Chapter VIII: Serfs of Sparta, Crete, Thessaly, Etc

If we now pass from the consideration of slavery in the comparatively mild form which it assumed in Attica to an examination of the state of the Laconian Helots, we shall discover the spirit which actuated the two governments to present a still broader contrast in this, the lowest stage of its influence, than when operating upon the nobler citizens on the great arena of public life.

Among certain scholars on the continent it appears to be very much the fashion to oppose an invincible scepticism to the testimony of ancient writers, as often as that testimony makes against any theory they desire to establish; and on the subject of the Helots several of the ablest authors among them have adopted an opinion which cannot be supported without annihilating several Greek authors, who, in their opinion, prophesy as awkwardly as Calchas did for the peace of Agamemnon.

Among these the principal is Mr. Müller, from whom I have the misfortune to differ on many points, but without in the least disparaging his ability or his learning, for both of which I entertain the highest respect.[157]

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Footnote 157:

When the words in the text were written Mr. Müller was still living,
and there was every reason to expect from him a series of learned and
able works on the history and antiquities of Greece. He has since,
however, fallen a victim to the persevering ardour with which he
pursued his researches into the topography of that illustrious land;
and in common, I believe, with every other admirer of the Hellenic
people and literature I sincerely lament his premature death. My
regret moreover is heightened by the knowledge that Mr. Muller had
projected a history of Greece which his profound investigations and
extensive knowledge of the country would unquestionably have rendered
highly valuable. His ashes repose among those of the most
distinguished men of antiquity. He caught his death among the ruins of
Delphi, and was buried at Athens.

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As, however, he has adopted a very peculiar system in the interpretation of antiquity, which, though plausible and ingenious, seems ill-calculated to lead to truth, I have found it impossible to participate on many important points the views which he maintains, more especially on the subject of the Helots. In fact, with all his talents and sagacity he has chosen rather to become an advocate than an historian, and pushes so far his eagerness to defend his favourite people, as not unfrequently to provoke a smile. In his derivation of the term Helot, however, he is perhaps correct,[158] it being more probable that it should have sprung from an ancient word signifying “The Prisoners” than from the name of the town. In the absence of all testimony we might likewise entertain the conjecture, “that they were an aboriginal race subdued at a very early period, and which immediately passed over as slaves to the Doric conquerors.” But we have the weighty authority of Theopompos to oppose to this inference, and the words of this historian[159] attentively considered would lead to the etymology of the name given by Müller:—“having taken them prisoners,” he says, “they called them εἵλωτες.” They were, however, Greeks of the Achaian race, who fell, together with the land, into the power of the new-comers, so that the excuse of only tyrannising over a foreign and half-savage race is wanting to the Spartans, which was the object aimed at by Mr. Müller’s ingenious conjecture.

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Footnote 158:

Dorians, t. ii. p. 30. Cf. t. i. p. 86, seq. Nevertheless the
Scholiast on Thucydides maintains the old derivation:—Ἕλος, πόλις τῆς
Λακωνικῆς, ἧς οἱ πολίται ἐκαλοῦντο Εἵλωτες. Οἱ οὖν Λακεδαιμόνιοι, διὰ
τὸ ἀεὶ διαφόρους εἶναι ἀλλήλοις, τοὺς δούλους αὐτῶν ἐκάλουν Εἵλωτας,
κατὰ ἀτιμίαν καὶ ὕβριν. t. v. p. 350. Cf. Clint. Fast. Hellen. ii.
412. Etymol. Mag. 300. 7. 332. 51. They were called also Heliatæ.
Athen. vi. 102. Cf. Poll. vii. 83. Ἕλος πόλις Λακονική. οἱ πολίται
εἵλωτες καὶ εἱλῶται, καὶ ἕλιοι, καί ἑλεάται. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Ἕλος
Αἰγύπτου. ταῦτα δὲ ὁ τὰ ἐθνικὰ γραψας, εἰς τὸ ἕτερον Ἕλος λέγει τὸ ἐν
τοῖς ἐφεξῆς ὑπὸ τὸν Νέστορα. ἕτεροι δὲ ὅτι οὐ μόνον πόλις τὸ Ἕλος ἀλλὰ
καὶ εἰς χώραν τινὰ πλατύνεται. ἀφ’ ἧς καὶ μᾶλλον οἱ ἕιλωτες. οἱ
συνελθόντες τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις, ἦν ὅτε καὶ πράγματα παρασχόντες τοῖς
Λακεδαιμονίοις, εἶτα ὑπετάγησαν ὡσεὶ δοῦλοι. καὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν τὸ ὄνομα τῶν
εἱλώτων εῖς δουλικὴν ἀπλῶν μετελήφθη κλῆσιν. Eustath. ad Il. β. p.
223. 28, sqq. Ἐν γοῦν τοῖς Ἡρωδιανοῦ, εὓρηται ὅτι εἵλωτες οἱ ἐπὶ
Ταινάρῳ σάτυροι. Idem, ad Il. β. b. 225, 17. Cf. Capperonier
Recherches sur l’Histoire des Hilotes. Mem. de L’Acad. des Inscrip. t.
xxiii. p. 272.

Footnote 159:

Theopomp. l. xvii. ap. Athen. vi. 88. Cf. Strab. viii. 5. t. ii. p.
188.

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In considering the condition of the Helots, I shall not affect, with the historian of the Doric race,[160] “to range their political rights and personal treatment,” under separate heads; in the first place because, strictly speaking, they had no political rights, and, secondly, because in the treatment they experienced consists whatever is peculiar in their position. Several of this learned historian’s notions on the Lacedæmonian serfs appear to be in direct contradiction with those of the writers from whom all we know concerning the Helots is obtained. Of this he seems to be conscious, and in the following way endeavours to bring discredit on them; assuming as a settled thing, that the Helots must have possessed political rights, he concludes that they “were _doubtless exactly_ defined by law and custom, though the expressions made use of by ancient authors are frequently vague and ambiguous.”[161] Whether this be the case or not we shall presently see. The remark of Ephoros is, that “they were in a certain point of view public slaves. Their possessor could neither liberate them nor sell them beyond the borders.” On this passage which he quotes,[162] the historian raises a superstructure which it will by no means support. “From this,” he says, “it is evident, that they were considered as belonging properly to the state, which, to a certain degree, permitted them to be possessed, and apportioned them out to individuals, reserving to itself the power of enfranchising them.”[163]

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Footnote 160:

Hist. and Antiq. of the Dorians, t. ii. p. 31.

Footnote 161:

Dorians, ii. 31.

Footnote 162:

Or rather makes up from two or three _disjecta membra_ of Ephoros.
Strab. viii. 5. t. ii. p. 188, seq. Cf. Paus. iii. 20. 6.

Footnote 163:

Dorians, t. ii. p. 31. Ubbo Emmius takes the same view of the subject.
iii. 138.

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The contrary I think is the inference. They were the property of individuals, but the state reserved to itself the right of enfranchising them and preventing their emancipation, lest persons should be found who, like Marcus Porcius, Cato,[164] and the Dutch at the Cape, would sell or give them their liberty when too old to labour. “But to sell them out of the country,” says Mr. Müller, “was not in the power even of the state.” It is true there was an ancient law prohibiting the exportation of the Helots,[165] but the same authority which enacted that law could have abrogated it. Had Sparta then chosen to convert her Helots into an article of traffic, who or what was to prevent her? Since she arrogated to herself the right of beating, maiming, and putting them to death,[166] though completely innocent, is it to be supposed that, had it suited her policy, she would have hesitated to sell them? And after all are we quite certain that these unhappy people were not frequently sold into foreign lands? On the contrary, we find, that a regular trade was carried on in female Helots, who were exported into all the neighbouring countries for nurses.[167] Thus it appears that the state both had and exercised the power to convert its serfs into merchandise.

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Footnote 164:

Καὶ τούτους (sc. δούλους) πρεσβυτέρους γενομένους (observes Plutarch,
Vit. Cat. Maj. § 4.) ᾤετο δεῖν ἀποδίδοσθαι, καὶ μὴ βόσκειν ἀχρήστους.
But what Cato practised he approved of theoretically, and in his works
recommends to others; servum senem, servum morbosum, vendat, De Re
Rustica, 2. He would also have the agriculturist dispose of his old
oxen and everything else that was old. Vendat boves, vetulos,
ferramenta vetera, &c. id. ibid. Upon which Plutarch in a fine spirit
of humanity observes, Ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν οὐδὲ βοῦν ἂν ἐργάτην διὰ γῆρας
ἀποδοιμην, μή τί γε πρεσβυτέρον ἄνθρωπον, ἐκ χώρας συντρόφου καὶ
διαίτης συνήθους, ὥσπερ ἐκ πατρίδος, μεθιστάμενον ἀντὶ κερμάτων
μικρῶν, ἄχρηστόν γε τοῖς ὠνουμένοις, ὥσπερ τοῖς πιπράσκουσι,
γεγενημένον. Vit. Cat. Maj. § 5. For what concerns the Dutch we have
the testimony of Le Vallant: “On rencontre des Négresses légitimement
mariées, et des Nègres établis faisant corps avec la bourgeoisie; ce
sont des hommes qui, par leurs services ou d’autres motifs ont été
affranchis; la facilité avec laquelle on leur donnait la liberté était
autrefois sujette à bien des abus, parce que ces gens, devenus vieux
ou infirmes, ou privés de resources pour subsister, finissaient par
être des voleurs ou des vagabonds. Le gouvernement s’est trouvé forcé
d’y mettre ordre; nul maître à présent ne peut affranchir son esclave
qu’en déposant à la chambre des orphelins une somme suffisante pour sa
subsistance.” Voyage dans l’Intérieur de l’Afrique, t. i. p. 112.

Footnote 165:

Ephor. ap. Strab. viii. 5. t. ii. p. 189.

Footnote 166:

Over the Helots, not the state only but even private individuals, and
much more the kings, possessed the power of life and death. Thus a
Helot behaving offensively to Charillos, he said: “I would kill thee
were I not in a passion.” Plut. Apophthegm. Lacon. Charill. 3.

Footnote 167:

Plut. Alcib. § 1. Καὶ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἕνιοι τοῖς τέκνοις Λακωνικὰς ἐωνοῦντο
τιτθάς· καὶ τήν γε τὸν Ἀθηναῖον Ἀλκιβιάδην τιτθεύσασαν Ἀμύκλαν
ἱστοροῦσι γεγονέναι Λάκαινον. Lycurg. § 16. Cf. Ages. § 3.

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That the males also were not exported like cattle, than which they were far worse treated, was owing simply to the calculation, that it would be more profitable to retain them. For, as the Spartans possessed estates, which personally they never cultivated, the Helots, who equally belonged to them, were stationed throughout the country upon those estates, which it was their business to till for the owners. To live it was of course necessary that they should eat, and therefore a portion of the produce was abandoned to them, according to Tyrtæos,[168] the half, a division which must have borne very hard upon them, since their numbers were five times greater than those of the Spartans.[169] However, even in this arrangement, the learned historian discovers something to praise “as this quantity had been definitively settled at a very early period (to raise the amount being forbidden under very heavy imprecations) the Helots were the persons who profited by a good and lost by a bad harvest, which must have been to them an encouragement to industry and good husbandry; a motive which would have been wanting if the profit and loss had merely affected the landlords.”[170] But on the _res rusticæ_ the notions of this writer are somewhat confused. For in another place he remarks that, owing to the “usurpations of the successive conquerors of Peloponnesos, agriculture was kept in a constant state of dependence and obscurity, so that we seldom hear of the improvement of the country, which is a necessary part of the husbandman’s business.” It therefore did _not_ flourish in Laconia. No, says the historian, that is not the conclusion we must come to, for, notwithstanding that we never hear of any improvements in it, “agriculture was always followed with great energy and success!”[171]

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Footnote 168:

Franck. Callin. et Tyrt. p. 193. In Attica the θῆτες, paid a sixth of
the produce to the Eupatridæ, whose land they rented. Plut. in Sol. §
13. But this it should be remarked was considered one of the
oppressive acts of the aristocracy. Ælian gives precisely the same
account as Tyrtæos, (Var. Hist. vi. 1,) where see the note of
Perizonius. Cf. Crag. De Rep. Laced. l. i. c. 11. p. 71.

Footnote 169:

Herod. ix. 28. They were in fact far more numerous in proportion to
the citizens than anywhere else in Greece, and next to them in number
were the slaves of the Chians. Thucyd. viii. 40. Cf. Clint. Fast.
Hellen. t. ii. p, 411.

Footnote 170:

Dorians, i. 32.

Footnote 171:

Dorians, i. 86.

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There appear to have been instances of Helots becoming comparatively wealthy in spite of the oppressions they endured: but so we have known peasants growing rich in the worst despotisms of the East, and such too was in the middle ages the case with the Jews, notwithstanding the terrible persecutions and cruelties they endured. This fact, therefore, only proves that no pressure of hardship or ill-usage can entirely destroy the elasticity of the spirit; and no doubt, like all slaves, the Helots sought to soften their miseries by the gratification which a sense of property procures even in bondage to the sordid mind.[172] “By means of the rich produce of the land, and in part by plunder obtained in war, they collected a considerable property, to the attainment of which almost every access was closed to the Spartans.”[173] But of what value is property to a man who is himself the property of another? Besides, the expression of the historian in this place seems calculated to lead to erroneous conclusions respecting the Spartans, who, so far from being debarred the means of amassing wealth,[174] rose frequently to extraordinary opulence, insomuch that this self-denying community came at length to be the richest in Greece.[175] To assume that the Helots, like the Thessalian Penestæ,[176] enjoyed means of augmenting their possessions superior to those permitted themselves by their masters, is to propagate an error which must vitiate our whole conception of the Lacedæmonian commonwealth.

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Footnote 172:

Herod. ix. 80. Plut. Cleom. § 23.

Footnote 173:

Dorians, ii. 32.

Footnote 174:

Cf. Herm. Polit. Antiq. § 47.

Footnote 175:

Χρυσίον δὲ καὶ ἀργύριον οὐκ ἔστιν ἐν πᾶσιν Ἕλλησιν ὅσον ἐν Λακεδαίμονι
ἰδία. Plut. Alcib. i. t. v. p. 342.

Footnote 176:

Καὶ ἐκλήθησαν τότε μὲν, μενέσται ὕστερον δὲ πενέσται. καὶ πολλοὶ δὲ
τῶν κυρίων αὐτῶν εἰσὶν εὐπορώτεροι. Eustath. ad Il. ν. t. ii. p. 933.
48.

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It is confessed that very little intercourse between the Spartans and the Helots took place, at least in earlier times; for afterwards, when the masters themselves quitted the capital, resided on their estates,[177] and took to husbandry, the link must necessarily have been more closely drawn. And this circumstance renders more probable the account transmitted to us of Spartan harshness towards them. Intercommunion would have begotten more humane feelings in the master, more attachment in the slave. For like other men the Spartans felt the influence of intimacy, as is proved by their practice of enfranchising the companions of their childhood. They paid, therefore, an involuntary compliment to their own hearts when they kept the Helots at a distance, that they might be able to tyrannise over them. They could not have resisted the power of close contact, and acted like Messallina, who fled in tears from the room where a man was pleading for his life, lest she should forgive him, whispering as she went to her instrument that the accused must not be suffered to escape nevertheless.[178] However, a certain number of Helots were retained in the city as personal attendants on the Spartans, and there waited at the public tables, and were lent by one person to another,[179] like so many dogs, or oxen; although it seems probable that all the drudgery of the capital was not performed by the Helots alone, but that along with them were associated other classes of domestic slaves,[180] on whose history and condition antiquity affords us little or no light. But as the Spartans were constantly making prisoners in their wars with the neighbouring states, which were occasionally restored at the termination of hostilities, we appear to be authorized in concluding, that these captives were commonly reduced to servitude in Laconia, whether employed in household labours,[181] or dispersed among the Helots in the field.

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Footnote 177:

Xenoph. Hellen. iii. 3. 5. Arist. Polit. ii. 2. 11. Pollux, upon I
know not what ground, observes, μεταξὺ δὲ ἐλευθέρων καὶ δούλων οἱ
Λακεδαίμονιων Εἵλωτες. iii. 83. Upon which Jungermann observes,
“Ingenue fateor me non satis capere quare Pollux Helotas medios inter
liberos et servos dicat:” in loc. p. 570. Cf. Crag. De Rep. Lac. i.
11. This difficulty Capperonier undertakes to remove, “Les
Lacédémoniens mettoient une différence entre les Hilotes et leurs
esclaves domestiques nommés οἰκέται; quoiqu’ils eussent tous deux une
origine commune, les derniers étoient tombés dans un tel avilissement
qu’ils n’avoient aucune sorte de considération; de la vient que Pollux
dit que les Hilotes tenoient le milieu entre les gens libres et les
esclaves. Les esclaves domestiques avoient un rapport plus particulier
au maître, et n’étoient employés qu’eux choses du ménage, comme leur
nom même l’exprime. C’étoient eux que les Lacédémoniens forçoient de
boire jusqu’à s’enivrer, et qu’ils offroient dans cet état aux yeux
des jeunes gens pour leur inspirer l’horreur d’un vice qui dégrade
l’humanité: peut-être excusera-t-on la conduite des Lacédémoniens par
l’attention particulière qu’ils donnoient à l’éducation de leurs
enfans. Mais comment justifier la cruauté qu’ils avoient de les
obliger à recevoir tous les ans un certain nombre de coups sans les
avoir mérités, seulement afin qu’ils ne desappressent pas à servir?”
Capperonier, Recherches sur l’Histoire et l’Esclavage des Hilotes.
Mem. De l’Acad. Des Inscrip. t. xxiii. p. 282, seq.

Footnote 178:

Tacit. Annal. xi. 2.

Footnote 179:

Xen. Rep. Lac. vi. 3. Arist. Polit. ii. 2. 5. Plut. Institut. Lac. 23.

Footnote 180:

Their personal attendants for instance were called μοθῶνες , Suid. in
v. ii. 175, and even born in the house like the Oikotribes of the
other Greeks. Etym. Mag. 590. 14. According to Harpocration, (in v. p.
128,) they were slaves educated with the free boys at Sparta. The
conjecture of Maussac, however, is, that they were male nurses like
Phœnix in the Iliad. Similes forte hi fuerint Pappatibus, de quibus
Juvenalis, aut gerulis, quos scholiastes Sophocles in Ajace
Flagellifero βαϊούλους dictos refert id est baiulos: ut hodie Itali
dicunt _balio_ et _balia_. Not. p. 218.

Footnote 181:

To this class probably belonged the θεράποντες of Demaratos, mentioned
by Herodotus, vi. 70, though Mr. Müller conjectures them to have been
Helots. Dorians, t. ii. p. 31.

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Another service the Helots performed for their masters, which necessarily produced some degree of intimacy, I mean the military service in which they fought and bled by their side.[182] The state was, no doubt, reluctant to admit them among the Hoplitæ, or heavy-armed, where the discipline was rigorous, and their weapons would have placed them on a level with their oppressors. But even this was sometimes hazarded, as in the reinforcements forwarded to Gyleppus, at Syracuse,[183] when six hundred Neodomades and picked Helots were complimented with this dangerous distinction. As light troops, however, they almost invariably formed the majority of the Lacedæmonian forces. In other countries, where the subject races were more humanely treated, no fear was entertained at entrusting them with arms. Among the Dardanians, for example, where it was not uncommon for a private individual to possess a thousand slaves, or more, they in time of peace cultivated the land, and in war filled the ranks of the army, their masters serving as officers.[184]

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Footnote 182:

On this point the remark of Capperonier is ingenious: “On les voit
rarement (les Lacédémoniens) se mettre en campagne sans eux; (les
Hilotes;) la politique l’exigeoit; que n’auroient-ils pas en à
craindre si, les contenant à peine lorsqu’ils étoient chez eux, ils
les y eussent laissés seuls en leur absence?” Recherches sur les
Hilotes, Mem. de l’Acad. Des Inscrip. t. xxiii. p. 285.

Footnote 183:

Thucyd. vii. 19. Cf. v. 57. 64. iv. 80. They were sometimes entrusted
with important commands on foreign stations, which by the free
confederates of Sparta, however, was regarded as an insult: ἀλλὰ τοὺς
μὲν εἴλωτας ἁρμοστὰς, observes the Theban ambassador at Athens,
καθιστάναι ἀξιοῦσι, τῶν δὲ ξυμμάχων ἐλευθέρων ὄντων, ἐπεὶ εὐτύχησαν,
δεσπόται ἀναπεφῄνασιν. Xenoph. Hellen. iii. 5. 12.

Footnote 184:

Athen. vi. 103.

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From this circumstance one of two things must be inferred; either that the Dardanians considered them in the light of subjects, as we do the natives of India, where large armies are officered by Englishmen, or that that people understood better than any other in antiquity the art of ruling over men.

Plato, Isocrates, Aristotle, Plutarch, and a number of other writers agree in convicting the Spartans of great barbarity towards their bondsmen, differing, however, as to the degree of that barbarity. But their “philanthropic views”[185] are discarded by the historian, who with the skill of an able pleader, overlooks these great writers, whom he could not treat with so much want of ceremony, to bring forward the picture of Myron of Priene, whose history he denominates a romance, and whose testimony he contumeliously rejects. In order the more completely, as he thinks, to demolish this humble writer he quotes the following passage of his work preserved by Athenæus: “The Helots perform for the Spartans every ignominious service. They are _compelled_ to wear a cap of dog-skin,[186] to bear a covering of sheep-skin, and are severely beaten every year without having committed any fault, in order that they may never forget they are slaves. In addition to this, those amongst them who, either by their stature or their beauty, raise themselves above the condition of a slave are condemned to death, and the masters who do not destroy the most manly of them are liable to punishment.”[187] The accusation here made is a serious one, and the apologist naturally feels his indignation kindle against its author. In this state of mind he employs very harsh language, charges Myron with “ignorance and partiality,” and altogether speaks as if he were in possession of facts wherewith to demolish the Prenian’s statement. But has he any? Not a single one. He misunderstands entirely the gist of Myron’s words, in the matter of the dog-skin cap, and then, on the strength of his own error, presumes to accuse him of misrepresentation. It is at the first blush evident that Myron considered the hardship to consist, not in the wearing of the cap, but in being compelled to wear it. Mr. Müller’s examples, consequently, are nothing to the purpose; they simply prove that other people had endured similar hardships, (the mention of Laërtes is superfluous,) nevertheless, without having uttered one syllable to justify his triumph, he proceeds with much self-satisfaction to remark, that “since Myron _manifestly_ misrepresents this circumstance, _it is very probable_ that his other objections are founded in error.”[188]

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Footnote 185:

Dorians, ii. 38.

Footnote 186:

On this cap see Meursius, Miscell. Lacon. l. i. c. 17. p. 79.

Footnote 187:

Athen. xiv. 74. Cf. Schol. Arist. Nub. 269. In the matter of food the
slaves were in war reduced to live on half the quantity allowed their
masters. Thucyd. iv. 16.

Footnote 188:

Dorians, ii. 39.

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But the allegations of Myron, as the reader will perceive, remain not only untouched, but more confirmed and established than ever by such a defence. It happens, in fact, that they are true to the letter, and what is more, are by no means the gravest imputation which can be substantiated against the Dorian model-state. We shall proceed, however, step by step examining fairly, and in order, the charges and the defence. Plutarch,[189] whose testimony, when favourable, is unhesitatingly accepted, “relates that the Helots were compelled to intoxicate themselves, and perform indecent dances as a warning to the Spartan youth.”[190] Shall we credit Plutarch? No we must not; because “common sense is opposed to so absurd a method of education.” But if everything in history which we may determine to be opposed to common sense were on that account to be rejected, we should make sad inroads upon the domains of antiquity. That which increases the ridicule of the practice is, that from among those same Helots they selected tutors for their younger children,[191] as well as companions, so that in the very article wherein Xenophon[192] discovered the superiority of Lycurgus’s educational system, it was completely on a level with that of the other Greeks, habituating the youth to the intimacy and government of slaves.[193]

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Footnote 189:

Lycurg. § 28. To this may be added the testimony of Demetrius
Cydonius: φασὶ καὶ, Λακεδαιμονίους τῇ τῶν Εἱλώτων μέθῃ τοῖς πασὶν
ὑποδεικνύναι τὸ τῆς νήψεως ἀγαθον. ap. Meurs. Miscell. Lacon. 11. 6.
p. 128.

Footnote 190:

Dorians, ii. 39.

Footnote 191:

Mr. Müller’s argument is put in the form of a question: “Is it
possible that the Spartans should have so degraded the men whom they
appointed as tutors over their young children?” Dorians, ii. 39.

Footnote 192:

De Rep. Laced. ii. 1.

Footnote 193:

Plut. Vit. Ages. § 3. The evils of this intercourse are constantly
dwelt upon by the ancients: ὅπου οἰκέτης ἐστιν, εὐθὺς διαφθείρονται οἱ
γεγνόμενοι παῖδες. Dion Chrysost. Orat. t. i. p. 299. Cf. Orat. 41. t.
ii. p. 261. Though it be most true that domestic slaves are generally
corrupt in manners and ignoble in sentiments, yet we may be sure from
an attentive observation, of human nature, that, even were it not so,
their masters would inevitably seek to justify their own cruelty and
injustice by depreciating the moral character of their dependents.
Thus the ablest of Spanish writers, actuated less perhaps by theory
than by instinct, strives to extenuate the conduct of their countrymen
towards the natives of America by attributing to them the most odious
and repulsive qualities: “Les Indiens,” observes Ulloa, “sont moins à
craindre par leur valeur que par leur perfidie, et par la ruse avec
laquelle ils commettent leur attentats. Victorieux par surprise, ils
sont cruels à l’excès, ne connaissent aucun sentiment de compassion.
Leur cruauté est toujours accompagnée de sang froid, leur plaisir est
le carnage; mais vaincus ce sont les gens le plus lâches les plus
pusillanimes qu’on puisse voir. Dans le premier cas ils ont un
souverain plaisir à répandre le sang des malheureux qu’ils surprennent
au dépourvu, dans le second ils cherchent à se disculper s’humilient
jusqu’à la dernière bassesse, condamnent euxmêmes leur furie, prient,
supplient, et se montrent dans toute leur conduite les plus lâches des
hommes. Ce contraste est celui qui doit résulter de la lâcheté et de
la perfidie qui font le charactère de ces barbares.” Mémoires
Philosophiques. Discours. xvii. t. ii. p. 21, et seq.

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If, however, the relation of Plutarch stood alone, its force would be less, though with no face could we reject it while admitting in other respects his favourable testimony. But from many authors, besides him, it is clear, that to demoralise the Helots was the constant policy of Sparta. Thus when the Thasians brought a number of useless dainties to Agesilaos and his army: “Give them,” said he, “to those Helots, whom it is better to corrupt than ourselves.”[194] Consistently with the same system, and the more completely to debase their minds, they were commanded to sing obscene songs and perform indecent jigs, while the Pyrrhic dance and every warlike lay was forbidden them. In proof of this, it is related, that when the Thebans, under Epaminondas, invaded Laconia, and made prisoners a number of the Helots, they commanded them to sing them some of the songs of Sparta, of Spendon, for example, or Alcman, or Terpander. But the Helots[195] professed their inability, observing, that the acquisition of those lays was forbidden them. In short, to adopt the words of Theopompos, they were at all times cruelly and bitterly treated;[196] deluded, sometimes, from the protection of sanctuary by perjury, and then coolly assassinated in contempt of religion and oaths, as in the case of those suppliants who took refuge in the temple of Poseidon at Tænaros.[197]

-----

Footnote 194:

Theopomp. ap. Athen. xiv. 74.

Footnote 195:

Plut. Vit. Lycurg. § 28. On their cruelty and perfidy towards the same
unhappy men see Ælian. Var. Hist. vi. 1. Polyæn. i. 41. 3.

Footnote 196:

Critias, in fact, observes, that, as the freemen of Sparta were of all
men the most free, so were the serfs of Sparta of all slaves the most
slavish. Liban. Declam. xxiv. t. ii. p. 83, seq. Reiske.

Footnote 197:

Theopomp. ap. Athen. vi. 102 Ὅτε οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοὺς ἐκ Ταινάρου
ἱκέτας παρασπονδήσαντες ἀνέστησαν καὶ ἀπέκτειναν, (ἦσαν δὲ οἰκέται τῶν
Εἱλώτων) κατὰ μῆνιν τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος σεισμὸς ἐπιπεσὼν τῇ Σπάρτη, τὴν
πόλιν ἀνδρειότατα κατέσεισεν, ὡς πέντε μόνας ἀπολειφθῆναι οἰκίας ἐξ
ἁπάσης τῆς πόλεως. Æl. Var. Hist. vi. 7. Thucyd. i. 128. Suid. v.
Ταινάριον. t. ii. p. 874, F. Pausanias, however, relates, that the
suppliants in question were not Helots but Lacedæmonians. iv. 24. 5.
vii. 25. 3. Cf. Capperonier, Recherches sur les Hilotes, Mem. de
l’Acad. des Inscrip. t. xxiii. p. 275.

-----

But all this harsh usage was mild compared with other injuries which the laws of Sparta inflicted on them. The reader will perceive that I am about to speak of the Crypteia, not one feature of which, to my mind, has been softened or explained away, or rendered doubtful by the ingenious but very useless special pleading of some distinguished scholars among our contemporaries.[198] Mr. Müller, with much intrepidity, leads the van of Sparta’s defenders, and, by an artifice not unfamiliar to rhetoricians, seeks to beat down the authorities on which belief in the Crypteia rests. He affects to think slightingly of their means of obtaining information, though certainly, in this respect, at least, the very meanest of them possessed incalculable advantages over himself. However, of Isocrates he thus unceremoniously disposes: “Isocrates speaks of this institution in a very confused manner and from mere report.”[199] On the contrary, this “old man eloquent,” as Milton affectionately terms him, luminously, (would that Mr. Müller and I possessed equal art!) and upon the best authorities,[200] sketches the history of the Lacedæmonian government, its injustice, its oppressions; and concludes by describing the annual massacre of the Helots. It is worthy of remark, that, with Aristotle,[201] he attributes to the Ephori the direction of this servile war, in which the reins of slaughter were loosed or tightened by their authority.

-----

Footnote 198:

Capperonier, in the last century, entertained something like
scepticism on the point, though he could not deny that the moral
temperament of the Spartans rendered the existence of the institution
probable. “Le défaut de preuves m’empêche, malgré la ferocité connue
des Lacédémoniens, de rien décider sur l’usage de la Cryptie.” Mem.
&c. p. 284.

Footnote 199:

Dorians, ii. 40, seq.

Footnote 200:

Οἱ τἀκείνων ἀκριβοῦντες. Panathen. § 73.

Footnote 201:

Ap. Plut. Lycurg. § 28.

-----

The relation, however, of Isocrates, who probably descended to particulars, appears not to have come down to us entire. Plutarch, though he be the panegyrist, rather than the faithful historian, of Sparta, has supplied the deficiency. He does so, indeed, reluctantly; trumpets in the narration with epic flourishes, seeking, by all the art he is master of, to shield his beloved Lycurgus from the stern but deserved rebuke of Plato.[202] Too honest, however, was the old Bœotian entirely to suppress the truth. So that, at length, after much preparation, the massacre is described hurriedly, briefly, with vehement unwillingness, but, for that very reason, with the more terrible effect.

-----

Footnote 202:

See the conversation with Megillos in the First Book of the Laws
throughout. Opp. t. vii. p. 201, sqq. And, again, in Book vi. p. 460.
Σχεδὸν γὰρ πάντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἡ Λακεδαιμονίων εἱλωτεία πλείστην
ἀπορίαν παράσχοιτ᾽ ἂν καὶ ἔριν τοῖς μὲν ὡς εὖ, τοῖς δ᾽ ὡς οὐκ εὖ
γεγονυῖα ἐστιν. ἐλάττω δὲ ἥ τε Ἡρακλεωτῶν δουλεία τῆς τῶν Μαριανδυνῶν
καταδουλώσεως ἔριν ἂν ἔχοι, τὸ Θετταλῶν τ᾽ αὖ πενεστικὸν ἔθνος.

-----

Having enumerated the regulations affecting the free citizens, “In these,” he says, “there is no trace of that injustice and griping ambition which some object to the institutions of Lycurgus, considering them well adapted to beget bravery though not honest principles. It was probably the institution of the Crypteia (if as Aristotle contends, it proceeded from Lycurgus) that inspired Plato with such an opinion of the legislator and his laws. According to this ordinance the rulers, selecting from among the youths those most distinguished for ability, sent them forth armed with daggers and furnished with the necessary provisions, to scour the country, separating and concealing themselves in unfrequented places by day, but issuing out at night and slaughtering all such of the Helots as they found abroad. Sometimes, indeed, they fell upon them while engaged in their rural labours in the fields, and there cut off the best and bravest of the race.”[203] Plutarch felt that connected with this system, as flowing from the same principle of policy and designed to effect the same purpose, were those extensive massacres recorded in history, by one of which more than two thousand of those unhappy men, having been insidiously deluded into the assertion of sentiments conformable to the gallant actions they had performed in the service of the state,[204] were removed in a day. Lulled by the gift of freedom, crowned, smiled upon, they were conducted to the temples, as if to implicate the very gods in the treachery:—and then suddenly they disappeared; nor to this hour has the fate which overtook them been revealed.[205] Compared with this the slaughter of the Janisaries appears less culpable.

-----

Footnote 203:

Plut. Vit. Lycur. § 28. Vid. Ubb. Emmium, iii. 127, seq. et Crag. de
Rep. Laced. b. i. c. xi. p. 68.

Footnote 204:

Among other nations where servitude was rendered less offensive, both
by law and manners, men were enabled to place a more generous
confidence in their slaves. Sarmatæ Limigantes Gotthorum vicinorum
suorum armis oppressi, cum justas ad resistendum liberorum hominum
copias non haberent, tanquam in extremo periculo servos suos armarunt,
atque eos contra Gotthos duxerunt. Mox autem, cum à servis
deficientibus appetiti, ac sedibus ejecti patriis essent auxilii ac
consilii inopes ad Constantinum subsidium imploratum, et sedes tutas
petitum se contulerunt. Carol. Sigon. De Occident. Imper. l. iv. p.
67.

Footnote 205:

Thucyd. iv. 80.

-----

But had Sparta no apology to offer, for these actions, to humanity? Her rulers discovered one which appears to have satisfied their own consciences. Every year, on taking office, the Ephori, formally, in their good city of Sparta, declared war against their unarmed and unhappy vassals, “that they might be massacred under pretence of law.”[206] Mr. Müller overwhelmed with the weight of these testimonies, does not yet yield up the point: “Were not these Helots, who in many districts lived entirely alone, united by despair for the sake of common protection; and did they not every year kindle a most bloody and determined war throughout the whole of Laconia?” The historian is pleasant upon the Helots. Kindle a war! How happens it that the Chinese, who, at many periods of their history, have rivalled the Helots in suffering, and like them, too, have rebelled occasionally, yet make annually no “bloody and determined war” against the Mantchoo Tartars? The answer is written on every page of the history of the world, and was put in form by Alexander when he inquired whether one butcher were afraid of many sheep? Nevertheless, even the spirit of slavery itself did sometimes revolt against oppression and cruelty, and kindled such “bloody and determined wars” as Sparta, without foreign aid, was unable to terminate. They were, in fact, during many years, prevented from disputing with the Athenians the supremacy in Greece, by contests with their own vassals.[207] And on the occasion of the great earthquake when nearly every house in Sparta was shaken to the ground,[208] did not the Helots rejoice at the calamity, and come flocking to the environs of the city from the whole country round, in order to put an end to their tyrants as they were escaping in terror from their tottering habitations? Revolt, then, was not unfamiliar to the Helots—again and again was the standard of freedom unfurled[209]—and the day, though late, at length came, when the Spartan saw his slave placed on a level with himself.[210]

-----

Footnote 206:

Plut. Lycurg. § 28.

Footnote 207:

Πολέμοις οἰκείοις ἐξειργόμενοι. Thucyd. i. 118.

Footnote 208:

Plut. Cim. § 16. Diod. Sic. xi. 63.

Footnote 209:

Athen. vi. 87.

Footnote 210:

Strab. viii. t. c. 6. t. ii. p. 190.

-----

To render credible this sketch of cruelty, the character and education of the Spartans must be kept in view:

Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos,

was not their maxim.[211] They loved to trample on the fallen. Even in boyhood and among themselves, they practised _gouging_ as an accomplishment, and as an Athenian did music—as a necessary consequence, even the writers most favourable to their state, confess them to have been brutal, inhuman, perfidious.[212] Nor among a people so ignorant, so prejudiced, so narrow-minded, whose understandings were possibly incapable of comprehending the idea of justice or liberality, can we altogether wonder at such an outbreak of barbarism. Men have been known in modern times to shoot slaves for their amusement; a king of France has been known from the same motive to shoot his subjects, and a learned professor,[213] not very remarkable for cruelty, has pronounced the panegyric of that king. There is nothing, therefore, at all incredible in the Spartan Crypteia, which exactly harmonizes with all we know of the nation.

-----

Footnote 211:

Ælian. vi. i.

Footnote 212:

In justification of this harsh view of the Spartan character, numerous
ancient authorities of the greatest weight may be cited. On their
extreme licentiousness see the testimony of Agnon. Athen. xiii. 79.
Plato de Legg. viii. t. viii. p. 90. On their tolerance of adultery,
Plut. Paral. Num. § 3. On their inhospitality and sordid avarice,
Aristoph. Pac. 623. Οἱ δ᾽ ἅτ᾽ αἰσχροκερδεῖς καὶ διειρωνόξενοι, κ. τ.
λ. On the avarice of Gylippos, see Max. Tyr. Dissert. p. 133. In the
Acharnes (v. 306, seq.) Aristophanes, again, briefly but energetically
describes the character which the Spartans enjoyed in Greece:

Πῶς δὲ γ᾽ ἂν καλῶς λέγοις ἂν,
εἴπερ ἐσπείσω γ᾽ ἅπαξ,
Οἷσιν οὔτε βωμὸς, οὔτε πίστις,
οὔθ᾽ ὅρκος μένει.

On which the scholiast remarks: ἐπὶ ἀπιστίᾳ γὰρ διεβάλλοντο οἱ
Λακεδαιμόνιοι· καὶ Εὐριπίδης ἐν Ἀνδρομάχῃ·

Σπάρτης ἔνοικοι, δόλια βουλευτήρια.

Τρία δὲ ἐγκλήματα παραβασίας προσέθηκεν αὐτοῖς· αἱ γὰρ συνθῆκαι διὰ
τριῶν τελοῦνται, λόγων, ἔργων, χειρῶν, λόγων μὲν, οἱον δι’ ὅρκων,
ἔργων δὲ, διὰ τῶν ἐν βωμοῖς θυσιῶν, χειρῶν δὲ, ἐπειδὴ αἱ πίστεις διὰ
τῶν δεξιῶν γίνονται. καὶ Ὅμηρος·

Δεξιαὶ, ᾖς ἐπέπιθμεν.

The passage in the Andromachè referred to by the scholiast occurs at
v. 445, sqq. Cf. Thucyd. i. 101. v. 35. See above, Book i. chapter ii.
Book ii. chapter viii.

Footnote 213:

M. Ant. Muret. Orat. xvii. p. 153. The achievement of the king is thus
related by honest Mezeray: Numbers of Huguenots having collected
together on the banks of the Seine his most Christian Majesty, from an
apartment of the Louvre “taschoit de les canarder avec sa grande
arquebuse à giboyer.” Abrégé Chronologique, iii. 1083.

-----

An attempt, however, has been made to explain the whole away, by the unauthorized inference, that in the casual glance which Megillos, in the laws of Plato, makes at this institution, we have a complete description of it in all its features. But very far is this from being the case. The Spartan interlocutor is there making out a defence of his own country, and consequently alludes only to such points as appear capable of a favourable interpretation. Of course he is careful to keep the massacre of the Helots in the back-ground; and merely says, “There is also amongst us what is called the Crypteia, the pain of undergoing which is scarcely credible. It consists in going barefoot in storms, in enduring the privations of the camp, performing menial offices without a servant, and wandering night and day through the whole country.”[214] This is the picture of a Spartan, dwelling on his own hardships; which, however, must have been endured for some purpose, and what was that? If exercise and military seasoning were alone aimed at, where was the necessity for that concealment, that lying in ambush, which the word itself signifies? It is well known that the Helots were a constant terror to their masters—that whenever occasion offered, they revolted—whenever any enemy to the state presented himself, they joined him—that they fled whenever flight was possible—and were, it is confessed, so numerous and so bold, that Sparta was compelled, in treaties with foreign states, to stipulate “for aid against her own subjects.”[215] What more probable, therefore, under the circumstances, than the institution of the Crypteia? What more in harmony with the genius of the people?

-----

Footnote 214:

Plat, de Legg. i. t. vii. p. 196. Bekk. Cf. Müller, Hist. of the
Dorians, ii. 41.

Footnote 215:

Dorians, ii. 43. Thucyd. i. 118. v. 14. 23.

-----

There can be no doubt that on certain extraordinary occasions these chief of slaves obtained their freedom from the state; but that any “legal way to liberty and citizenship stood open to them,”[216] does not appear.[217] The chain of “probabilities” by which this conclusion is attempted to be arrived at is perfectly unique, and would lead with equal force to any other whatever. “The many intermediate steps, it is said, _seem to prove_ the existence of a regular mode of transition from the one rank to the other.” It has not, however, been proved that there were any intermediate steps; and the very attempt is based almost wholly on a fragment of that Myron of Priene, whose Messenian History Mr. Müller denominates a romance, and whose “partiality and ignorance” he considers so self-evident but a few passages back.

1. The Helots who were esteemed worthy of an “especial confidence were called ἀργεῖοι.”[218] This however, is no intermediate step, as it is not said that their being thus called was necessarily followed by any result.

2. The ἐρυκτῆρες enjoyed the same “(especial confidence) in war.”[219] On points of this kind it is necessary to rely on some authority, and the historian adduces none.[220] It has, indeed, been conjectured, from the derivation of their name, that this class of freedmen served as a body-guard to their former masters. Positively, however, nothing whatever is known of their condition.

-----

Footnote 216:

Müll. Dorians, ii. 43.

Footnote 217:

In fact Dion Chrysostom states most distinctly, that there was no such
way: Οὐδὲ ὑπάρχει τοῖς Εἵλωσιν γενέσθαι Σπαρτιάταις, ὅθεν δὴ καὶ
διατελοῦσιν ἐπιβουλεύοντες τῇ Σπάρτη. Orat. xxxvi. t. ii. p. 92.
Reisk.

Footnote 218:

Dorians. ii. 43. Hesych. in v. Ἀργεῖο ... ἐκ τῶν Εἱλώτων οἱ
πιστευόμενοι οὕτως ἐλέγοντο. t. i. p. 514, seq. Albert. This has
previously been remarked by Capperonier: “On lit dans Hesychius, qu’on
donnoit le nom d’Argiens à ceux qui se distinguoient par leur
fidelité.” Recherches sur les Hilotes, Mem. de l’Acad. des Inscript.
t. xxiii. p. 285. Cf. Crag. de Rep. Laced. l. i. c. xi. p. 70.

Footnote 219:

Cf. Anim. ad Athen. t. viii. p. 603.

Footnote 220:

Cf. Athen. vi. 102.

-----

3. The ἀφέται were, _probably_, released from “all service.” The expression of Eustathius[221] is, “being made free, they were called aphetæ.”

-----

Footnote 221:

Ad Iliad, ο. p. 1031. 10. Cf. ν. p. 933. 51.

-----

4. “The δεσποσιοναύται,[222] who served in the fleet, resembled, _probably_, the freedmen of Attica, who were called the _out-dwellers_.”[223] This phrase is calculated to convey an erroneous impression, as though these freedmen necessarily took up their quarters in the country, whereas οἱ χωρὶς οἰκούντες merely signifies persons who have establishments of their own. With respect to the Desposionautæ, they would appear to have been slaves brought up in their masters’ houses, and afterwards enfranchised, and ordered to be employed about the fleet.

-----

Footnote 222:

Cf. Eustath. ad Il. λ. 784. 15.

Footnote 223:

See Bœckh. Pub. Econ. of Ath. i. 349.

-----

5. “When they (the Helots) received their liberty, they also obtained permission _to dwell where they wished_, and, _probably_, at the same time, a portion of land was granted to them without the lot of their former masters.” This is drawing a general inference from a particular case. Thucydides,[224] the authority relied on, speaks only of those Helots who having served in Thrace under Brasidas, obtained enfranchisement on their return, together with a portion of the lands recently taken from the Lepreatæ. On other occasions, as the whole of Laconia and Messenia had been divided among the citizens, it is difficult to understand whence the state could have obtained lands to bestow. The _probability_, therefore, is, that they bestowed none.

-----

Footnote 224:

l. v. § 34.

-----

Of the Neodamodes or “new citizens,” our knowledge is little less scanty than of the other classes of freedmen. That they were enfranchised Helots is confidently maintained by several learned writers, though others suppose them to have been the sons of enfranchised Helots.[225] This latter supposition, however, is inconsistent with the testimony of Myron, who observes, that “the Lacedæmonians often emancipated their slaves, some of whom were then called _aphetæ_, others _adespotæ_, others _eructeres_, others _desposionautæ_; there were others whom they denominated _neodamodes_, different from the Helots.”[226] Of those modern writers who have treated of the Spartan institutions, some elude the discussion altogether, while others acquiescing in the commonly received opinion contend, that the Neodamodes were those Helots who, having conducted themselves gallantly in war, had for some time enjoyed their freedom. But this decision, however plausible it may seem, is by no means satisfactory. For, wherever Thucydides, or any other historian of authority, has occasion to mention this class of freedmen, they appear to be carefully distinguished from the enfranchised Helots. Thus, when the companions of Brasidas, before spoken of, had received their freedom, and were sent as settlers into the Lepreatis, it is added, that they were accompanied by a number of Neodamodes.[227] But if this term signified nothing more than Helots who had been rewarded with liberty, in what did they differ from the other Helots who had likewise been made free? One learned commentator,[228] not without ingenuity, infers that they were a class of tributary subjects inhabiting the neighbourhood of the capital, on whom the right of citizenship had been conferred, though they did not enjoy perfect equality with the elder citizens. But, as it is distinctly stated, that they were enfranchised slaves, we are compelled to abandon even this hypothesis, and seek to discover some other clue to the truth.

-----

Footnote 225:

Dr. Arnold, in Thucyd. v. 34. Hudson, in Var. Lect. on the same
passage observes, that “Neodamodes fuisse Helotas, contra quam censet
Cragius (de Rep. Lac. i. 12,) clare ostendit Meursius in Miscell.
Lacon. ii. 7.” Thucyd. t. iii. p. 492. Bip. Cf. Diod. Sic. xii.

Footnote 226:

Athen. vi. 102. Cf. Herm. Polit. Antiq. §§ 24. 48. et Valckenaar ad
Herod. ix. 11, where the condition of the Periœci is sought to be
explained. Suid. v. νεοδαμ. ii. 215. Animad. in Athen. t. viii. p.
603. Ubbo Emmius, iii. 138.

Footnote 227:

Thucyd. v. 34. 67. vii. 58. Xenoph. Helen. i. 3. 17. iii. 1. 4. iii.
36. 6. v. 2. 24. vi. 1. 4. I cannot discern the force of Schneider’s
argument in his remark on Thucyd. vii. 58: “Sed locus Thucydidis
clarissimus est: δύναται δὲ τὸ νεοδαμῶδες ἐλεύθερον ἤδη εἶναι. i. e.
significat vocabulum νεοδαμῶδεις homines _nuper_ libertate donatos.”
Not to insist on the opinion of Æmilius Portus, that the above words
have crept from the margin into the text, the _recently_ enfranchised
Helots were as much “homines _nuper_ libertate donatos,” as the
Neodamodes. And yet, when sent together to Lepreon they are carefully
distinguished. See Hudson. Var. Lect. Thucyd. iv. 460. Bip.

Footnote 228:

Morus. ap. Schneid. Ind. Græc. ad Xen. Hellen. p. 468. Cf. Perizon. ad
Ælian. xii. 43.

-----

It has already been observed, that the Spartans appear to have possessed numbers of slaves properly so called, besides their oppressed and miserable bondsmen, with whom they seem often to have been confounded. These, by being more constantly about their masters, were, doubtless, able to gain more upon their affections, and could not possibly be viewed with equal dread, since they were necessarily brought together from various countries, and connected consequently by no bond of union. As often, therefore, as the state required a fresh supply of citizens, it is from among these that they appear to have been selected; and that, too, in numbers so considerable, that Agesilaos, on one occasion, was enabled to select two thousand to attend him on an expedition wherein he was accompanied by only thirty Spartans.[229]

-----

Footnote 229:

Plut. Agesil. § 6. Cf. Xenoph. Hellen. i. 3. 15. iii. 1. 3. v. 2. 24.
Diod. Sicul. xv. 20.

-----

Another class of persons[230] commonly ranked among the Laconian slaves were the Mothaces,[231] to determine whose origin, rank, and condition, appears to be a matter of no small difficulty. That they never, during the flourishing ages of the commonwealth, formed any part of the servile caste may be regarded as certain, whatever may be found to the contrary in the grammarians of later times. For the Mothaces, observes Athenæus, though not Lacedæmonians, were _free_. And to the same purpose speaks Philarchos, whose words are: “The Mothaces were the brotherlike companions of the Lacedæmonians. For every youthful citizen, according to his means, chose one, two, or more of these to be brought up along with him; and, notwithstanding that they enjoyed not the rank of citizens, they were _free_, and participated in all the advantages of the national education. It is even said that Lysander, who defeated the Athenians at sea, was one of this class of men, but raised to the rank of citizen for his valour.”[232] To the same section of the Laconian population belonged also Callicratidas and Gylippos,[233] a circumstance which of itself appears completely to overthrow the hypothesis of those who derive the Mothaces directly from the Helots; for Cleandridas, the father of Gylippos,[234] was chosen to accompany King Pleistoanax, as chief of his councillors, during an expedition into Attica, an honour which would not, I imagine, have been conferred upon a Helot. Again, Lysander, whom by one authority we are taught to regard as a Mothax, is by another spoken of not barely as a Spartan, but as descended from the Heracleidæ.[235]

-----

Footnote 230:

See Book ii. chapter vii.

Footnote 231:

Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 632. Ubbo. Emm. iii. 132, seq. Mention is
made in Plutarch of two Syntrophoi of Cleomenes, who were called
Mothaces, and these we find at the head of a party of soldiers. Vit.
Cleom. § 8. Cf. Valck. Diatrib. p. 231.

Footnote 232:

Athen. vi. 102. Müller, alluding to this passage, says, “In Athenæus
they are called _free_ in reference to their _future_, not their
_past_, condition.” Dor. ii. 44. n. b. By the same rule, the vicious
man who is one day to be virtuous, might, in the midst of his crimes,
be pronounced a pattern of morality.

Footnote 233:

Ælian. Var. Hist. xii. 43. Perizon.

Footnote 234:

Cf. Diod. Sicul. xiii. 106, who calls the father Clearchos.

Footnote 235:

Plut. Vit. Lysand. § 2.

-----

How then are we to reconcile these seeming contradictions? Probably by supposing, that the Mothaces consisted, first of the sons of such Spartans as were too poor to defray the expenses of their maintenance and education,[236] which seems to have been the case with Aristocritos, the father of Lysander, whose early indigence is celebrated; secondly of bastard Spartans, who it is well known shared the education of their legitimate brethren; and thirdly, of the sons of persons of rank and distinction among the Periœci. To these perhaps, in very late times, the sons of favourite slaves born in the house may have been added, though there is no ground for believing that this was habitually the case in the earlier ages. Be this, however, as it may, it seems to be quite evident, that Lycurgus laid much less stress on “birth and blood” than on that steadiness and patience of toil which are the first qualities of a soldier. Whoever from childhood upward gave proof of these, by submitting unmurmuringly to the rigorous trial he enjoined the youth of Sparta, was elevated in the end to the rank of a citizen, while they who shrunk from the severity of his discipline, according to some even though they had descended from the blood royal, sunk into a state of degradation or were even confounded with the Helots.[237] Foreigners who enjoyed the privileges of this system of instruction received among the Lacedæmonians the name of Trophimoi.

-----

Footnote 236:

Cf. Xenoph. Cyrop. i. 2. 15, where the regulations of the Persian
system are evidently mere copies of those which prevailed, at least in
earlier ages, at Sparta. Plut. Institut. Lac. § 21, seq. Müller, Dor.
ii. 314, seq.

Footnote 237:

Teles, ap. Stob. Florileg. Tit. 40. 8. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ οὐδὲν τῶν
τοιούτων ὄνειδος ἡγοῦνται· ἀλλὰ τὸν μὲν μετασχόντα τῆς ἀγωγῆς καὶ
ἐμμείναντα, κἂν ξένος, κἂν ἐξ εἵλωτας, ὁμοίως τοῖς ἀριστοῖς τιμῶσι·
τὸν δὲ μὴ ἐμμείναντα, κἂν ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς τοὺς εἵλωτας
ἀποστέλλουσι, καὶ τῆς πολιτείας ὁ τοιοῦτος οὐ μετέχει. The testimony
of Dion Chrysostom (Orat. xxxvi. t. ii. p. 92), as we have seen above,
is in direct contradiction with this of Teles; but if we suppose them
to speak of different periods of Spartan history, they may both be
right.

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Of the Epeunactæ, a peculiar class of freedmen, we have the following curious account: Having in the Messenian war lost a number of Spartans, the government began to apprehend that the enemy might discover its weakness; to conceal which a Helot was substituted in the place of every fallen warrior. Shortly afterwards these men were raised to the rank of citizens and denominated Epeunactæ, because they occupied the beds (εὐναι) of other men.[238]

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Footnote 238:

Athen. vi. 101.

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But wherever men are base-minded there will be slaves; and accordingly we find that, in all other parts of Greece, no less than at Sparta, this miserable class existed for the performance of servile drudgery. Posidonios, the Stoic,[239] observes, that persons lacking sense to provide for themselves, voluntarily became the slaves of any who would take care of them. Thus the Maryandinians submitted to the citizens of Heraclea,[240] to be their perpetual serfs, stipulating only that they should always be furnished with the necessaries of life, and on no account be sold out of the country. They were in fact simply tributaries, as is implied in the verse of Euphorion, the epic poet,

“Gift-bearers called, who cower before their chiefs.”[241]

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Footnote 239:

Ποσειδώνιος δέ φησιν ὁ ἀπὸ τῆς Στοᾶς, πολλούς τινας, ἑαυτῶν οὐ
δυναμένους προΐστασθαι διὰ τὸ τῆς διανοίας ἀσθενὲς, ἐπιδουναι ἑαυτους
εἰς τὴν τῶν συνετωτέρων ὑπηρεσίαν, ὅπως, παρ’ ἐκείνων τυγχάνοντες τῆς
εἰς τὰ ἀναγκαῖα ἐπιμελείας, αὐτοὶ πάλιν ἀποδιδῶσιν ἐκείνοις δι’ αὐτῶν
ἅπερ ἂν ὦσιν ὑπηρετεῖν δυνατοί. Athen vi. 84. Cf. Grot. de Jur. Bell.
et Pac. ii. v. 27.

Footnote 240:

Eustath. ad Il. β. t. i. p. 223. 38.

Footnote 241:

Δωροφόροι καλεοίαθ᾽ ὑποφρίσσοντες ἄνακτας. Athen. vi. 84.

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This appellation of Gift-bearers—though their gifts, like the royal benevolences of our ancestors, were extorted from them—was no doubt however invented, as Callicratos[242] observes, to disguise the true nature of their condition. Besides engaging in agricultural labours, they likewise served on board ship, and consequently contributed greatly to increase the commerce and naval power of Heraclea.[243]

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Footnote 242:

Athen. vi. 84.

Footnote 243:

Aristot. Polit. vii. 5. 7. Müller, ii. 62.

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The Thessalians denominated Penestæ,[244] not those who were born in servitude, but persons who were made captive in war. They were sometimes also known by the name of Thettaloiketes. Archemachos, in his History of Eubœa, affords illustration of a very curious point of ancient history mentioned briefly but with some variation, by Thucydides.[245] According to him, certain Bœotians migrating northward, founded Arnæa in Thessaly; after which some returned to Bœotia, while, delighted with the land, others remained, and became the voluntary villains of the Thessalians. Here, however, as elsewhere in like cases, it was stipulated that they should neither be put to death nor sold beyond the borders; while on their part they agreed to cultivate the land and pay the requisite tribute.[246] On this account they were called Menestæ,[247] that is “those who remain,” which appellation was by degrees corrupted into Penestæ. Of these serfs many were richer than their masters. Euripides,[248] in his “Phryxas,” observes, moreover, that they were sometimes of very ancient families. Thucydides, on the other hand, represents them to have been the original inhabitants of Arnè, driven thence by the Thessalians sixty years after the Trojan war, though a portion of the nation had long before settled in Bœotia and joined in the expedition against Troy.[249]

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Footnote 244:

Valcken. Diatrib. in Perd. Dram. Eurip. p. 216. b. Ruhnk. ad Tim. Lex.
v. πενεστικόν. Eustath. ad Il. β. p. 223. ν. p. 933. π. p. 1120.
Ammonius. v. πελάτης. Valcken. Animad. iii. 8. p. 192. Schol,
Aristoph. Vesp. 1264. Suid. v. πενέσται. t. ii. p. 479. Strab. l. xii.
t. ii. p. 817. Casaub.—Hesych. v. πενέσται. t. ii. p. 910. Albert.

Footnote 245:

See Poppo. Proleg. in Thucyd. ii. 306. 308. Cf. Aristot. Pol. ii. 9.
28.

Footnote 246:

Athen. vi. 85.

Footnote 247:

“But,” says Hermann, “was the name derived from μένειν, Athen. vi. 88
(Cf. Welcker ad Theogn. p. xx.) or from πένεσθαι, Dionys. Hal. ii. 9.
p. 255, or were they a distinct race? On this resemblance to the
Italian clients, see Niebuhr. vol. i. p. 318.” (1. 277. Engl. Trans.)
Niebuhr, however, remarks, that “the same relation which, in Thessaly,
was rude and revolting, might, at Rome, be refined by different
manners and a better spirit.”

Footnote 248:

Valcken. Diatrib. p. 216. b. Athen. vi. 85.

Footnote 249:

Thucyd. i. 12. Steph. Byzant. v. Ἄρνη.

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A state of things not greatly dissimilar[250] prevailed in Crete, where the servile caste was divided into several classes: first, those of the cities, called Chrysonetæ, or “bought with gold,” who were doubtless barbarians; second, those of the country, who received the name of Aphamiotæ,[251] from their being bound to the Aphamiæ, or estates of the landed gentry. These were the aboriginal tribes of the island reduced to servitude by a nation of foreign conquerors. They were sometimes likewise denominated Clarotæ,[252] from their having been divided among the conquerors by κλᾶρος, or lot; or, according to others, from their being located on the lots of the citizens which were called κλᾶροι.[253] In condition, the Aphamiotæ resembled the Helots,[254] and differed from the peasantry, or Hypekooi,[255] in much the same degree as the purchased private slaves of the Turks differ from their _rayahs_, or subjects. These are habitually protected from being sold out of the country; though in cases of revolt the captives are reduced to the level of the common slaves, and sold like cattle. Thus the markets of Egypt were crowded with Cretans after the late revolt against Mohammed Ali. Third, there existed in every state in Crete a class of public bondsmen denominated Mnoia or Mnoa, because reduced to that condition by Minos.[256] These serfs cultivated the public lands, upon what conditions is not exactly known: it merely appears that they were compelled to furnish the body of the citizens a certain sum of money, together with a part of their flocks and herds and agricultural produce.[257] That they were sufficiently numerous and powerful to inspire their masters with dread, is evident from the regulation by which they were excluded from the gymnasia, and prohibited the use of arms.

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Footnote 250:

See on the subject Classes of Crete, Gœttling. Excurs. ad Aristot.
Pol. p. 473, sqq. Müller. Dor. ii. The undertaker’s business in this
country was entrusted to slaves, who obtained the name of Ergatones.
Hesych. ap. Meurs. Cret. ii. 13. p. 190.

Footnote 251:

Hesych. in voce. t. ii. p. 635. Albert.—Strab. l. xv. t. ii. p. 1027.
l. xii. t. ii. p. 817. Casaub.

Footnote 252:

Suid. in v. i. 1461.

Footnote 253:

Cf. Müll. Dor. ii. 51.

Footnote 254:

Cf. Eustath. ad Iliad, ο. p. 1031.

Footnote 255:

Polyb. iv. 53. The Periœci of Crete bore the same relation to their
lords as the agricultural caste did in Egypt to the nobility. Arist.
Pol. vii. 9.

Footnote 256:

Vid. Ilgen. De Scol. Poës. p. 108.

Footnote 257:

Athen. iv. 22. Cf. Gœttling. ad Arist. Pol. Excurs. ii. p. 473.

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Besides these, there was another class of the Cretan population which must by no means be confounded with the slaves or serfs,—I mean, the Hypekooi.[258] These were the inhabitants of the smaller towns who had lost their political independence, but were permitted the use of arms, and allowed to frequent the public places of exercise, like the nobler citizens.[259]

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Footnote 258:

Athen. vi. 84.

Footnote 259:

Gœttling. Excurs. ii. De Rep. Cretens. p. 474.

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In the city of Cydonia, during certain festivals of Hermes, the slaves were left masters of the place, into which no free citizen had permission to enter; and if he infringed this regulation it was in their power to chastise him with whips.[260] In other parts of Crete customs similar to those of the Roman Saturnalia prevailed; for, while the slaves in the Hermæan festival were carousing and taking their ease, their lords, travestied into domestics, waited upon them at table, and performed, in their stead, all other menial offices. Something of the same kind took place during the month Gerœstion, at Trœzen, where the citizens feasted their slaves on one day of the great annual festival, and played at dice with them.[261] Among the Babylonians, moreover, we find a similar custom; for, during the Sacæan festival, which lasted five days, and was celebrated in the month of August,[262] the owners waited on their slaves, one of whom, habited in a royal robe, enacted the part of king.

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Footnote 260:

Athen. vi. 84.

Footnote 261:

Athen. xiv. 44.

Footnote 262:

Λῷος among the Macedonians. Suid. ii. 60. Anim. ad Athen. xiv. 44.

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Upon the whole it may be inferred, that the treatment and condition of the Cretan serfs were milder than in any other Doric state, though it would be incorrect to decide,[263] that they were less oppressed than in any other state in all Greece, since we discover in the song of Hybrias traces not to be mistaken of their abject state:

Great riches have I in my spear and sword,
And hairy shield, like a rampart thrown
Before me in war; for by these I am lord
Of the fields where the golden harvests are grown;
And by these I press forth the red red wine,
While the Mnotæ around salute me king;
Approaching, trembling, these knees of mine,
With the dread which the spear and the faulchion bring.[264]

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Footnote 263:

Müll. Dor. ii. 53.

Footnote 264:

Athen. xv. 50. Cf. Ilgen. de Scol. Poës. xxvi. p. 102, sqq.

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The Periœci of Crete are said never to have revolted against their masters; but this arose, as Aristotle observes, from the circumstance that every state having serfs of the same kind, it was not for the interest of any one in their wars to set their bondsmen a bad example by enticing any to join in those struggles.[265]. The Penestæ of Thessaly, and the Helots, often joined the enemy, because the neighbouring states possessed no similar serfs. But, in the case of the Cretan Periœci, the circumstance already noticed of their not being allowed to frequent the gymnasia,[266] or possess arms, will account satisfactorily for their perseverance in the ancient manners, without supposing in them any preference for those manners, which, as they were deprived of all the privileges of citizens, they could scarcely have felt.[267]

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Footnote 265:

Aristot. Pol. ii. 9. 28.

Footnote 266:

Cf. Arist. Pol. ii. 5. 20.

Footnote 267:

Cf. Müll. Dorians, ii. 54.

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Respecting the servile classes in other Grecian states our information is very scanty: we simply know that the serfs of the Syracusans were denominated Killicyrii,[268] and exceedingly numerous, so that “more in number than the Killicyrii,” became a proverb. They would seem to have dwelt chiefly in the country like the Cretan Mnotæ. In process of time, however, their multitude inspired them with courage; they assaulted and drove out their masters, and, fortune favouring their enterprise, retained possession of Syracuse. Among several of the Italian states, the subject classes were known by the name of Pelasgi. The people of Rhodes reduced and kept in bondage the inhabitants of Caunos, and the celebrated painter Protogenes[269] was the son of one of these bondsmen.

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Footnote 268:

Herod. vii. 155. Plat. De Legg. t. vii. p. 205. Suid. in v.
καλλικυρίοι, i. 1359. Eustathius, however, places the Killicyrii in
Crete, and the Ἀρότται (μνῷται?) in Syracuse, ad Il. β. t. i. p. 223.
37.

Footnote 269:

Plin. Nat. Hist. xxxv. 36. Meurs. Rhod. p. 35.

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In the same relation stood the Bithynians to the people of Byzantium; the Leleges to the Carians, and the Katanocophori to the people of Sicyon.[270] These last would seem to have been originally[271] merely the rustic population deprived of their freedom by the tyrants, who compelled them to affect a mean and squalid appearance, and to wear sheepskin cloaks,[272] that they might be ashamed to frequent the city, where they would have been exposed to the laughter and insults of the rabble.

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Footnote 270:

Eustath. ad Il. π. p. 1120. Athen. vi. 101. The institution of slavery
among the Argives was denominated ἄβουτον, (Hesych. in v.) because
their serfs originally, I suppose, were too poor to possess oxen.

Footnote 271:

Sch. Aristoph. Concion. 719. Poll. vii. 68. Cf. Steph. Byzant. v.
Χῖος. p. 758. b.

Footnote 272:

The Peisistratidæ pursued the same policy in Attica. Aristoph. Lysist.
18, sqq. Suid. v. κατωνάκαι, i. 1421.

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The corresponding class among the Arcadians, denominated Prospelatæ[273] were said to have amounted to three hundred thousand in number. Their treatment was probably more lenient than in many other parts of Greece, as we find them on public festivals sitting down at table with their masters, like our old farm-servants, eating of the same food, and drinking from the same cup.[274]

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Footnote 273:

Eustath. ad Il. π. p. 1120. Philost. Vit. Apoll. Tyan. viii. 7. 12,
who observes that, in later times, the Arcadians though more attached
to liberty than any other Greeks, yet maintained a great number of
slaves, standing in need of husbandmen, goatherds, swineherds,
herdsmen, and drove-keepers, and expert woodsmen. The Corinthians had
forty-six myriads of slaves, for which reason the Pythian oracle
called them Chœnix-measurers, probably because they allowed their
slaves a chœnix of corn per day. Athen. vi. 103. Under the tyranny of
Athenion the citizens of Athens were at one time reduced to the fourth
part of a chœnix of barley per diem, which, observes the sophist, was
rather a cock’s food than a man’s. Athen. v. 53.

Footnote 274:

Theopomp. ap. Athen. iv. 31. This historian speaks in another passage
of people who in the present text of Athenæus are denominated Ariæi,
who possessing three hundred thousand slaves, (a favourite number with
Theopompos,) were enabled to spend their whole lives in mirth and
jollity: Ἀριαῖοι δὲ φησὶ, κέκτηνται προσπελατῶν, ὥσπερ εἱλώτων,
τριάκοντα μυριάδασ· καθ᾽ ἑκάστην δὲ ἡμέραν μεθύουσι, καὶ ποιοῦνται
συνουσίας, καὶ διάκεινται πρὸς ἐδωδὴν καὶ πόσιν ἀκρατέστερον. Athen.
x. 60. Cf. vi. 101.

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