Chapter XLII: Appendix: NOTE A. p. 3 (14)

See vol. i. p. 299. This story is found in the Abingdon Chronicle,
being the last entry, added in another hand, and, according to Mr.
Earle, in the Northumbrian dialect. Mr. Earle (Parallel Chronicles,
p. xxxviii.) ingeniously conceives that the account of the battle in
this Chronicle, so much fuller than in any of the others, is due to
some Northumbrian visitor, who at last took up the pen and wrote a
little himself. The story is not told by Florence, but it is found in
William of Malmesbury and Henry of Huntingdon, with some variations.

Footnote 1034

Will. Malms, ii. 228. “Uno et altero et pluribus nostræ partis
[William for once writes as an Englishman] interemtis.” Henry of
Huntingdon (M. H. B. 762 B) is more precise or more romantic; “Plus
xl. viris Anglorum securi cædens electâ.”

Footnote 1035

Chron. Ab. “þa seite an Englisce mid anre flan, ac hít nactes ne
widstod.” The shooting of one arrow seems looked on as an exploit on
the English side. William of Malmesbury has confounded this shot with
the death-blow; “Unus ex collateralibus Regis jaculum ferreum in eum
eminùs vibrat, quo ille, dum gloriabundus proludit ipsâ securitate
incautior, terebratus, victoriam Anglis concessit.”

Footnote 1036

Chron. Ab. “And þa com an oþer under þere brigge, and hine þurðstang
en únder þere brunie.” Hen. Hunt. u. s. “Quidam navim ingressus
per foramina pontis in celandis eum percussit jaculo.” Compare the
death of Eadmund Ironside, vol. i. p. 438. On the “foramina pontis”
compare a bridge described by Richer (iv. 50) which “tantis enim et
tot hiatibus patebat,” &c. At Boroughbridge in 1321 Humfrey Earl of
Hereford was pierced in exactly the same way. See Chron. Galfredi le
Baker, p. 65. The memory of the English exploit is kept up on the
spot by a yearly baking of pies of pears, made in the shape of a
boat—“pear-boat pies”—at the feast held on (I think) the Monday after
the day of the battle.

Footnote 1037

The presence of Flemings, followers no doubt of Tostig, is attested
in the addition to the Abingdon Chronicle; “And þere michel wel
geslogon, ge Norweis ge Flæming.”

Footnote 1038

Chron. Wig. “And Engle ahton wælstowe geweald;” the old formula.

Footnote 1039

Chron. Wig. “Oðþ hig sume to scype coman.”

Footnote 1040

See above, p. 346.

Footnote 1041

The Worcester Chronicle says emphatically, “þaer waes lyt to lafe.”
So the Abingdon writer; “þaer waes Harold cyning of Norwegan and
Tostig eorl ofslagen and ungerim folces mid heom, ægðer ge Normana
ge Englisca.” Cf. Orderic (500 A); “Nimius sanguis ex utrâque parte
effusus est et innumerabilis [ungerím] hominum bestiali rabie
furentium multitudo trucidata est.”

Footnote 1042

Chron. Wig. “Sume adruncen and sume eae forbærnde, and swa mislice
fórfarene.” So Henry of Huntingdon (M. H. B. 762 B); “Angli ...
totam Norwagensium aciem vel armis straverunt vel igne deprehensos
combusserunt.” Compare the story in the Saga (Laing, iii. 95) of
Waltheof burning the Normans after Senlac.

Footnote 1043

Liber de Hydâ, p. 292. “Haroldus ... et Tostius ... victi
occubuerunt, sectaque eorum capita Regi Haroldo sunt deportata.” So
Guy of Amiens, 37;

“Invidus ille Caïn fratris caput amputat ense,
Et caput et corpus sic sepelivit humo.”

Footnote 1044

Will. Malms. iii. 252. “Cadaver ejus, indicio verrucæ inter duas
scapulas agnitum.” Can this account be reconciled with the other?

Footnote 1045

The Hyde writer (u. s.) sends him to be buried in Norway; “Corpus
defuncti Regis his qui remanserant deportandum in proprium regnum Rex
Haroldus concessit.”

Footnote 1046

Will. Malms. u. s. “Cadaver ... sepulturam Eboraci meruit.”

Footnote 1047

Ord. Vit. 500 A. “Locus etiam belli pertranseuntibus evidenter patet,
ubi magna congeries ossium mortuorum usque hodie jacet, et indicium
ruinæ multiplicis utriusque gentis exhibet.”

Footnote 1048

Flor. Wig. “Licet de totâ Angliâ fortiores quosque in prœliis duobus
benè sciret jam cecidisse.”

Footnote 1049

The death of Harold Hardrada was followed by a time of unusual quiet
in the North. He was succeeded by his sons Olaf and Magnus, of whom
Magnus died in 1069, after which Olaf reigned alone till 1093. He was
succeeded by his son Magnus Barefoot, who figures in English history
as the invader of Anglesey in 1098 (see above, p. 342). Snorro
(Johnstone, 221; Laing, iii. 98) says that Harold Hardrada’s daughter
Mary (see above, pp. 340, 344, 367) died suddenly in Orkney on the
same day that her father and her lover Eystein died at Stamfordbridge.

Tostig left two sons by Judith, Skule and Ketil. They returned to
Norway with Olaf (Snorro, ap. Johnstone, 222; Laing, iii. 97–99),
from whom they both received grants of land in Norway, where they
became founders of families—representatives of the male line of Earl
Godwine. Skule especially was in high honour with Olaf. Their mother
Judith remarried with Welf, Duke of Bavaria, son of the Marquess
Azo (see above, p. 197), and was thus an ancestress of the House of
Brunswick. Some of the German historians mistake her for the widow of
Harold instead of the widow of Tostig. See Appendix N, where I have
also spoken of her degree of kindred to Baldwin the Fifth (see vol.
ii. p. 134). She was undoubtedly his sister, and not his daughter,
and she might be called, in a wide sense, the niece of Eadward.

Footnote 1050

Chron. Wig. “Se kyng þa geaf gryð Olafe þæs Norna cynges suna, and
heora Biscope and þan eorle of Orcanége, and eallon þan þe on þam
scypum to lafe wæron.” Florence gives the Orkney Earl his name Paul,
and the addition to the Abingdon Chronicle strangely calls Olaf
“Hetmundus.”

Footnote 1051

Chron. Wig. “Hi foron þa upp to uran kyninge.”

Footnote 1052

Compare the auxiliaries sent by Swend, of whom more in the next
volume, and the Danes and Swedes who came with William the Third.
Macaulay, ii. 489; iii. 625.

Footnote 1053

I accept this incident, as one likely to be remembered, from Henry
of Huntingdon (M. H. B. 762 C) and the Ramsey History (cap. cxx.),
though they absurdly represent the feast as held, and the message as
brought, on the day of the battle, when William had not yet landed.
So Wace says of his Thegn who brought the news from Sussex;

“Ultre le Humbre l’a trové:
En une ville aveit disné.”

The writer of the De Inventione (c. xx.) most strangely makes Harold
go, after the battle, to Waltham, and hear the news there; “Waltham
rediit, ubi de applicatione Normannorum nimis veridicâ narration e
nuntium suscepit.”

Footnote 1054

See the next Chapter, § 2.

Footnote 1055

Throughout this Chapter, the Norman and English accounts have
carefully to be compared, but it is from the Norman authorities that
we have to draw most of our details. The English writers seem to have
shrunk from dwelling at length on the great “memory of sorrow,” so
that all their accounts are comparatively meagre. At this point also
we lose the Abingdon Chronicle altogether, which ends with the Battle
of Stamfordbridge. Among the Norman accounts, the first places belong
to the Tapestry and to William of Poitiers. The Tapestry, which gave
us no help during the period of negotiation, begins to be most minute
as soon as we get to the beginning of actual military preparations,
and it continues to be of primary importance down to the end of the
Battle of Senlac. The high authority of William of Poitiers, as a
contemporary and seemingly an eyewitness, is somewhat balanced by his
constant strain of panegyric on William and by his no less constant
sacrifice of chronological order to the demands of his rhetoric.
Wace, the honest and painstaking inquirer of the next century, has
been valuable before, and he becomes still more valuable now. We are
now also reinforced by another important narrative on the Norman
side, the “Carmen de Bello Hastingensi” by Guy, Bishop of Amiens
(see above, p. 136), printed in Giles’ Scriptores Rerum Gestarum
Willelmi Conquestoris, in the Chroniques Anglo-Normandes, and in the
Monumenta Historica Britannica. This poem is referred to, and coupled
with William of Poitiers, by William of Jumièges, or rather by his
continuator (vii. 44); “Si quis verò pleniùs illa nôsse desiderat,
librum Willelmi Pictavensis, Luxoviorum Archidiaconi, eadem gesta,
sicut copiosè, ita eloquenti sermone affatim continentem, legat.
Edidit præterea de eâdem materiâ opus non contemnendum Guido
Episcopus Ambianensis, heroico metro exaratum.” Guy’s work is useful
for the details of the voyage and the battle, and for some of the
events after the battle. With these Norman accounts we have of
course to compare the short narratives in our own Chronicles and in
Florence; some particular facts of importance may also be gleaned
from William of Malmesbury, from the Waltham writer _De Inventione_,
and from others of the subsidiary authors.

Footnote 1056

See above, p. 325.

Footnote 1057

The cutting down of the trees is graphically shown in the Tapestry,
pl. 8. This beginning at the beginning reminds one of Odysseus when
about to leave Kalypsô’s island; αὐτὰρ ὁ τάμνετο δοῦρα κ.τ.λ. (Od. v.
243), and seemingly we may add, θοῶς δέ οἱ ἤνυτο ἔργον.

Footnote 1058

They may be seen at work in the Tapestry. Wace too (11473) gives a
vivid account;

“Fevres è charpentiers manda;
Dunc véissiez à granz esforz
Par Normendie à toz li porz,
Mairrien atraire è fust porter,
Cheviles fere et boiz doler,
Nés et esquiz apareillier,
Veiles estendre, mast drecier
A grant entente et à grant cost.”

Cf. the great speech of Dikaiopolis in the Acharnians, 471 et seqq.,
especially 526 et seqq.; τὸ νεώριον δ’ αὖ κωπέωυ πλατουμέυωυ, κ.τ.λ.

Footnote 1059

Ord. Vit. 494 A. “In Neustriâ multæ naves cum utensilibus diligenter
paratæ sunt, quibus fabricandis clerici et laici studiis et sumptibus
adhibitis pariter intenderunt.” Wace (11304) names some of the
contributors, and a fuller list is printed in Lord Lyttelton’s
Appendix, i. 463, and in Giles, Scriptt. Will. Conq. 21.

Footnote 1060

I cannot identify Fulk the Lame, who seems not to occur in Domesday.
A Fulk of Parmes signs a charter in the Cartulary of the Holy Trinity
at Rouen (p. 465), and a Fulk of Caldri was a benefactor of the
same house in 1084 (p. 466). As his charter is confirmed by King
Philip and not by William, he was doubtless a Frenchman. Gerald the
Seneschal (“Dapifer,” “Senescallus”) signs a charter of Robert of
Montgomery (p. 442) in this very year (“anno dominicæ incarnationis
MLXV, tunc scilicet quando Normannorum Dux Guillelmus cum classico
apparatu ultra mare erat profecturus”). He is perhaps the same as
Gerald the Marshal (Marescalcus) who appears in the Suffolk Domesday
(438 _b_) as holding a former possession of Earl Ælfgar.

Footnote 1061

Roman de Rou, 11309. “Mult voleit li Dus avancier.”

Footnote 1062

So the list in Lyttelton; Wace (11305) cuts down Odo’s gift to forty.

Footnote 1063

“Extra has naves ... habuit Dux a quibusdam suis hominibus, secundùm
possibilitatem unius navis cujusque, multas alias naves.”

Footnote 1064

“A Romo vel Rumi eleemosynario Fescanni, postea Episcopo
Lincolniensi, unam navem cum xx. militibus.”

Footnote 1065

Plut. Cæs. 38. Ἴθι, ἔφη, γενναῖε, τόλμα καὶ δέδιθι μηδέν· Καίσαρα
φέρεις καὶ τὴν Καίσαρος τύχην συμπλέουσαν.

Footnote 1066

Lyttelton, i. 464. “Matildis, postea Regina, ejusdem Ducis uxor, ad
honorem Ducis fecit effici navem quæ vocabatur Mora, in quâ ipse
Dux vectus est. In prorâ ejusdem navis fecit fieri eadem Matildis
infantulum de auro, dextro indice monstrantem Angliam, et sinistrâ
manu imprimentem cornu eburneum ori.” Wace’s account (11594) is
somewhat different;

“Sor li chief de la nef devant,
Ke marinier apelent brant,
Out de coivre fet un enfant,
Saete et arc tendu portant,
Verz Engleterre out son viaire,
Et là faseit semblant de traire,
Ki kel part ke la nef coreit,
Semblant de traire avant faseit.”

In the Tapestry, pl. 9, the child with his horn is plain enough, and
he looks towards England; but he is at the stern of the ship, and not
at the prow, and in his left hand he bears a pennon.

Footnote 1067

The most exact account is that of Wace (11564), who heard the number
from his father;

“Maiz jo oï dire à mon pere,
Bien m’en sovint, maiz varlet ere,
Ke set cenz nés, quatre meins, furent,
Quant de Saint-Valeri s’esmurent,
Ke nés, ke batels, ke esqueis
A porter armes è herneis.
E jo en escript ai trové,
Ne sai dire s’est verité,
Ke il i out treis miles nés
Ki porterent veiles è trés.”

This exactness reminds one of Æschylus’ reckoning in the Persians,
333–335. William of Poitiers (125) naturally has his head full of
Agamemnon; “Memorat antiqua Græcia Atridem Agamemnona fraternos
thalamos ultum ivisse mille navibus: protestamur nos Willelmum
diadema regium requisisse pluribus.” William of Jumièges (vii. 34)
makes the number “ad tria millia.” Benoit (37004) slightly improves
on this;

“Si out treis mile nefs au meins; De ce nos fait l’autor certains.”
Gaimar (5248) goes beyond all of them. The French, as he calls
them, have “bien unze mil nefs.” Another reading makes it only nine
thousand.

Footnote 1068

See vol. i. p. 349 for the “yð-hengestas.” Cf. the Chronicles, 1003.

Footnote 1069

Ord. Vit. 494 B. “Denique hortatu Hugonis Episcopi aliorumque
sapientum Mainerium Priorem elegit, eique per pastoralem baculum
exteriorem curam tradidit, et prædicto antistiti ut ea quæ sibi de
spirituali curâ competebant suppleret præcepit.” Here again we get
a good illustration of the relations between Church and State in
Normandy, and no bad comment on our own thirty-seventh Article.

Footnote 1070

Ib. “Eodem die Dux Domnum Lanfrancum Beccensium Priorem coram se
adesse imperavit, eique Abbatiam quam ipse Dux in honore Sancti
Stephani protomartyris apud Cadomum honorabiliter fundaverat
commendavit.”

Footnote 1071

See the charter of Roger of Montgomery quoted above, p. 379.

Footnote 1072

See above, p. 108.

Footnote 1073

The charter in Gallia Christiana, xi. 61, gives the account of her
dedication; “Præfatus comes gloriossissimus et uxor ejus cum filiis
suis Domino eodem die [14 Kal. Jul. 1066] obtulerunt filiam suam
Cæciliam nomine, favente Archiepiscopo Rothomagensi cum cæteris
præsulibus, quatenus in eodem loco, Deificæ videlicet Trinitatis,
Ipsi in habitu religionis perenniter serviret.” See Mrs. Green’s
Princesses, i. 5.

Footnote 1074

Ord. Vit. 548 B.

Footnote 1075

See above, p. 69.

Footnote 1076

As they were delayed a month at the Dive, and a further time at Saint
Valery, the time of the first assembling of the fleet is carried back
to the month of August, and not to the last days of the month. See p.
394.

Footnote 1077

Will. Pict. 155. “Illius [Matildis] prudentiam viri adjuvere consilio
utilissimi; in quibus locum dignitatis primum tenebat Rogerus de
Bellomonte ... ob maturitatem ævi liberior ad negotia quæ domi
geruntur; filio adolescente ... officio militari tradito.” On Roger,
see above, p. 287, and vol. ii. p. 199.

Footnote 1078

See above, pp. 174, 176.

Footnote 1079

Judges v. 21.

Footnote 1080

See vol. ii. p. 263.

Footnote 1081

See Macaulay, ii. 465.

Footnote 1082

Will. Pict. 122. “Ventorum incommoditas ad Portum Divæ detinebat
morâ menstruâ.” Ord. Vit. 500 A. “Classis Normannorum spatio ...
unius mensis in ostio Divæ vicinisque portubus Nothum [Notum, sc.]
præstolata est.”

Footnote 1083

Will. Pict. u. s. “Rapinâ omni interdictâ, stippendio ipsius millia
militum quinquaginta alebantur ... ea illius temperantia fuit ac
prudentia.”

Footnote 1084

Ib. “Homo imbecillis aut inermis equo cantans quà libuit vectabatur,
turmas militum cernens, non exhorrescens.”

Footnote 1085

Will. Pict. 122. “Militibus et hospitibus abunde sumptus
ministrabatur, nemini rapere quippiam concedebatur. Provincialium
tutò armenta vel greges pascebantur seu per campestria, seu per
tesqua. Segetes falcem cultoris intactæ expectabant, quas nec
attrivit superba equitum effusio, nec demessuit pabulator.”

Footnote 1086

The Chronicle of Saint Maxentius (Labbé, ii. 211) says, “Fertur
habuisse in exercitu suo quatuordecim millia hominum.” But William
of Poitiers, in the passage just quoted, speaks of “millia militum
quinquaginta;” and afterwards he makes William (128) say that he will
fight Harold, “tametsi decem sola millia virorum haberem, quales
ad sexaginta millia adduxi.” Lastly, Orderic (500 B) gives him
“quinquaginta millia militum cum copiâ peditum.” A good deal turns on
the ambiguous word “miles.”

Footnote 1087

See above, p. 325.

Footnote 1088

It is now that William of Poitiers (123) gives that notice of
Harold’s preparations which I referred to above, p. 337; “Heraldus
... callidè subornatos transmisit exploratores.” This sort of
expression, and some of the words presently put into William’s mouth
(“Non indiget Heraldus auri sui vel argenti jacturâ tuam aliorumque
fidem atque sollertiam emere”), might lead one to fancy that these
spies were Norman subjects won over by English gold. But the word
“transmisit” seems to forbid this notion. The truth is that William’s
panegyrist cannot understand the position of an Englishman faithfully
serving the English King.

Footnote 1089

Herod. vii. 146.

Footnote 1090

Will. Pict. u. s. “Quorum deprehenso uni, caussamque sui adventûs
quâ præceptum est specie obtegere conato, Dux animi sui magnitudinem
prodidit.”

Footnote 1091

Will. Pict. 123. “Quid consulatur, quid apparetur apud nos, certior
eum quam velit, et opinione ejus citior, index, quippe mea præsentia,
docebit.” This “index” is exactly the αὐτὸς ἄγγελος of Herodotus.

It is here that William of Poitiers brings in those fears and
hesitations among the Normans, which, as I have said elsewhere (see
above, pp. 293, 294, and Appendix W), clearly belong to another part
of the story. William is made to tell the spy that he will be in
England within a year, and the Normans say that it is impossible that
a fleet should be got ready within the year. This language could not
have been used at a moment when the fleet was ready to sail, and was
simply waiting for a fair wind.

Footnote 1092

See above, p. 282.

Footnote 1093

Will. Pict. 124. “Præterea, ne rapinam amittat ille pugnabit; nos quæ
dono accepimus, beneficiis comparavimus, requirimus.”

Footnote 1094

Ib. “Virtute meliùs quam numero militum bella geruntur.”

Footnote 1095

Ord. Vit. 500. “Spatio unius mensis.”

Footnote 1096

See above, p. 338.

Footnote 1097

Will. Pict. 124. “Jam tota classis providentissimè exornata ab ostio
Divæ vicinisque portubus, ubi Notum quo transmitterent diutiùs
exspectavere, Zephyri flatu in stationem Sancti Walerici delata est.”
So Ord. Vit. 500 A.

Footnote 1098

On the homage of Guy to William for Ponthieu see above, p. 157. He
now also held lands in Normandy itself. See p. 226.

Footnote 1099

The position is well marked by Guy of Amiens, 52;

“Desuper est castrum quoddam sancti Walarici.”

Footnote 1100

Something about the early history of Saint Valery may be gleaned from
the work of M. Lefils, _Histoire Civile, Politique et Religieuse de
Saint-Valery et du Comté du Vimeu_ (Abbeville, 1858), but the book is
vastly inferior to the excellent local works which have helped me so
much in Norman matters. On Saint Walaric or Valery himself, see p. 21.

Footnote 1101

As the story appears in the Life of Burchard of Vendôme (Duchèsne,
Rer. Franc. iv. 121), the Count of Flanders concerned is the younger
Arnulf, and the restoration is brought about by the influence of King
Robert and the personal agency of Count Burchard. But this account
is very confused. The body was really carried off by the elder
Arnulf, and the restoration was effected in 981 by Hugh Capet, who
also changed the secular canons of Saint Valery into monks. See the
Relatio in Mabillon, Act. Ord. Ben. vii. 546.

Footnote 1102

See above, p. 131.

Footnote 1103

See Lefils, p. 64. I will not enter into any controversy as to the
date of the so-called Tower of Harold, or as to the origin of its
name. It may be called after some other Harold, or the name may be,
as M. Lefils suggests, a corruption of something quite different. But
in any case it was not, what the legend makes it, the place of the
imprisonment of Harold the son of Godwine, which was undoubtedly at
Beaurain. See above, p. 223.

Footnote 1104

Will. Pict. 125. “Princeps, quem neque mora sive contrarietas venti,
neque terribilia naufragia, neque pavida fuga multorum qui fidem
spoponderant, frangere prævalent.”

Footnote 1105

See above, p. 338. I am by no means clear that some trace of these
engagements, probably of no great importance, may not lurk in the
“pavida fuga” of William of Poitiers. See Appendix AA.

Footnote 1106

Herod. viii. 24.

Footnote 1107

Will. Pict. 125. “Quin et consilio adversitatibus obvius, submersorum
interitus quantùm poterat occultavit, latentiùs tumulando.”

Footnote 1108

Ib. “Commeatum indies augendo inopiam lenivit.”

Footnote 1109

Ib. “Ad hoc hortamine diverso retraxit exterritos, animavit paventes.”

Footnote 1110

Guid. Amb. 54;

“Nam ter quinque dies complêsti finibus illis,
Exspectans summi Judicis auxilium.
Ecclesiam sancti devotâ mente frequentans,
Illi pura dabas ingeminando preces.
Inspicis et templi gallus quâ vertitur aurâ;
Auster si spirat, lætus abinde redis:
Si subitò Boreas Austrum divertit et arcet,
Effusis lacrimis fletibus ora rigas.
Desolatus eras: frigus faciebat et imber,
Et polus obtectus nubibus et pluviis.”

The edition in the Monumenta Historica Britannica has “ter quinque
dies,” while those of Giles and Michel have “tum quinque.” The
former reading is obviously right, as explaining the expression in
v. 53 of “longa difficilisque mora.” With William’s looking at the
weathercock, compare the passage of Macaulay referred to in p. 386.

Footnote 1111

These last details come from Wace, 11579;

“Poiz unt tant li covent préié
Ke la chasse Saint-Valeri
Mistrent as chams sor un tapi.
Als cors saint vinrent tuit orer
Cil ki debveient mer passer;
Tant i ont tuit deniers offert,
Tot li cors saint en ont covert.”

The bringing out of the body of the saint, which evidently made a
deep impression, is also recorded by William of Poitiers (125),
Orderic (500 B), and William of Malmesbury (iii. 238). Guy of Amiens,
whom we should have expected to be eloquent on the subject, holds his
peace.

Footnote 1112

William of Poitiers has his head full of Agamemnôn and of Xerxês, but
this obvious analogy does not seem to have occurred to him. Yet who
can help thinking of the northern blasts, the πνοαὶ ἀπὸ Στρύμονος
μολοῦσαι (Æsch. Ag. 185 et seqq.), which delayed the fleet of the
Achaians, and of the sacrifice by which alone help could be gained?

Footnote 1113

All our accounts directly connect the favourable wind with the
religious ceremony which had just been performed. William of Poitiers
(125) describes the rite, and immediately adds, “Spirante dein
aurâ exspectatâ.” So Orderic (500 B); “Denique dum prosper ventus
multorum votis optatus, Deo volente, subitò spiravit.” William of
Malmesbury (iii. 238) is, if possible, still more emphatic; “Nec mora
intercessit, quin prosper flatus carbasa impleret.” Guy of Amiens
(70), not mentioning the special ceremony, attributes the change of
weather to William’s prayers generally;

“Velle tuum tandem pius ut Deus est miseratus,
Pro votoque tibi suppeditavit opus.”

Footnote 1114

Will. Pict. 125. “Voces cum manibus in cœlum gratificantes, ac simul
tumultus invicem incitans tollitur.” Both this writer and Guy of
Amiens give very full and vivid accounts of the voyage.

Footnote 1115

Ib. “Increpat atque urget in puppes ardens vehementia Ducis, si quos
ullatenus moram nectere notat.”

Footnote 1116

See above, p. 294.

Footnote 1117

Will. Pict. u. s. “Terra quam properantissimè deseritur, dubium iter
quam cupientissimè initur.” So Guy of Amiens, 78;

“Protinus una fuit mens omnibus, æqua voluntas,
Jam bene pacato credere se pelago.
Quamquam diversi tamen adsunt lætificati;
Nec mora, quisque suum currit ad officium.”

Footnote 1118

Will. Pict. 125. “Eo celeritatis motu impelluntur, ut quum armigerum
hic, socium inclamet ille, plerique immemores clientum, aut sociorum,
aut rerum necessariarum, id solum, ne relinquantur, cogitant et
festinant.”

Footnote 1119

Tapestry, pl. 9. “Isti portant armas ad naves, et hic trahunt carrum
cum vino et armis.” We shall hear presently of the nature of the
drink, at least on board the ducal ship. William either despised or
knew not of the wine of Gloucestershire. See vol. ii. p. 145.

Footnote 1120

Wid. Amb. 82;

“Sublimant alii malos, aliique laborant
Erectis malis addere vela super.”

Footnote 1121

Ib. 84; “Plurima cogit equos equitum pars scandere naves.”

Footnote 1122

Ib. 90;

“Hinc resonando tubæ varios dant mille boatus,
Fistula cum calamis, et fidibus cithara;
Tympana taurinis implent mugitibus auras;
Alternant modulos cymbala clara suos.”

Footnote 1123

Ib. 98;

“Sed tu templa petis sancti supra memorati,
Muneribusque datis curris adire ratem.”

Footnote 1124

Wid. Amb. 106;

“Nox ubi cæca polum tenebrosis occupat umbris,
Et negat obsequium Cynthia tecta tibi,
Imples non aliter facibus rutilantibus undas,
Sidera quam cœlum, sole ruente, replent.
Quot fuerant naves, totidem tu lumina spargis.”

Footnote 1125

Will. Pict. 125. “Dat præconis voce edictum, ut, quum in altum sint
deductæ, paullulum noctis conquiescant non longè à suâ rates cunctæ
in ancoris fluitantes, donec, in ejus mali summo lampade conspectâ,
extemplò buccinæ clangorem cursûs accipiant signum.” So Roman de Rou,
11588;

“Une lanterne fist li Dus
Metre en sa nef el mast de sus.”

The lantern on the Duke’s mast is shown plainly enough in the
Tapestry, pl. 9; but there is no mention of it in Guy, unless it
lurks in the more general words (111),

“Impositæ malis permultâ luce laternæ
Tramite directo per mare vela regunt.”

He then goes on to mention the order for the mid-sea halt, much as in
William of Poitiers.

Compare the description of the voyage of Scipio in Livy, xxix. 25;
“Lumina in navibus singula rostratæ, bina onerariæ haberent; in
prætoriâ nave insigne nocturnum trium luminum fore.” See also the
description of the voyage of the other William, Macaulay, ii. 477.

Footnote 1126

Will. Pict. 126. “Solutis noctu post quietem navibus, vehens Ducem
retrò ceteras agillimè reliquit.”

Footnote 1127

Od. viii. 557;

οὐ γὰρ Φαιήκεσσι κυβερνητῆρες ἔασιν,
οὐδέ τι πηδάλι’ ἐστὶ, τά τ’ ἄλλαι νῆες ἔχουσιν,
ἀλλ’ αὐταὶ ἴσασι νοήματα καὶ φρένας ἀνδρῶν.

Footnote 1128

Will. Pict. 126. “[Navis] ardentiùs ad victoriam properantis imperio
suæ velocitatis parilitate quasi obtemperans.”

Footnote 1129

In the Tapestry, pll. 9, 10, horses are seen in all the ships except
in the Duke’s own and in one other near to it.

Footnote 1130

Will. Pict. u. s. “Jussus manè remex mali ab alto num quæ veniant
consequæ speculari, præter pelagus et aëra prospectui suo aliud nihil
comparere indicat.”

Footnote 1131

Ib. “Confestim ancorâ jacta, ne metus atque mœror comitem turbam
confunderet, abundans prandium, _nec Baccho pigmentato carens_,
animosissimus Dux, acsi in cœnaculo domestico, memorabili cum
hilaritate accepit, cunctos actutum affore promittens, Deo cujus eos
tutelæ credidit adducente.”

Footnote 1132

Ib. “Inquisitus denuò speculator, naves quattuor advenire, tertiò
tantas exclamat ut arborum veliferarum uberrima densitas nemoris
præstet similitudinem.”

Footnote 1133

Will. Pict. 126. “Quam ex intimo corde divinam glorificaverit
pietatem conjiciendum cuivis relinquimus.” The beholders of William’s
devotions were admitted into the Palace of Truth.

Footnote 1134

Will. Malms. iii. 238. “Omnibus itaque ad prætoriæ puppis
vermiculatum velum convolantibus.” The epithet would apply to the
sails of all the ships as shown in the Tapestry; but the sails of the
Duke’s ship, and of those of two others near him—perhaps those of his
two brothers—have the colours arranged in a different way from any of
the others.

Footnote 1135

Wid. Amb. 123;

“Tertia telluri supereminet hora diei,
Quum mare postponens littora tuta tenes.”

On the date, see Appendix FF.

Footnote 1136

“Venit ad Pevenesæ,” says the Tapestry, pl. 9. So William of Poitiers
(126) and William of Jumièges (vii. 34). William of Malmesbury (iii.
238) says carelessly, “Placido cursu Hastingas appulerunt.” So Wace
(11618), who altogether reverses the geography, making the army land
at Hastings and go to Pevensey afterwards.

Footnote 1137

On the true meaning of this formula see vol. i. p. 11.

Footnote 1138

The question as to the site of Anderida may be looked on as decided
by a paper by Mr. Arthur Hussey in the Sussex Archæological
Collections, vi. 90. See also Mr. T. Wright, Wanderings of an
Antiquary, p. 137. Their views are confirmed by Dr. Guest, Salisbury
Proceedings, p. 55.

Footnote 1139

Domesday, 20 _b_, where the usual account of the town dues is given.

Footnote 1140

Cissanceaster or Chichester, the English name of the Roman Regnum.
On the whole settlement, see Guest, Salisbury Proceedings, p. 54. I
must beg pardon for having in the map in my first volume followed Dr.
Spruner in giving a wrong position to the site of Cymenes-óra.

Footnote 1141

Chronn. 491. “Her Ælle and Cissa ymbsæton Andredes ceaster, and
ofslogon ealle þa þær inne eardedon; ne wearð þær forþon an Bret to
lafe.” This is the passage which Gibbon (cap. xxxviii. note 142,
vol. vi. p. 372 Milman), quoting it in the Latin version, calls “an
expression more dreadful in its simplicity, than all the vague and
tedious lamentations of the British Jeremiah [Gildas].”

Footnote 1142

See vol. i. pp. 23, 151.

Footnote 1143

Henry of Huntingdon, who gives (M. H. B. 710 C, D) a fuller
account of the siege, evidently taken from ballads, winds up his
account thus; “Quia tot ibi damna toleraverant extranei, ita urbem
destruxerunt quod numquam postea reædificata est; locus tantum, quasi
nobilissimæ urbis, transeuntibus ostenditur desolatus.”

Footnote 1144

Ord. Vit. 500 A. “Heraldus ... Hastingas et Penevesellum, aliosque
portus maris Neustriæ oppositos, ... toto anno illo cum multis
navibus et militibus callidè servaverat.”

Footnote 1145

See above, p. 338.

Footnote 1146

I look with great suspicion on the statement of William of Poitiers
and Guy of Amiens about Harold sending a vast naval force to hinder
William’s landing. See Appendix AA. At all events no English ships
were near at the time.

Footnote 1147

Will. Pict. 126. “Liberè naves egreditur, pugnâ nullâ obstante.” Ord.
Vit. 500 B. “Nemine resistente littus maris gaudens arripuit.” So Guy
of Amiens, 127;

“Debita terra tibi, pavidis nudata colonis,
Læta sinu placido teque tuosque capit.”

Footnote 1148

It is plain that the ships were brought to shore as near together as
might be. Wace (11619) distinctly asserts this; “L’une nef à l’altre
acosterent.” There is no ground for the notion of Mr. Hayley, quoted
by Sir Henry Ellis (i. 316), “That William did not land his army at
any one particular spot, at Bulverhithe or Hastings, as is supposed;
but at all the several proper places for landing along the coast from
Bexelei to Winchelsea.”

Footnote 1149

This process is graphically shown in the Tapestry, pl. 10; “Hic
exeunt caballi de navibus.”

Footnote 1150

Roman de Rou, 11711;

“Quant li Dus primes fors issi,
Sor sez dous palmes fors chaï;
Sempres i out levé grant cri
E distrent tuit: mal signe est ci;
Et il lor a en haut crié;
Seignors, par la resplendor Dé,
La terre ai as dous mainz seizie;
Sans chalenge n’iert maiz guerpie;
Tote est nostre quant qu’il i a;
Or verrai ki hardi serra.”

William of Malmesbury (iii. 238) seems to mix up this saying of the
Duke’s with the saying of the soldier quoted directly afterwards; “In
egressu navis pede lapsus, eventum in melius commutavit, acclamante
sibi proximo milite, ‘Tenes,’ inquit, ‘Angliam, Comes, Rex futurus.’”
Mr. Hardy in his note suspects, perhaps with reason, the whole story,
on account of its likeness to the story of Cæsar (Suet. Julius, 59);
“Prolapsus in egressu navis, verso ad melius omine, ‘Teneo te,’
inquit, ‘Africa.’”

Footnote 1151

Roman de Rou, 11725;

“Sire, dist-il, avant venez,
Ceste saisine recevez;
De ceste terre vos saisis,
Vostre est sainz dote li païs.
E li Dus respont: Jo l’otrei,
E Dex i seit ensemle od mei.”

Footnote 1152

Ib. 11636.

“Li rivage unt tuit porcacé,
Nul hoem armé n’i ont trové.”

Footnote 1153

Ib. 11642.

“Ensemble vindrent al gravier,
Chescun armé sor son destrier.
Tuit orent ceintes les espées,
Et plain vindrent lances _levées_.”

The last word expresses the way of bearing the lance, not in the
rest, but used overhand.

Footnote 1154

William of Poitiers (127) says of the forts both at Pevensey and at
Hastings, that they were “quæ sibi receptaculo, navibus propagnaculo
forent.” So Guy (141);

“Littora custodis, metuens amittere naves,
Mœnibus et munis, castraque ponis ibi.”

This shows the falsehood of the story of William burning his ships,
of which the first traces appear in Wace, 11731;

“Dunc fist à toz dire è crier,
Et as mariniers comander
Ke li nés fussent despécies,
A terre traites è percies,
Ke li coarz ne revertissent
Ne par li nés ne s’enfoïssent.”

William of Jumièges (vii. 34) certainly makes the most of the fort
at Pevensey; “Statim firmissimo vallo castrum condidit, probisque
militibus commisit.” The notion that some part of the Roman walls was
made use of is suggested by the words of Guy (143);

“Diruta quæ fuerant dudum castella reformas;
Ponis custodes ut tueantur ea.”

Footnote 1155

See the Tapestry, pl. 10. “Festinaverunt Hastinga ut cibum
raperentur.” They are going as fast as the messengers sent to Guy of
Ponthieu (see above, p. 225), but they are not bare-headed.

Footnote 1156

See Appendix KK.

Footnote 1157

The French Biographer of Eadward (4333) gives an amusing origin for
the name. William

“Une tur ferme e renuvele,
Ke li Ducs Hastinges apele,
_Hastivement_ ke fu fermée,
E pur co fu si appelée.”

Footnote 1158

See vol. i. p. 382.

Footnote 1159

See vol. ii. p. 106.

Footnote 1160

See above, p. 404.

Footnote 1161

Chron. Wig. “Hi ... worhton castel æt Hæstingaport.”

Footnote 1162

William of Poitiers mentions the fortifications at Pevensey and at
Hastings in the same breath. See above, p. 407. William of Jumièges,
having mentioned that of Pevensey, goes on (vii. 34) to say,
“_Festinus_ Hastingas venit, ibique _cito opere_ aliud firmavit.”
(It must be this passage, or some other to the same effect, which
suggested the grotesque bit of etymology which I have just quoted
from the French Life of Eadward.) In the Tapestry (pl. 11) we see the
Duke in consultation with his brothers; then follows, “Iste jussit ut
_foderetur_ castellum at Hastingaceastra.” The pickaxe and spade are
being largely used, the “agger” is rising, and the buildings seem to
be of wood. So Wace (11656);

“Par cunseil firent esgarder
Boen lieu à fort chastel garder.
Donc out des nés mairrien geté,
A la terre l’ont traïné,
Trestui percié i tut dolé;
Li cheviles tutes dolées
Orent en granz bariz portées;
Ainz ke il fust bien avespré,
En ont ut chastelet fermé.”

Wace’s confusion of geographical order must not be forgotten, but no
doubt the description of one fort would do equally well for the other.

Footnote 1163

Will. Fil. Steph. 193.

Footnote 1164

Roman de Rou, 11602;

“De la flote ki fu si grant
E de la gent dont i out tant
N’i out ke dui nés perillies,
Ne sai s’el furent trop chargies.”

Footnote 1165

Ib. 11697;

“En mer esteit, ço dist, néiéz
Et en un nef perilliéz.”

Footnote 1166

Wace, 11697. William does not—as an invader, he could not—rise to the
full greatness of the saying of Hektôr.

Footnote 1167

Will. Pict. 139. “Illuc errore appulsos fera gens adorta prœlio, cum
utriusque partis maximo detrimento, fuderat.” Benoît, 37682;

“Qu’arivé i out de sa gent,
Je ne sai par quel achaison;
Mais li Engleis pesme e felon
Les li ocistrent par pecchié.”

All we can see is that the encounter, however caused, happened before
the great battle.

Footnote 1168

See Appendix AA.

Footnote 1169

On these systematic ravages, see Appendix DD.

Footnote 1170

Wid. Amb. 147;

“Nec mirum, Regem quia te plebs stulta negabat,
Ergo perit justè, vadit et ad nihilum.”

We find the same sentiment in William of Poitiers’ account of the
battle (134); “Stravit adversam gentem, quæ sibi, Regi suo, rebellans
commeruit mortem.”

Footnote 1171

See the graphic picture in pl. 10, where we find our friend Wadard.
See Appendix A.

Footnote 1172

Tapestry, pl. 11. “Hic domus incenditur.” So Guy of Amiens, 152;
“Vulcano flammis depopulante domos.”

Footnote 1173

Roman de Rou, 11751;

“Donc véissiez Engleiz foïr,
Bestes chacier, mezons guerpir;
As cemetieres tot atraient,
Et encor là forment s’esmaient.”

Footnote 1174

Will. Pict. 131. “Accelerabat enim eò magis Rex furibundus, quod
propinqua castris Normannorum vastari audierat.”

Footnote 1175

See above, p. 9.

Footnote 1176

William of Poitiers (128) introduces him as, “Dives quidam finium
illorum inquilinus, natione Normannus, Rotbertus filius Wimaræ
_nobilis mulieris_.” (Without this one would not have taken Wymarc
for a female name.) Wace (11849) does not know his name;

“En la terre aveit un baron,
Maiz jo ne sai dire son non,
Ki mult aveit li Dus amé,
E se faiseit de li privé.”

So Benoît, 37050;

“Un produem riche e assazez
Qui de Normendie esteit nez,
Mais en cele terre maneit,
Ou richement se conteneit.”

There is nothing in the earlier narrative to imply that Robert had
held any disloyal correspondence with William.

I cannot find that Robert held any lands in Sussex. See Ellis, ii.
206.

Footnote 1177

Yet, if we place the message somewhat late in William’s stay at
Hastings, the presence of Robert at Stamfordbridge is just possible.

Footnote 1178

I suppose he is represented in the Tapestry, pl. 11; “Hic nuntiatum
est Willelmo de Harold.”

Footnote 1179

Will. Pict. 128. “Hastingas Duci, domino suo et _consanguineo_,
nuntium destinavit.” The kinsfolk both of William and of Eadward are
endless.

Footnote 1180

Benoît, 37064;

“Coment Heraut s’ert combatuz
Qui ceus de Norwege out vencuz
Et ocis son frere e le rei,
E ceus qu’il amena od sei,
Où plus aveit de vint milliers.”

William of Poitiers (u. s.) only says “ingentes eorum exercitus
delevit.”

Footnote 1181

Benoît, 37070;

“Od plus a de cent mile armez.”

William again says only, “Animatus eo successu festinus redit in te,
numerosissimum populum ducens ac robustissimum.”

Footnote 1182

Will. Pict. u. s. “Prœliatus cum fratre proprio Rex Heraldus et cum
Rege Noricorum, quo fortiorem sub cœlo nullum vivere opinio fuit.”

Footnote 1183

Will. Pict. 128. “Adversus quem non ampliùs tuos quam totidem
despectabiles canes æstimo valere.” See above, p. 334, for the
reputation of the English Housecarls in Norway.

Footnote 1184

Ib. “Prudens vir computaris, domi militiæque cuncta hactenus
prudenter egisti.” The tone seems patronizing, but it perhaps
expresses the general opinion of William up to this time. He had
certainly been mainly remarkable for amazing prudence and amazing
good luck, rather than for the winning of great battles.

Footnote 1185

Ib. “Suadeo, inter munitiones mane, manu ad præsens confligere noli.”

Footnote 1186

There are few cases in which we can better apply the familiar words
of Thucydides (v. 105), μακαρίσαντες ὑμῶν τὸ άπειρόκακον οὐ ζηλοῦμεν
τὸ ἄφρον.

Footnote 1187

St. Luke xiv. 31.

Footnote 1188

Will. Pict. 128. “Non me tutarer valli aut mœnium latebris, sed
confligerem quamprimùm cum Heraldo.” He then goes on to make the
statement about his numbers which I have quoted in p. 387.

Footnote 1189

Ib. “‘Pro mandato,’ inquit, ‘quo mihi dominus tuus vult esse cautum,
quamquam sine contumeliâ suadere decuerit, gratias ipsi et hæc
refer.’”

Footnote 1190

See above, p. 375.

Footnote 1191

Roman de Rou, 11831;

“Un chastel i ont fermé
De bretesches è de fossé.”

Footnote 1192

Ib. 11755;

“Un chevalier de la cuntrée
Oï la noise è la criée
Ke païsant è vilain firent,
Ki la grant flote arriver virent.”

Footnote 1193

Ib. 11761;

“En dreit un tertre s’arestut,
Ke alquanz d’els ne l’aparçut;
Iloc s’estut, si esgarda
Coment la grant flote ariva.”

Wace’s account is of course confused by his primary blunder of
reversing the geographical order, by making William land at Hastings,
and thence go to Pevensey (see above, p. 400). His Thegn is therefore
made to set out from Hastings, and the scene is apparently laid
at Hastings. For Wace makes the Thegn hide himself behind a hill
(“tertre”), which it would be easy to do at Hastings, but hard
at Pevensey, as the mound of the later castle, then close to the
landing-place, would hardly serve the purpose. The expression is
clearly borrowed from Guy of Amiens’ description of his messenger
from Hastings (149);

“Ex Anglis unus, latitans sub rupe marinâ.”

But a man who saw the actual landing, and at once started for York,
must have started from Pevensey, and the fort which he saw thrown up
must have been the fort at Pevensey, not the fort at Hastings. No
doubt a messenger from Hastings, the messenger described by Guy of
Amiens, would soon follow the messenger from Pevensey, and Wace, in
his geographical confusion, rolled the two into one.

The words of Florence also would imply that news was brought straight
from Pevensey; “Nuntiatum est ei Willelmum Comitem gentis Normannicæ
... advenisse ... et in loco qui Pefnesea dicitur suam classem
adpulisse.”

Footnote 1194

Roman de Rou, 11770;

“Vit li chastel fere è fermer;
Vit li fossé envirun faire.”

Footnote 1195

Roman de Rou, 11774;

“S’espée ceint è prist sa lance.”

Wace perhaps arms his English Thegn a little too much in continental
fashion. For Wace’s “lance,” I have therefore substituted the English
javelin. But for such a ride the sword would be a more convenient
weapon than the axe. Sword and javelin are the equipment of Harold
when riding round his camp, in the Tapestry, pl. 13.

Footnote 1196

Ib. 11777;

“Astant se mist cil el chemin,
Tart se colcha, leva matin;
Tant a erré ke noit ke jor
Por Heraut querre son Seignor.”

Footnote 1197

Flor. Wig. 1066. “Cum innumerâ multitudine equitum, fundibaliorum,
sagittariorum, peditumque ... utpote qui de totâ Galliâ sibi fortes
auxiliarios conduxerat.”

Footnote 1198

See p. 407.

Footnote 1199

I get my second messenger from Guy of Amiens (149–167). He is
“rusticus;” the other, “chevalier.” As the Thegn saw and describes
the actual landing, the Churl saw and describes the later ravaging.
Wid. Amb. 150;

“Cernit ut effusas innumeras acies,
Et quod agri fulgent pleni radiantibus armis,
Vulcano flammis depopulante domos.
Perfidiæ gentem ferro bacchante perire,
Quasque dabant lacrimas cæde patrum pueri.”

Footnote 1200

Wid. Amb. 159;

“Dux Normannorum cum Gallis atque Britannis
Invasit terram, vastat et igne cremat.
Millia si quæris, tibi dicere nemo valebit:
Quod mare fert pisces, tot sibi sunt equites;
Et veluti stellas cœli numerare nequires,
Ejus sic acies nec numerare vales.”

“French,” “Franci” in the Tapestry, is the only name which takes in
the whole of William’s army as thus described.

Footnote 1201

Ib. 165;

“Captivos ducit pueros captasque puellas,
Insuper et viduas et simul omne pecus.”

Footnote 1202

Roman de Rou, 11836;

“Mielx me venist aveir perdu
Quant ke Tosti out demandé.”

Footnote 1203

Ib. 11838;

“Ke jo n’éusse el port esté,
Quant Willame vint el rivage;
Bien defendisse li passage.
Tant en féisse en mer plungier,
E tant en féisse néier,
Jà à la terre ne venissent,
Jà nient del nostre ne préissent;
Jà de morir garant n’éussent,
Se la mer tote ne béussent;
Maiz issi plout el Rei celeste,
Jo ne poiz mie par tut estre.”

Footnote 1204

Wid. Amb. 169. “Advocat ipse Duces, Comites, terraeque potentes.”

Footnote 1205

See vol. ii. pp. 104, 141.

Footnote 1206

Wid. Amb. 185;

“Quantus erit luctus, quantus dolor et pudor ingens,
Regni quanta lues, quam tenebrosa dies,
Si quod quærit habet, si regni sceptra tenebit?
Hoc omnes fugiant vivere qui cupiunt.”

Footnote 1207

Wid. Amb. 191;

“Nascitur extemplò clamor qui perculit astra,
Et vox communis omnibus una fuit;
‘Bella magis cupimus quam sub juga colla reponi
Alterius Regis, vel magis inde mori.’”

Footnote 1208

Roman de Rou, 11879;

“Heraut vint à Lundres puignant,
De totes parz Engleiz mandant,
Ke tuit viengent delivrement
E mult apareilliement,
El terme k’il lor out mandé,
Sainz esoigne forz d’enferté.”

Footnote 1209

Gaimar, 5255 (M. H. B. 827);

“Marleswain donc i lessat;
Pur ost mander en suth alad.”

See Ellis, ii. 185. Merlswegen held lands in various parts from
Cornwall to Yorkshire: it was of Lincolnshire that he was Sheriff.
See Domesday, 376.

Footnote 1210

Fl. Wig. 1066. “Comites Edwinus et Morkarus, _qui se cum suis
certamini subtraxere_.” These are words which no ingenuity can get
over.

Footnote 1211

We shall presently come to the list of shires whence men did come.

Footnote 1212

The general zeal of Englishmen is allowed even by their enemies.
Will. Pict. 132; “Studium pars Heraldo, cuncti patriæ præstabant,
quam contra extraneos, _tametsi non justè_, defensare volebant.”

Footnote 1213

Will. Malms, ii. 228. “Haroldus, triumphali eventu superbus, nullis
partibus prædæ commilitones dignatus est: quapropter multi, quo
quisque poterat dilapsi, Regem ad bellum Hastingense proficiscentem
destituere.” So again, iii. 239.

Footnote 1214

Gaimar, 5251 (M. H. B. 827);

“Li reis Harald, quant il oi,
L’évesque Aldret a donc saisi
Del grant aveir e del herneis
K’il out conquis sur les Norreis.”

Footnote 1215

See Appendix G.

Footnote 1216

Will. Malms. ii. 228. “Præter stippendiarios et mercenarios milites,
paucos admodum ex provincialibus habuit.” See Appendix HH.

Footnote 1217

The list of shires in Wace (12848) might seem at first sight to be
simply names set down at random; but, on a careful examination,
it has a deep significance. The list runs thus; London, Kent,
Hertford, Essex, Surrey, Sussex, Saint Eadmund’s and Suffolk, Norwich
and Norfolk, Canterbury and Stamford, Bedford (mentioned twice),
Huntingdon, Northampton, York, Buckingham, Nottingham, Lindesey and
Lincoln, Salisbury, Dorset, Bath and Somerset, Gloucester, Worcester,
Winchester and Hampshire, Berkshire. This list exactly answers to
the geographical division which I have given in the text, with the
single exception that we find Worcester where we should rather have
looked for Hereford. The shires mentioned are those which make up
the Earldoms of Harold, Gyrth, Leofwine, and Waltheof, together with
the shires through which Harold marched. This accounts for what at
first seems a contradiction, namely that we find York on the list and
yet read afterwards (12877) “D’ultre li Humbre n’i vint gaires.” No
doubt some volunteers followed the King from York, but the main force
of Northumberland was kept back by Morkere. Why are Canterbury and
Stamford joined? One or other name must surely be wrong.

Footnote 1218

Roman de Rou, 12957;

“Kar ço dient ke cil de Kent
Deivent férir primierement;
U ke li Reis auge en estor,
Li primier colp deit estre lor.
Cil de Lundres, par dreite fei,
Deivent garder li cors li Rei,
Tut entur li deivent ester,
E l’estandart deivent garder.”

Footnote 1219

The Ansgardus of Guy. For all these names see Appendix EE.

Footnote 1220

See vol. ii. pp. 63, 441.

Footnote 1221

Bondig (see above, p. 53) is mentioned in a very confused passage
in the De Inventione, c. 20; “Ab omnibus consultum est ei Tostinum
[Leofwinum?], Gerth, et Bundinum, et reliquos qui secesserant,
exspectare.” I do not understand the “secession” of Gyrth; so Bondig
may have been at Senlac also.

Footnote 1222

See vol. ii. pp. 467, 644.

Footnote 1223

See Appendix EE.

Footnote 1224

See vol. ii. p. 349.

Footnote 1225

Chron. Petrib. 1066. “And þa wæs Leofric Abbot of Burh æt þæt ilca
feord, and sæclode þær, and com ham, and wæs dæd sone þæræfter, on
ælre halgan mæsse niht; God are his saule.”

Footnote 1226

See Appendix EE.

Footnote 1227

On the chronology of these events, see Appendix FF.

Footnote 1228

See above, p. 31.

Footnote 1229

The Waltham writer (De Inv. 20), as I have already said (see above,
p. 375), conceives the King as hearing the news of William’s landing
at Waltham. This we know to be wrong: but we may surely accept a
journey from London to Waltham.

As for the miraculous narrative, see Professor Stubbs, De Inv.
xxviii. For other mere legendary versions, see Appendix II.

Footnote 1230

De Inv. 20. “Mane facto ecclesiam Sanctæ Crucis ingrediens, et
relliquias quas apud se habebat in capellâ suâ repositas altari
superponens.”

Footnote 1231

De Inv. 20. “Votum vovit, quod si successus prosperos sub eventu
belli præstaret ei Dominus, copiam prædiorum et multitudinem
clericorum Deo ibidem serviturorum ecclesiæ conferret, _et se Deo
serviturum amodo quasi servum emptitium sponderet_.”

Footnote 1232

Over the west door seems a strange place for the great relic of a
church; yet I cannot otherwise understand the words of the Waltham
writer (De Inv. 20). Harold makes his offerings on the altar; then,
“Clero eum comitante et processione præcedente, veniunt ad valvas
templi, ubi conversus ad Crucifixum Rex ille Sanctæ Cruci devotus, ad
terram in modum crucis prosternens se, pronus oravit.”

Footnote 1233

De Inv. 20. “Imago Crucifixi, quæ priùs erecta ad superiora
respiciebat, quum se Rex humiliaret in terram, demisit vultum quasi
tristis, lignum quidem præscium futurorum.” The writer then goes on
to mention Thurkill, from whom he himself heard the story.

Footnote 1234

See Appendix GG.

Footnote 1235

Roman de Rou, 11935. See Appendix GG.

Footnote 1236

Will. Pict. 129.

Footnote 1237

Roman de Rou, 11975.

Footnote 1238

De Inventione, 20. “Nimis præceps, et de virtute suâ præsumens,
credebat se invalidos et impræniunitos Normannos expugnare, antequam
a Normannis gens subsequutiva in præsidium eorum succresceret.”
This last reason is borne out by the testimony of the Worcester
Chronicles, which I shall quote hereafter, that reinforcements did
come to William either before the battle or very soon after.

Footnote 1239

See p. 412, note 4.

Footnote 1240

The interposition of Gyrth is mentioned, not only by his special
admirer Wace (12041 et seqq.), but by William of Jumièges (vii. 35),
Orderic (500 C, who nearly copies William of Jumièges), William of
Malmesbury (iii. 239), and Benoît (37129). The speech is much to the
same effect in all. Here it is that William of Malmesbury makes the
odd mistake about Gyrth’s age which I mentioned in vol. ii. p. 555.

Footnote 1241

Will. Gem. vii. 35. “Quiesce, quæso, prudenter tractare tecum velis,
quid cum sacramentis Consuli Normanniæ promiseris. Cave ne perjurium
incurras, et pro tanto scelere tu cum viribus nostræ gentis corruas
nostræ-que progeniei permansurum dedecus exinde fias.” The expression
“cave ne perjurium incurras,” so late in the day, is remarkable.
William of Malmesbury (iii. 239) softens matters a little; “Nec enim
ibis in inficias quin illi sacramentum vel invitus vel voluntarius
feceris; proinde consultiùs ages si, instanti necessitati te
subtrahens, nostro periculo colludium pugnæ tentaveris.”

Footnote 1242

Will. Gem. u. s. “Ego, liber ab omni sacramento, Willelmo Comiti
nihil debeo. Audacter igitur contra illum pro natali solo certare
paratus sum.” So William of Malmesbury (u. s.); “Nos, omni juramento
expediti, justè ferrum pro patriâ stringemus.”

Footnote 1243

Will. Gem. u. s. “Ne _clara libertas Anglorum_ pereat in tuâ
pernicie.”

Footnote 1244

Will. Malms, iii. 239. “Nobis solis prœliantibus, caussa tua
utrobique in portu navigabit: quia et fugientes restituere et mortuos
ulcisci poteris.” Wace (12057) adds the alternatives of his own
captivity and of an agreement between Harold and William;

“Mais se jo suis veincu u pris,
Vos, se Dex plaist, ki serez vis,
Vos maisnies rasemblerez,
E cumbatre vos i porrez,
U tel parole el Duc prendrez,
Ke vostre régné en paiz tendrez.”

Footnote 1245

This advice comes from Wace (12065);

“Alez par cest païz, ardant
Maizons è viles destruiant;
Pernez la robe è la vitaille,
Pors et oeilles et aumaille,
Ke Normanz vitaille ne truissent
Ne nule rien donc vivre puissent.
Fetes la vitaille esluingnier,
Ke il ne truissent ke mengier,
Si les porrez mult esmaier
E faire ariere repairier;
Li Dus meisme s’en ira,
Quant la vitaille li faldra.”

Footnote 1246

Ord. Vit. 500 C. “Quæ interitu Tostici filii sui valde erat lugubris.”

Footnote 1247

Will. Gem. vii. 35. “Consilium istud, quod amicis ejus salubre
videbatur sprevit, et germanum suum, qui fideliter ei consiliabatur,
conviciis irritavit, matremque suam, quæ nimis ipsum retinere secum
satagebat, pede procaciter percussit.” So Ord. Vit. 500 D. Wace,
whose good taste and dramatic feeling places him high above all the
other Norman writers, passes by this absurd tale, but it reappears in
Benoît (37197);

“Vers sa mere fu mult eschis,
Qui chèrement fust à plaisir
Deu remaindre, deu retenir,
E tant l’en fist longe preiere
Qu’enverse la bota arière;
Tel il dona del pié el ventre.”

Footnote 1248

See Appendix N.

Footnote 1249

Roman de Rou, 12086;

“A cest cunseil tuit se teneient,
Et issi fere le voleient.”

Footnote 1250

Roman de Rou, 12090;

“Ke jà en champ sanz li n’iront,
Ne sanz li ne se cumbatront.
Por coart, ço dist, le teindreient
E plusors li reprovereient,
Ke sis boens amiz envéiout,
En lieu ù aler il n’osout.”

Footnote 1251

See vol. ii. p. 319.

Footnote 1252

Roman de Rou, 12080;

“Maisonz è viles n’en ardra,
Ne sis homes ne robera.
‘Coment,’ dist-il, ‘dei-jo grever
La gent ke jo dei governer?
Destruire ne grever ne dei
La gent ki det garir soz mei.’”

Compare the advice given by Memnôn to Arsitês in Arrian (i. 12. 17)
and Arsitês’ answer; Παρῄνει ... προϊόντας ... τόν τε χιλὸν ἀφανίζειν
καταπατοῦντας τῇ ἵππῳ, καὶ τὸν ἐν τῇ γῇ καρπὸν ἐμπιμπράναι, μηδὲ
τῶν πόλεων αὐτῶν φειδομένους· οὐ γὰρ μενεῖν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ Ἀλέξανδρον
ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων. Ἀρσίτην δὲ λέγεται εἰπεῖν ἐν τῷ συλλόγῳ τῶν
Περσῶν, ὅτι οὐκ ἂν περιΐδοι μήτ’ οἰκίαν μίαν ἐμπρησθεῖσαν τῶν ὑπό οἱ
τεταγμένων ἀνθρώπων. Contrast the conduct of William in ravaging the
English coast when an invasion from Denmark was looked for; Chron.
Petrib. 1085.

Footnote 1253

See Appendix FF.

Footnote 1254

See Appendix HH.

Footnote 1255

Will. Pict. 131. “Accelerabat ... Rex furibundus ... nocturno etiam
incursu aut repentino minùs cautos opprimere cogitabat.” He then goes
on to tell of the seven hundred ships. See Appendix AA. So Will.
Gem. vii. 35, 36; “Ducem incautum accelerans præoccupare, totâ nocte
equitans [Heraldus] in campo belli apparuit manè. Dux verò nocturnos
præcavens excursus hostis, inchoantibus tenebris ad gratissimam usque
lucem exercitum jussit esse in armis.” William of Poitiers makes the
fight begin directly on the approach of the English army, and William
of Jumièges puts it the same day. The last messages between William
and Harold are thus cut out, and William of Poitiers leaves no room
for the two different ways of spending the night. But William of
Poitiers is always careless of chronology, and William of Jumièges is
here ignorant of it (see Appendix GG). Wace makes the English reach
Senlac on Thursday night, and a day is spent in the messages. He says
(12110) of Thursday night,