the caracoas assembled the people and had Raja Bungsu, who was wounded in the fight, elected sultan to succeed Tangah. The full title of Bungsu was "The Sultan Muwallil Wasit Bungsu." [163]

FIGUEROA'S EXPEDITION AGAINST MINDANAO

In 1596 Capt. Esteban Rodriguez led an expedition into Mindanao, for its conquest and pacification.

It is maintained that he proceeded up the Mindanao River as far as Bwayan, the capital of the upper Mindanao Valley.

Don Esteban Rodriguez prepared men and ships, and what else was
necessary for the enterprise, and with some galleys, galleots,
frigates, vireys, [164] barangays, [164] and lapis, [165] set out
with two hundred and fourteen Spaniards for the Island of Mindanao,
in February of the same year, of 1596. He took Capt. Juan de la
Xara as his master-of-camp, and some religious of the Society
of Jesus to give instruction, as well as many natives for the
service of the camp and fleet.

He reached Mindanao River after a good voyage, where the first
settlements, named Tampakan and Lumakan, both hostile to the
people of Bwayan, received him peacefully and in a friendly
manner, and joined his fleet. They were altogether about six
thousand men. Without delay they advanced about 8 leagues
farther up the river against Bwayan, the principal settlement
of the island, where its greatest chief had fortified himself
on many sides. Arrived at the settlement, the fleet cast anchor
and immediately landed a large proportion of the troops with
their arms. But before reaching the houses and fort, and while
going through some thickets [cacatal] [166] near the shore, they
encountered some of the men of Bwayan, who were coming to meet
them with their kampilan, [167] carazas [168] and other weapons,
and who attacked them on various sides. The latter [i.e., the
Spaniards and their allies], on account of the swampiness of the
place and the denseness of the thickets [cacatal], could not act
unitedly as the occasion demanded, although the master-of-camp and
the captains that led them exerted themselves to keep the troops
together and to encourage them to face the natives. Meanwhile
Governor Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa was watching events from
his flagship, but not being able to endure the confusion of his
men, seized his weapons and hastened ashore with three or four
companions and a servant who carried his helmet in order that he
might be less impeded in his movements. But as he was crossing
a part of the thickets [cacatal] where the fight was waging,
a hostile Indian stepped out unseen from one side and dealt the
governor a blow on the head with his kampilan that stretched
him on the ground badly wounded. [169] The governor's followers
cut the Mindanao to pieces and carried the governor back to the
camp. Shortly after the master-of-camp, Juan de la Xara, withdrew
his troops to the fleet, leaving behind several Spaniards who had
fallen in the encounter. The governor did not regain consciousness,
for the wound was very severe, and died next day. The fleet after
that loss and failure left that place, and descended the river
to Tampakan, where it anchored among the friendly inhabitants
and their settlements.

The master-of-camp, Juan de la Xara, had himself chosen by the
fleet as successor in the government and enterprise. He built a
fort with arigues [170] and palms near Tampakan, and founded a
Spanish settlement to which he gave the name of Murcia. He began
to make what arrangements he deemed best, in order to establish
himself and run things independently of, and without acknowledging
the governor of Manila, without whose intervention and assistance
this enterprise could not be continued. [171]

Bwayan was 30 miles up the river and 25 miles above Magindanao or Kotabato where Bwisan, the Sultan of Magindanao, was strongly fortified. It is difficult to believe that Rodriguez could advance so far even with a small scouting party. A careful review of the Spanish reports referring to these early campaigns in Mindanao indicates that Bwayan has been erroneously used in place of Magindanao, the ancient capital of the sultanate of Magindanao.

Bent on the conquest of Mindanao, Governor Tello prepared another expedition under Gen. Juan Ronquillo [172] and dispatched it by the way of Cebu. At Caldera, it was joined by the fleet of Mindanao and the whole force proceeded east in the direction of the Mindanao River, on the 6th of February, 1597. Captain Chaves arrived with his frigates at the river on the 8th of January. In a battle fought at Simway to capture Moro vessels going to seek aid from Ternate he had a leg cut off and received a shot in the helmet above the ear. Ronquillo arrived at the mouth of the river on February 21, and on the 17th of April he engaged a Moro fleet with 40 arquebusiers and defeated them, killing a number of their brave men and some Ternatans without losing any of his men except 5 Bisayans. Leaving a guard of 34 men under Chaves at the fort of Tampakan he advanced up the river with a force of 230 sailors and gunners. The enemy retired behind some parapets as soon as the artillery opened upon them, and brought some artillery to bear on the flagship (one of the galleys), but could not retard the Spanish advance.

"I answered their fire with so great readiness," said Ronquillo in
his report, "that I forced them to withdraw their artillery. But,
as if they were goblins, they remained here behind a bush or a
tree, firing at us without being seen." Reinforced by the chief
of the hill tribes, Lumakan, with 500 natives, Ronquillo resumed
the fighting after the delay of a few days. "Finally," continued
Ronquillo, "I planted my battery of eight pieces somewhat over
100 paces from the fort. Although I battered the fort hotly, I
could not effect a breach through which to make an assault. All
the damage that I did them by day, they repaired by night. * * *

"I was very short of ammunition, for I had only 3,000 arquebus
bullets left, and very few cannon balls; and both would be spent
in one day's fighting, during which, should we not gain the fort,
we would be lost--and with no power to defend ourselves while
withdrawing our artillery and camp. * * *

"I reconnoitered the fort and its situation, for it is located
at the entrance of a lagoon, thus having only water at the back,
and swampy and marshy ground at the sides. It has a frontage of
more than 1,000 paces, is furnished with very good transversals,
and is well supplied with artillery and arquebuses. Moreover it
has a ditch of water more than 4 brazas [173] wide and 2 deep,
and thus there was a space of dry ground of only 15 paces where it
was possible to attack; and this space was bravely defended, and
with the greatest force of the enemy. The inner parts were water,
where they sailed in vessels, while we had no footing at all."

"Again, I reflected that those who had awaited us so long, had
waited with the determination to die in defense of the fort; and
if they should see the contest ending unfavorably for them, no one
would prevent their flight. Further, if they awaited the assault
it would cost me the greater part of my remaining ammunition,
and my best men; while, if the enemy fled, nothing would be
accomplished, but on the contrary a long, tedious, and costly
war would be entered upon. Hence, with the opinion and advice of
the captains, I negotiated for peace, and told them that I would
admit them to friendship under the following conditions:

"First, that first and foremost they must offer homage to his
Majesty, and pay something as recognition" (a gold chain). Second,
"that all the natives who had been taken from the Pintados Islands
[Bisayan Islands] last year, must be restored." Third, "that they
must break the peace and confederation made with the people of
Ternate, and must not admit the latter into their country." Fourth,
"that they must be friends with Danganlibor and Lumakan, * * *
and must not make war on their vassals." Fifth, "that all the
chiefs must go to live in their old villages." [174]

Ronquillo later reported the place indefensible and was authorized to retire to Caldera.

Ronquillo must have advanced as far as the settlement of Kalangnan or possibly Magindanao (Kotabato), the capital of Sultan Bwisan. The report he rendered relative to the country, its people and chiefs, is very interesting and an excerpt of the same is herewith quoted because of its bearing on conditions throughout Moroland:

The leading chiefs collect tribute from their vassals. * * * These
Indians are not like those in Luzon, but are accustomed to power
and sovereignty. Some collect five or six thousand tributes. * * *

Hitherto it has not been possible to tell your lordship anything
certain of this country except that it will be of but little
advantage to his Majesty, but a source of great expense. It has
far fewer inhabitants than was reported, and all are very poor,
so that their breakfast consists only in cleaning their arms,
and their work in using them, and not in cultivating the land,
which is low and swampy in this river. There is no chief who can
raise 20 taes of gold. Rice is very scarce; in the hills is found
a small amount, which is used for food by the chiefs only. There
are some swine, and a few fowls that are very cunning, and less
fruit. [175]

These early expeditions of the Spaniards against the Moros undoubtedly aroused in the latter a great desire for vengeance. The forces the Spaniards sent to conquer Mindanao and Sulu were very small. Such forces would have been strong enough to reduce any island of the Bisayan group, or even Luzon, but against the Moros they proved insufficient and inadequate. They however succeeded in provoking bitter hostilities and marked the beginning of a long period of terror and bloodshed.

MORO RAIDS [176]

In 1599 combined Moro fleets invaded and plundered the coasts of the Bisayan Islands, Cebu, Negros, and Panay.

Captain Paches, who was in command of the fort of Caldera, attacked the northern coast of the Island of Sulu. After landing at some point, it was observed by the Sulus that his fuses were wet and that his guns could not fire well. They then rushed his position, killed him, and dispersed his forces.