Chapter XLIV: Appendix: NOTE A. p. 3 (16)

Will. Malms. iii. 245. “Illa fuit dies fatalis Angliæ, funestum
excidium dulcis patriæ, pro novorum dominorum commutatione.”

Footnote 1460

Hen. Hunt. lib. vi.; Scriptt. p. Bed. 212. “Quum jam Domini justam
voluntatem super Anglorum gentem Normanni complêssent, nec jam vix
aliquis princeps de progenie Anglorum esset in Angliâ, sed omnes ad
servitutem et ad mœrorem redacti essent; ita etiam ut Anglicum vocari
esset opprobrio.”

Footnote 1461

Ib. lib. vii.; Scriptt. p. Bed. 213. “Declaratum constat quomodò
Dominus salutem et honorem genti Anglorum pro meritis abstulerit et
jam populum non esse jusserit.”

Footnote 1462

See the quotation from Eadmer in p. 482.

Footnote 1463

Will. Pict. 138. “Sic victoriâ consummatâ, ad aream belli regressus,
repperit stragem, quam non absque miseratione conspexit, tametsi
factam in impios, tametsi tyrannum occidere sit pulcrum, famâ
gloriosum, beneficio gratum.” Cf. vol. ii. p. 285, note 3.

Footnote 1464

Chron. Wig. 1066. “And þa Frencyscan ahton wælstowe geweald, eallswa
heom God uðe for folces synnon.”

Footnote 1465

Will. Pict. 138. “Latè solum operuit sordidatus in cruore flos
Anglicæ nobilitatis atque juventutis.”

Footnote 1466

Roman de Rou, 14026;

“Ki par noit kuident relever,
Et par noit kuident escaper;
Maiz mult se kuident ainz vengier,
Et mult se kuident vendre chier.
Ne chaut chescun de sa vie,
Ne li chaut poiz ki l’ocie,
Mais ke il ait un Normant mort.”

This remarkable passage throws light on the escape of Esegar and
Leofric.

Footnote 1467

Ib. 14055;

“Li colps virent granz en l’escu
E li helme out quassé véu.”

Will. Malms, iii. 244. “Et proculdubio divina ilium manus protexit,
ut nihil sanguinis ex ejus corpore hostis hauriret, quamquam ilium
tot jaculis impeteret.” If we can believe Guy of Amiens (555),
William had killed two thousand Englishmen with his own hand;

“Dux ibi per numerum duo millia misit ad Orcum,
Exceptis aliis millibus innumeris.”

Footnote 1468

Roman de Rou, 14073;

“A la champaigne la nuit jut,
Entre li morz mainga è but.
Diemaine fu el demain.”

Footnote 1469

Wid. Amb. 561;

“Inter defunctos noctem pausando peregit
Victor, et exspectat Lucifer ut redeat.”

Footnote 1470

Ib. 567;

“Illuxit postquam Phœbi clarissima lampas
Et mundum furvis expiat à tenebris,
Lustravit campum, tollens et cæsa suorum
Corpora, Dux terræ condidit in gremio.”

Footnote 1471

Will. Pict. 139. “Par fuisset Anglorum, qui sese per injuriam tantam
pessumdederunt in mortem, carnes gulâ vulturis lupique devorari,
ossibus insepultis campos fore sepultos. Cæterum illi crudele visu
est tale supplicium. Volentibus ad humandum eos colligere liberam
concessit potestatem.” So more at length, Roman de Rou, 14083–14092.
Guy however (571) says,

“Vermibus atque lupis, avibus canibusque voranda,
Deserit Anglorum corpora strata solo.”

The easiest way to reconcile the statements is that William did not
order the burial of the English; he allowed the bodies which were
claimed to be carried away, but those which were unclaimed remained
unburied.

Footnote 1472

Of William’s dealings with the New Minster I shall have to speak in
my next volume.

Footnote 1473

William of Poitiers (138) simply says, “Propiùs Regem fratres ejus
duo reperti sunt.”

Footnote 1474

Roman de Rou, 14083;

“Li nobles dames de la terre
Sunt alées lor maris querre;
Li unes vunt quérant lor peres,
U lor espos u filz u freres;
A lor villes les emporterent,
E as mostiers les en terrerent.”

Footnote 1475

See Appendix K.

Footnote 1476

See vol. ii. p. 630.

Footnote 1477

Ulf the son of Harold (see Flor. Wig. 1087) can hardly fail to have
been a child of Ealdgyth. See Lappenberg, p. 557 (vol. ii. p. 304,
Thorpe). If Harold’s marriage with Ealdgyth took place after his
election (see Appendix F), Ulf must have been a posthumous child.

Footnote 1478

Flor. Wig. 1066. “Cujus [Haroldi] morte auditâ, Comites Edwinus et
Morkarus ... Lundoniam venere, et sororem suam Aldgitham Reginam
sumptam ad Civitatem Legionum misere.”

Footnote 1479

De Inv. c. 20. “Viso hoc infausto auspicio, multo dolore correpti,
duos fratres de ecclesiâ præcipuos et majores natu, Osegodum Cnoppe
et Ailricum Childemaister, in comitatu Regis miserunt ad prœlium, ut,
cognitis rei eventibus, de corpore Regis et suorum ecclesiæ devotorum
curam agerent, et, si fortuna sic daret, cadavera reportarent.” Was
Æthelric “Magister Scholarum” between Adelard and his son? See vol.
ii. p. 444.

Footnote 1480

Ib. c. 21. “Fatales hos Regis eventus sequuti fuerant a longè ut
viderent finem.”

Footnote 1481

Wid. Amb. 577;

“Heraldi mater, nimio constricta dolore,
Misit adusque Ducem, postulat et precibus
Orbatæ miseræ natis tribus et viduatæ,
Pro tribus unius reddat ut ossa sibi,
Si placet, aut corpus puro præponderet auro.”

Will. Malms. iii. 247. “Corpus Haroldi matri repetenti sine pretio
misit, licet illa multum per legatos obtulisset.” (On the difference
between these two accounts, see Appendix MM.) Both these versions
make Gytha simply send; but the words of William of Poitiers (138)
seem to me rather to imply that she came personally; “Tumulandum eum
Willelmo agnomine Maletto concessit, non matri pro corpore dilectæ
prolis auri par pondus offerenti.” So Orderic (502 C); “Mœsta igitur
mater Guillelmo Duci pro corpore Heraldi par auri pondus obtulit.”

Footnote 1482

Il. xxii. 351:

οὐδ’ εἴ κεν σ’ αὐτὸν χρυσῷ ἐρύσασθαι ἀνώγοι
Δαρδανίδης Πρίαμος· οὐδ’ ὥς σέ γε πότνια μήτηρ
ἐνθεμένη λεχέεσσι γοήσεται, ὃν τέκεν αὐτὴ,
ἀλλὰ κύνες τε καὶ οἰωνοὶ κατὰ πάντα δάσονται.

He afterwards (Il. xxiv. 578) receives the gifts of Priam; that is,
he does not refuse them; but they seem to have no share in bringing
about his change of purpose.

Footnote 1483

Will. Pict. 138. “Scivit non decere tali commercio aurum accipi.
Æstimavit indignum fore ad matris libitum sepeliri, cujus ob nimiam
cupiditatem insepulti remanerent innumerabiles. Dictum est illudendo,
oportere situm esse custodem littoris et pelagi, quæ cum armis ante
vesanus insedit.” So directly after “in littoreo tumulo jaces.”

Footnote 1484

Wid. Amb. 582;

“Sed Dux iratus prorsùs utrumque negat;
Jurans quod potiùs præsentis littora portûs
Illi committet aggere sub lapidum.
Ergo velut fuerat testatus, rupis in alto
Præcepit claudi vertice corpus humi.”

Cf. Il. vii. 86;

σῆμά τέ οἱ χεύσωσιν ἐπὶ πλατεῖ Ἑλληςπόντῳ κ.τ.λ.

Footnote 1485

De Inv. 21. “Fratres ... currunt ad cadavera, et vertentes ea huc et
illuc, Domini Regis corpus agnoscere non valentes.” It will be easily
seen that I am blending two stories. See Appendix MM.

Footnote 1486

See Appendix NN.

Footnote 1487

De Inv. c. 21. “Secretiora in eo signa noverat ceteris ampliùs,
ad ulteriora intima secretorum admissa, quatinus ipsius notitiâ
certificarentur secretis indiciis qui exterioribus non poterant.”
So Will. Pict. 138. “Ipse, carens omni decore, quibusdam signis,
nequaquam facie, recognitus est.” Compare the finding of Tostig, p.
373. A story of the same sort is told by Rudolf Glaber (lib. iii. c.
9; Duchèsne, iv. 38) of Odo of Champagne.

Footnote 1488

See Hist. Fed. Gov. vol. i. p. 451.

Footnote 1489

Wid. Amb. 573;

“Heraldi corpus collegit dilaceratum,
Collectum texit sindone purpureâ,
Detulit et secum repetens sua castra marina,
Expleat ut solitas funeris exsequias.”

Footnote 1490

Ib. 587;

“Extemplo quidam partim Normannus et Anglus,
Compater Heraldi, jussa libenter agit:
Corpus enim Regis citò sustulit et sepelivit,
Imponens lapidem, scripsit et in titulo:
‘Per mandata Ducis, Rex, hic, Heralde, quiescis,
Ut custos maneas littoris et pelagi.’”

See the quotation from William of Poitiers, p. 512. So Ord. Vit. 502
B.

Footnote 1491

See Appendix MM.

Footnote 1492

This tale is the main subject of the Vita Haroldi in the Chroniques
Anglo-Normandes, vol. ii. See especially pp. 173–184, 194–222.

Footnote 1493

Vit. Har. 173. “A duobus, ut fertur, mediocribus viris, quos
francalanos sive agricolas vocant, agnitus et callidè occultatus.”

Footnote 1494

Ib. 174. “Transfretavit igitur in Germaniam, generis sui genitricem
aditurus Saxoniam ... cognatos ad ferenda propriæ stirpi suffragia
instanter sollicitat.” He goes to Denmark in p. 175.

Footnote 1495

See vol. i. p. 68.

Footnote 1496

A false—Matthew Paris thinks a true—Baldwin, was hanged in Flanders
in 1224. See Mat. Par. 322 Wats. On the false Sebastians, see the
work of M. d’Antas, “Les Faux Don Sébastien,” Paris, 1866.

Footnote 1497

Fuller, History of Waltham Abbey, p. 259. Cf. Knighton, 2343.

Footnote 1498

There was a twofold translation of Waltheof (see Ord. Vit. 537 A, 543
A), and seemingly of Harold also.

Footnote 1499

De Inv. c. 21. “Cujus corporis translationi, quum sic se habebat
status ecclesiæ fabricandi, vel devotio fratrum reverentiam corpori
exhibentium, nunc extremè memini me tertiò adfuisse, et sicut
vulgò celebre est, et attestationes antiquorum audivimus, plagas
ipsis ossibus impressas oculis corporeis et vidisse et manibus
contrectâsse.” He could probably just remember the translation in
the dim way that a child remembers things, but his recollection was
strengthened by hearing the story from older members of the house.

Footnote 1500

Il. xxiv. 804.

Footnote 1501

Walt. Hem. ii. 266–267. “Ordinaverunt de corpore Regis quod ...
maneret in ecclesiâ religiosorum de Waltham, donec ... vacaret eis
intendere sepulturæ; factumque est ita.”

Footnote 1502

The wonderful analogy between the two great Edwards, the son of
Ælfred and the son of Henry the Third, strikes us at every stage of
the history of the two. See above, p. 38.

Footnote 1503

The authorities for this Chapter are the same as for the last, except
that the Bayeux Tapestry now fails us.

Footnote 1504

Guy of Amiens (595) says, after mentioning Harold’s burial,

“Nomine postposito Ducis, et sic Rege locato,
Hinc regale sibi nomen adeptus abit.”

Footnote 1505

Will. Malms. ii. 228. “Quasi cum Haroldo omne robur deciderit Angliæ.”

Footnote 1506

Chron. Wig. 1066. “And Wyllelm eorl for eft ongean to Hæstingan, and
geanbidode þær hwæðer man him to bugan wolde.”

Footnote 1507

Ib. “Ac þa he ongeat þæt man him to cuman nolde.”

Footnote 1508

Will. Pict. 141. “Erat videlicet eorum voti summa non habere dominum
quem non habuere compatriotam.”

Transcriber’s Note: This footnote was cut short in the original
printing, at “Will. Pict. 141. “Erat videlicet eorum voti summa
non habere domi-”; the rest of the sentence has been completed by
comparison with another edition of the book.

Footnote 1509

Roman de Rou, 13986;

“Engleiz ki del champ eschaperent,
De si à Lundres ne finerent:
Ço diseient è so creimeient
Ke li Normanz prez les sueient.”

He goes on to say that many were drowned through their eagerness to
cross the bridge into the city.

Footnote 1510

See above, p. 501.

Footnote 1511

Flor. Wig. 1066. “Cujus [Haroldi] morte auditâ, Comites Edwinus et
Morkarus ... Londoniam venere.” William of Malmesbury, less probably
(iii. 247), makes them hear the news in London, “apud Londoniam
audito interitûs Haroldi nuntio.”

Footnote 1512

See above, p. 511.

Footnote 1513

Will. Pict. 141. “Tum verò confluxerat ad ipsam hospes turba
propugnatorum, quam, licet ambitu nimis ampla, non facilè capiebat.”
So Guy of Amiens, 641;

“Hanc bello superata petit gens improba, sperans
Vivere per longum libera tempus in hâc.”

Footnote 1514

Flor. Wig. “Aldredus autem Eboracensis Archiepiscopus, et iidem
Comites [Edwinus et Morkarus], cum civibus Lundoniensibus et
butsecarlis, Clitonem Eadgarum, Eadmundi Ferrei Lateris nepotem, in
Regem levare voluere.”

Footnote 1515

See Appendix NN.

Footnote 1516

Guy of Amiens (645) has here a very singular statement;

“Unà, postremùm rectores atque potentes
Tali consilio consuluere sibi:
Scilicet ut puerum _natum de traduce Regis_
Hi Regem sacrent, ne sine Rege forent.”

“Tradux Regis” must mean either Godwine or Harold. In an earlier
passage (472) it means Godwine. The passage then implies that either
a brother or a son of Harold was chosen. I do not however take this
as showing that there really was any movement in favour of one of
Harold’s sons, but rather that Guy fancied that Eadgar was a son or
brother of Harold.

Footnote 1517

As I before said, there is no trustworthy evidence as to Waltheof’s
presence or absence at Senlac. _A priori_, it is about equally
strange if he stayed away and if, being there, he came back alive.
Snorro, who still calls Waltheof Harold’s brother, unhesitatingly
takes him to the battle; “Þar voró þá med Haralldi brædor hans Sveinn
(!) oc Gyrdir oc Valþiófr Jarl.” (Johnstone, p. 218; Laing, iii. 95.)
But he goes on to give an account of an exploit of Waltheof after the
battle, the burning of a hundred Normans who had taken shelter in a
wood, which seems to be transferred from Waltheof’s doings at York in
1068. See above, p. 372.

Footnote 1518

Will. Malms, iii. 247. “Edwinus et Morcardus, amplæ spei fratres, ...
urbanos sollicitaverant ut alterutrum in regnum sublevarent.”

Footnote 1519

See the quotation from Florence in p. 526. So Will. Pict. 140. “Regem
statuerant Edgarum Athelinum, ex Edwardi Regis nobilitate, annis
puerum.” Ord. Vit. 502 D. “Interemto Heraldo, Stigandus Cantuariensis
Archiepiscopus, et præclari Comites Eduinus et Morcarus, aliique
primates Anglorum qui Senlacio bello non interfuerunt, Edgarum
Clitonem filium Eduardi Regis Hunorum [see vol. ii. p. 622], filii
Edmundi Irnesidæ, id est Ferrei-Lateris, Regem statuerunt.” Benoît
(37742), translating William of Poitiers (see above, p. 525), says;

“Esleu unt e fait seignor
D’un chevalier mult jent meschin
Qui ert apelé Addelin,
De la lignée au bon Ewart;
Fust od dutance ou à regart,
En firent rei: kar por morir
Ne porreient-il-ce soffrir
Qu’eussent rei en Engleterre
Qu’estraiz e nez fut d’autre terre.”

Yet young Eadgar was hardly more than an Englishman by courtesy.

Footnote 1520

This is implied in the quotation from Florence in p. 526.

Footnote 1521

Will. Malms. iii. 247. “Cæteri proceres Edgarum eligerent, si
Episcopos assertores haberent.” The “cæteri proceres” are opposed to
Eadwine and Morkere. “Sed proximo urgente periculo et domesticæ litis
dissidio, nec illud quidem effectum.” The apparent discrepancies in
the several accounts may, I think, be reconciled by assuming the
course of events to have been as I have given it in the text. Men
hardly knew how to describe an election which was followed by an
abdication of the King-elect before the day of coronation came.

Footnote 1522

Ealdred, as we have seen, is mentioned by Florence, who, as a
Worcester man, traces his career with special interest; the Norman
writers mention Stigand, naturally the more prominent of the two
Primates in their eyes. So Will. Pict. 140 (followed by Benoît,
37731); “Interea Stigandus Cantuariensis Archipræsul, qui, sicut
excellebat opibus atque dignitate, ita consultis plurimùm apud Anglos
poterat, cum filiis Algardi aliisque præpotentibus, prœlium minantur.”

Footnote 1523

They are mentioned a little later by Florence among the Bishops and
others who submitted to William at Berkhampstead.

Footnote 1524

The Worcester Chronicler, after describing the submission of
Berkhampstead, adds; “And þæt wæs micel unræd þæt man æror swa ne
dyde, þa hit God betan nolde for urum synnum.”

Footnote 1525

See above, p. 501.

Footnote 1526

Chron. Petrib. 1066. “Da cusan þa, munecas to abbot Brand prouost,
forðan þæt he wæs swiðe god man, and swiðe wis; and senden him þa to
Ædgar Aðeling, _forðan þet þe landfolc wendon þœt he sceolde cyng
wurðen_.” These words certainly seem to me to imply that Eadgar was
not “full King,” that he was not crowned. Thierry places the story
of Brand later, after William’s coronation, perhaps because the
Chronicler goes on to speak of “cyng Willelm.” But that entry was
evidently made later than 1066, perhaps after the sad events of 1070.

Footnote 1527

Ib. “And se Æðeling hit him geatte þa bliþolice.”

Footnote 1528

Flor. Wig. 1066. “Ad pugnam descendere multi se paravere.” He had
just before spoken of the citizens and the “butsecarls.” Cf. Guy of
Amiens, 653;

“Sparsit fama volans quod habet Londonia Regem;
Gaudet et Anglorum qui superest populus.”

Footnote 1529

On the age of Eadgar see Appendix OO.

Footnote 1530

Flor. Wig. 1066. “Iidem Comites ... cum eo se pugnam inituros
promisere, sed ... suum auxilium ab eis retraxere et cum suo exercitu
domum redierunt.” So William of Malmesbury, iii. 247; “Quod [their
own election] frustra conati, Northanhimbriam discesserant, ex suo
conjectantes ingenio numquam illuc Willelmum esse venturum.” The
two accounts fill up gaps in each other, but there is no essential
contradiction.

Footnote 1531

Will. Malms. u. s. “Ita Angli, qui, in unum coëuntes sententiam,
potuissent patriæ reformare ruinam, dum nullum ex suis volunt,
alienum induxerunt.” This distinct assertion of the possibility of
successful resistance after Senlac should be noted.

Footnote 1532

See above, p. 525.

Footnote 1533

Wid. Amb. 597;

“Hastingæ portûs castris tum quinque diebus
Mansit, et ad Doveram vertit abinde viam.”

The affair of Romney is passed by.

Footnote 1534

Chron. Wig. 1066. “He fór upp mid eallon his here _þe him to lafe
wæs_, and him syððan fram ofer sǽ cóm.” See above, p. 433. The words
in Italics mark William’s loss as more serious than might have been
gathered from the run of the story.

Footnote 1535

Domesday, 4 _b_. “Rex habet omne servitium ab eis, et ipsi habent
omnes consuetudines et alias forisfactas pro servitio maris, et sunt
in manu regis.”

Footnote 1536

See above, p. 411.

Footnote 1537

Chron. Wig. 1066. “He fór upp mid eallon his here ... and hergode
ealne þone ende þe he oferferde.” So Florence; “Interea Comes
Willelmus Suth-Saxoniam, Cantiam, Suthamtunensem provinciam,
Suthregiam, Middel-Saxoniam, Heortfordensem provinciam devastabat,
et villas cremare hominesque interficere non cessabat.” This quite
upsets the contrary description in William of Malmesbury (iii. 247);
“Sensim ergo Willelmus, ut triumphatorem decebat, cum exercitu, non
hostili sed regali modo progrediens, urbem regni maximam Londoniam
petit.” The notion of a peaceful progress was probably suggested by
the quiet surrender of so many towns; but then it was simply through
the terror of William’s ravages that they surrendered. Compare the
surrender of London to Swend in 1013. See vol. i. p. 397.

Footnote 1538

See above, p. 410.

Footnote 1539

Will. Pict. 139. “Humatis autem suis, dispositâque custodiâ Hastingas
eum strenuo præfecto, Romanærium accedens, quam placuit pœnam exegit
pro clade suorum,” The affair of Romney seems to be mentioned by no
other writer, except Benoît, who follows William of Poitiers, and
thus (37686) translates the last words;

“Por c’en ert mult vers eus irié,
Laidement lor fist comparer.”

Footnote 1540

See vol. ii. p. 140. The same remark on the absence of castles in
England is made by Wace (6454) when describing the conquest of
England by Swend;

“N’i aveit gaires fortelesce,
Ne tur de pierre ne bretesce,
Se n’esteit en vieille cité,
Ki close fust d’antiquité;
Maiz li Barunz de Normendie,
Quant il orent la Seignorie,
Tirent chastels è fermetez
Turs de pierre, murs è fossez.”

Footnote 1541

The history of the church in Dover Castle is discussed at length by
Mr. Puckle in his work on the Church and Castle of Dover (Oxford,
1864), but his argument is somewhat obscured by dreams about the
ancient British Church. I have little doubt that the existing
building dates from the time of Eadbald, an opinion in which I am
confirmed by Mr. G. G. Scott.

Footnote 1542

Wid. Amb. 603;

“Est ibi mons altus, strictum mare, littus opacum;
Hinc hostes citiùs Anglica Regna petunt.
Sed castrum Doveræ pendens a vertice montis,
Hostes rejiciens, littora tuta facit.”

William of Poitiers also (140) enlarges on the strength of the
position; “Situm est id castellum in rupe mari contiguâ, quæ
naturaliter acuta undique ad hoc ferramentis elaborata incisa,
in speciem muri directissimâ altitudine, quantum sagittæ jactus
permetiri potest, consurgit, quo in latere undâ marinâ alluitur.”

Footnote 1543

That the castle which William found was the work of Harold seems
implied in the demand of William as described by William of Poitiers
(108) that Harold should give up to him “Castrum Doveram, studio
atque sumptu suo communitum.” The castle already fortified by Harold
seems to be opposed to the other castles which were to be built “ubi
voluntas Ducis ea firmari juberet.”

Footnote 1544

See above, pp. 241, 245.

Footnote 1545

Will. Pict. 139. “Hinc Doveram contendit, ubi populum innumerabilem
congregatum acceperat, quod locus ille inexpugnabilis videbatur.”

Footnote 1546

Will. Pict. 139. “Ejus propinquitate Angli perculsi, neque naturæ vel
operis munimento neque multitudini virorum confidunt.”

Footnote 1547

See Lappenberg, Anglo-Norman Kings, 103, ed. Thorpe.

Footnote 1548

Guy of Amiens (599) makes the men of Dover meet William while still
on his march from Romney;

“Nec medium complêrat iter, quum territus illi
Occurrit populus partus in obsequio,
Obtulit et claves castri portasque reclusas:
Testatur simulans velle subesse sibi.”

But William of Poitiers (140) merely says that the fire took place
“quum castellani supplices deditionem pararent.” It is possible that
a distinction may be drawn between the town and the castle, and
that the castle did not surrender till William entered the town.
“Simulans,” in Guy, must simply mean that the submission was forced,
and contrary to the real wishes of those who made it; he clearly does
not mean to imply any treachery.

Footnote 1549

See vol. ii. p. 169.

Footnote 1550

Will. Pict. 140. “Armigeri exercitûs nostri prædæ cupidine ignem
injecerunt. Flamma levitate suâ volitans pleraque corripuit.” Guy
does not mention the fire, but William’s account is confirmed by
Domesday, 1; “In ipso primo adventu ejus [Regis Willelmi] in Angliam
fuit ipsa villa combusta.”

Footnote 1551

Will. Pict. u. s. “Dux, nolens incommoda eorum qui secum
deditionaliter agere cœperant, pretium dedit restituendarum ædium,
aliaque amissa recompensavit.” Guy, on the other hand (607), uses
words which might be understood as meaning that William expelled the
English inhabitants and planted a Norman colony;

“Clavibus acceptis, Rex intrans mœnia castri,
Præcipit Angligenis evacuare domos.
Hos introduxit per quos sibi regna subegit,
Unumquemque suum misit ad hospitium.”

Certainly Domesday shows singularly few English owners at Dover, but
this is more likely to be owing to the severe administration of Odo
than to any acts of William at this time. And Guy perhaps only meant
that William quartered his sick soldiers on the inhabitants.

Footnote 1552

Will. Pict. u. s. “Severiùs animadverti præcepisset in auctores
incendii, ni vilitas et numerositas ipsorum occultavisset eos.”

Footnote 1553

Ib. “Recepto castro, quæ minùs erant per dies octo addidit
firmamenta.”

Footnote 1554

Ib. “Custodiam inibi relinquens et dysenteriâ languentes.” He had
just before said, “Milites illic recentibus carnibus et aquâ utentes,
multi proluvio ventris exstincti sunt, plurimi in extremum vitæ
debilitati discrimen.” Then William “ad perdomandum quos devicit
proficiscitur.”

Footnote 1555

Wid. Amb. 611;

“Illicò pervasit terror vicinia castri,
Urbes et burgos, oppida quæque replens.”

Every one knows the legend, followed by Thierry and, hesitatingly,
also by Lappenberg (105), about the Kentish men coming with boughs
in their hands and extorting from William a confirmation of their
rights. It comes from William Thorn, X Scriptt. 1786, and it has,
as far as I know, no better authority. The tale describes the
Kentishmen as led by Stigand, who was then undoubtedly in London.
There is nothing to show that Kent was better treated than the rest
of England; as it was put under Odo, it was perhaps treated a little
worse. William no doubt promised to the Kentishmen the preservation
of their ancient laws, but this he did to Englishmen everywhere.

Footnote 1556

Will. Pict. 140. “Contremuit etiam potens metropolis metu, et ne
funditus caderet ullatenus resistendo, maturavit impetrare statum
obediendo.”

Footnote 1557

Ib. “Occurrunt ultro Cantuarii hand procul à Doverâ, jurant
fidelitatem, dant obsides.” So Guy, 613;

“Nobilior reliquis urbs Cantorberia dicta,
Missis legatis, prima tributa tulit.”

Footnote 1558

Wid. Amb. 615;

“Post aliæ plures nimium sua jura timentes,
Regi sponte suâ munera grata ferunt.
...
Omnes dona ferunt et sub juga colla reponunt;
Flexis poplitibus oscula dant pedibus.”

He likens them to flies settling on a wound.

Footnote 1559

See above, p. 358.

Footnote 1560

Will. Pict. 140. “Veniens postero die ad Fractam Turrim castra
metatus est, quo in loco gravissimâ sui corporis valetudine animos
familiarium pari contulerit ægritudine.”

Footnote 1561

William of Poitiers goes on, “Volens autem publicum bonum, ne
exercitus egestate rerum necessariarum laboraret, noluit indulgere
sibi moras ibi agendo.” But that he did not go far from Canterbury is
plain from Guy, 623;

“Per spatium mensis cum gente perendinat illic,
Post aliò vadit castra locare sibi.”

Guy does not mention William’s illness, but his mention of the
month’s delay quite agrees with it.

Footnote 1562

See Appendix K.

Footnote 1563

Wid. Amb. 625;

“Guincestram misit, mandat primatibus urbis,
Ut faciunt alii, ferre tributa sibi.
Hanc Regina tenet Regis de dote prioris
Hetguardi: quare dedecus esse putat
Sic sibi concessam si vadit tollere sedem;
Solum vectigal postulat atque fidem.”

The embassy to Winchester is not mentioned by William of Poitiers.

Footnote 1564

Wid. Amb. 631;

“Unà primates Reginæ consuluerunt,
Illaque concedens ferre petita jubet.
Taliter et Regis præcepto spirat uterque,
Nam dominæ pariter et sua dona ferunt.”

Footnote 1565

Ib. 639;

“A lævâ muris, a dextris flumine tuta,
Hostes nec metuit, nec pavet arte capi.”

Footnote 1566

Wid. Amb. 635;

“Rex sic pacatus tentoria fixa resolvit,
Quo populosa nitet Londona vertit iter.”

Footnote 1567

See the quotation from Florence in p. 534.

Footnote 1568

The expressions of Guy (663 et seqq.) seem distinctly to assert a
siege. We read, for instance,

“Densatis castris a lævâ mœnia cinxit.”

And again,

“Ædificat moles, vervecis cornua ferro,
Fabricat et talpas urbis ad excidium.”

Yet it is impossible to reconcile this with the account in William of
Poitiers. Guy’s description of Westminster (665) is worth notice;

“Dimidiæ leugæ spatio distabat ab urbe
Regia regalis, ante decora nimis,
Fertur ab antiquis quæ Guest vocitata colonis,
Post Petri nomen duxit ab ecclesiâ.
Providus hanc sedem sibi Rex elegit ad ædem,
Quæ sibi complacuit jure nec immeritò:
Nam, veluti patrum testantur gesta priorum,
Ex solito Reges hic diadema ferunt.”

Guy has a little exaggerated the antiquity of Westminster as a royal
dwelling-place.

Footnote 1569

Will. Pict. 141. “Præmissi illo equites Normanni quingenti egressam
contra se aciem refugere intra mœnia impigrè compellunt, terga
cædentes. Multæ stragi addunt incendium, cremantes quidquid
ædificiorum citra flumen invenere.” On Southwark as a dwelling-place
of Godwine, see vol. ii. pp. 147, 329, 579.

Footnote 1570

Will. Pict. 141. “Ut malo duplici superba ferocia contundatur.”

Footnote 1571

Ib. “Dux, progrediens dein quoquoversùm placuit, transmeato flumine
Tamesi, vado simul atque ponte ad oppidum Warengefort pervenit.” Yet
Wallingford is on the West-Saxon side of the river.

Footnote 1572

Domesday, 56. “In Burgo de Walingeford ... Rex Edwardus habuit xv.
acras in quibus manebant huscarles.” The customs of Wallingford are
given at great length. On Wigod of Wallingford, see Appendix PP.

Footnote 1573

See vol. i. p. 410.

Footnote 1574

See vol. ii. pp. 113, 117, 330.

Footnote 1575

See above, p. 485.

Footnote 1576

Chron. Wig. 1066. “He hergode ... [see above, p. 534, note 3] oð
þæt he com to Beorhhamstede.” So Florence; “Devastabat ... donec ad
villam quæ Beorcham nominatur veniret.”

Footnote 1577

On the submission of Berkhampstead, see Appendix PP.

Footnote 1578

Wid. Amb. 681. See above, p. 502.

Footnote 1579

Ib. 685.

“Omnibus ille tamen primatibus imperat urbis;
Ejus in auxilio publica res agitur.”

Footnote 1580

The story is told at length by Guy of Amiens, 687 et seqq. I confess
that these stories of secret messages always strike me as somewhat
suspicious, to say nothing of the misconception of the state of
things involved in the description of London as a besieged town. But
it is not likely that Guy should have invented the name and the whole
story of his “Ansgardus,” and, as I before said (see above, p. 424),
I do not see who he can be except the Staller and Sheriff Esegar.
About the siege, Guy, as before (see above, p. 542), is explicit.
Esegar is made to say (699),

“Molis et erectæ transcendit machina turres,
Ictibus et lapidum mœnia scissa ruunt.”

Footnote 1581

Wid. Amb. 689;

“Solum Rex vocitetur, ait; sed commoda regni,
Ut jubet Ansgardus, subdita cuncta regat.”

Footnote 1582

Ib. 693;

“Natu majores, omni levitate repulsâ,
Aggregat.”

The “natu majores” may of course be simply the “yldestan þegnas”
(see vol. i. p. 78), but here in London we cannot help thinking of
Aldermen in the later sense.

Footnote 1583

Wid. Amb. 715;

“Actutum docilis noster legatus ut hosti
Mittatur, verbis fallere qui satagat,
Servitium simulet, necnon et fœdera pacis,
Et dextras dextræ subdere, si jubeat.”

Footnote 1584

Wid. Amb. 723;

“Sed quia vix patulâ teneatur compede vulpes,
Fallitur a Rege fallere quem voluit.”

Cf. above, pp. 161, 488, but one is a little surprised at the
comparison being made by William’s own laureate.

Footnote 1585

Ib. 725;

“Namque palam laudat Rex atque latenter ineptat
Quidquid ab Ansgardo nuntius attulerat.”

Footnote 1586

Ib. 727;

“Obcæcat donis stolidum verbisque fefellit,
Prœmia promittens innumerosa sibi.”

Footnote 1587

Ib. 735;

“Pulcrior est sole, sapientior et Salomone,
Promptior est Magno, largior et Carolo.”

I doubted for some time whether the Bishop of Amiens had not severed
“Carolus Magnus” into two distinct heroes; but by “Magnus” we are
most likely to understand Cnæus Pompeius Magnus. He then goes on to
state William’s claim to the Crown (737);

“Contulit Eguardus quod Rex donum sibi regni
Monstrat et affirmat, _vosque probâsse refert_.”

This is of course the Norman tale of the consent of the Witan being
given to Eadward’s devise of the Crown. See Appendix R. and vol. ii.
p. 302.

Footnote 1588

Ib. 731;

“Rex vobis pacem dicit profertque salutem,
Vestris mandatis paret et absque dolis.
...
Hoc igitur superest, ultra si vivere vultis,
Debita cum manibus reddere jura sibi.”

Footnote 1589

Wid. Amb. 741;

“Annuit hoc vulgus, jus turn probat esse senatus,
Et puerum Regem cœtus uterque negat.”

This passage is worthy of notice by any one who is studying the
municipal antiquities of London. At the same time we must remember
that it is not merely London which is concerned. So far as the
passage proves anything, I should rather take it as a witness to the
popular character of the Witenagemót. See vol. i. p. 112.

Footnote 1590

Chron. Wig. 1066. “And þær [at Berkhampstead] him com ongean
Ealdred arcebisceop and Eadgar _cild_ and Eadwine eorl and Morkere
eorl and ealle þa betstan men of Lundene.” Florence’s list is,
“Aldredus Archiepiscopus, Wulstanus Wigornensis Episcopus, Walterus
Herefordensis Episcopus, _Clito_ Eadgarus, Comites Edwinus et
Morkarus, et de Lundoniâ quique nobiliores, cum multis aliis.” It is
clear from this passage that Florence understood the doubtful word
_cild_ as, sometimes at least, equivalent to _Æðeling_.

As to the list itself, and the presence of Stigand, Eadwine, and
Morkere, see Appendix PP.

Footnote 1591

Chron. Wig. 1066. “And bugon þa for neode, þa mæst wæs to harme
gedón.”

Footnote 1592

See above, p. 529.

Footnote 1593

Chron. Wig. 1066. “And gysledan and sworon him aðas.” So Florence;
“Datis obsidibus, illi deditionem fecerunt, fidelitatemque
juraverunt.”

Footnote 1594

Wid. Amb. 747;

“Novit ut adventum, factus Rex obvius illis
Cum puero reliquis oscula grata dedit;
Culpas indulsit, gratanter dona recepit,
Et sic susceptos tractat honorificè.”

So Ord. Vit. 503 A. “Ipsi ab eo benigniter suscepti, pristinas
dignitates et honores receperunt.... Edgarus Adelinus, qui Rex fuerat
constitutus ab Anglis, resistere diffidens humiliter Guillelmo se
regnumque contulit. Ille verò, quia idem puer mitis et sincerus erat,
et consobrinus Eduardi Magni[!] Regis, filius scilicet nepotis ejus,
erat, amicabiliter eum amplexatus est, et omni vitâ suâ inter filios
suos honorabiliter veneratus est.”

Footnote 1595

Chron. Wig. 1066. “And he heom behet þæt he wolde heom hold hlaford
beon.” Flor. Wig. “Cum quibus et ipse fœdus pepigit.”

Footnote 1596

See Appendix PP.

Footnote 1597

Will. Pict. 141. “Orant post hæc ut coronam sumat unà, Pontifices
atque cæteri summates; ‘Se quidem solitos esse Regi servire, Regem
dominum habere velle.’” Ord. Vit. 503 B. “Cuncti Præsules regnique
proceres cum Guillelmo concordiam fecerunt, ac ut diadema regium
sumeret, sicut mos Anglici principatûs exigit, oraverunt.... Hoc
divino nutu subacti optabant indigenæ regni, qui [non] nisi coronato
Regi servire hactenus erant soliti.”

Footnote 1598

See above, p. 449.

Footnote 1599

Will. Pict. 141. “Consulens ille comitatos e Normanniâ, quorum non
minùs prudentiam quam fidem spectatam habebat.”

Footnote 1600

Ib. “Patefecit eis quid maximè sibi dissuaderet quod Angli orabant;
res adhuc turbidas esse, rebellare nonnullos, se potiùs regni quietem
quam coronam cupere.... Denique non oportere nimium properare, dum
in altum culmen ascenditur.” The Archdeacon adds, “Profectò non illi
dominabatur regnandi libido.” Cæsar, we know, was not ambitious;
neither, it seems, was William.

Footnote 1601

Will. Pict. 141. “Præterea, si Deus ipsi hunc concedit honorem, secum
velle conjugem suam coronari.” The panegyrist again comments—this
time with truth—“Sanctum esse intellexerat, sanctèque diligebat
conjugii pignus.”

Footnote 1602

Ib. 142. “Haimerius Aquitanus, Præses Toarcensis, linguâ non
ignobilior quam dextrâ.” Mark the wide sense of “Aquitanus.” The name
still stretches to the Loire.

Footnote 1603

See above, p. 456.

Footnote 1604

Will. Pict. 142. “Non est diu trahendum nostrâ deliberatione quod
desideramus fieri quam ocissimè.” The Archdeacon had just before
said, “Familiares suasere ut totius exercitûs unanimi desiderio
optari sciebant.”

Footnote 1605

Ord. Vit. 503 B. “Hoc summopere flagitabant Normanni, qui pro fasce
regali nanciscendo suo Principi subierunt ingens discrimen maris ac
prœlii.”

Footnote 1606

Will. Pict. u. s. “At prudentissimi et optimi viri nequaquam ita
cuperent in alto hujus monarchiæ illum locari, nisi præcipuè idoneum
perviderent, licet ipsorum commoda et honores per exaltationem ejus
augeri volentes.”

Footnote 1607

Ib. “Præsertim sperans, ubi regnare cœperit, rebellem quemque minus
ausurum in se, faciliùs conterendum esse.”

Footnote 1608

Will. Pict. 142. “Præmisit ergo Lundoniam, qui munitionem in ipsâ
construerent urbe, et pleraque competentia regiæ magnificentiæ
præpararent.”

Footnote 1609

See vol. ii. p. 264.

Footnote 1610

See above, p. 130.

Footnote 1611

Will. Pict. 142. “Adversitas omnis procul fuit adeò ut venatui et
avium ludo, si fortè libuit, securè vacaret.” Cf. vol. ii. p. 284.

Footnote 1612

Chron. Wig. 1066. “And þeah onmang þisan hi hergedan eall þæt hi
oferforon.” So Florence; “Nihilominus exercitui suo villas cremare et
rapinas agere permisit.”

Footnote 1613

See above, p. 534.

Footnote 1614

See above, p. 537.

Footnote 1615

Thierry has a story how Frithric, Abbot of Saint Alban’s, cut down
trees and put them in the way to block William’s march. For this tale
he refers to no ancient authority whatever, but only to Speed! It is
not even found in the sufficiently legendary life of Frithric in the
Lives of the Abbots of Saint Alban’s.

Footnote 1616

Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. Scriptt. p. Bed. 134. “Nec minùs sed multò
etiam magis Rex Willelmus extulit locum magnis reditibus prædiorum,
quod ibi regni susceperit insignia. Consuetudo igitur apud posteros
evaluit ut, propter Edwardi inibi sepulti memoriam, regiam regnaturi
accipiant coronam.” How closely these ideas were connected in
William’s mind appears from a letter of his to John Abbot of Fécamp
(see above, p. 100), in which he says, “Abbatiam Sancti Petri de
Westmonasterio ... in maximâ veneratione et habeo, et ex debito
habere debeo. Ibi enim jacet vir beatæ memoriæ dominus meus [see
above, p. 249] Rex Ethwardus, ibi etiam tumulata est Regina Etgith
uxor ejus inclita; ego etiam ibidem, Dei clementiâ providente,
sceptrum et coronam totius regni Anglici suscepi.” Mabillon, Vet. An.
i. 219.

Footnote 1617

Will. Neubrig. i. 1. “Quum, peractâ victoriâ, tyranni nomen
exhorrescens et legitimi principis personam induere gestiens,
a Stigando, tunc temporis Cantuariensi archiepiscopo, in regem
solemniter consecrari deposceret; ille, viro, ut aiebat, cruento et
alieni juris invasori, manus imponere nullatenus acquievit.” He is
followed by Walter of Hemingburgh (vol. i. p. 9).

Footnote 1618

See above, p. 284.

Footnote 1619

See above, p. 282.

Footnote 1620

Will. Pict. 143. “Repudiavit consecrari a Stigando Cantuariensi, quem
per Apostolici justum zelum anathemate reprobatum didicerat.” Ord.
Vit. 503 B. “Stigandus Cantuariensis sæcularibus curis et actibus
nimis intentus erat, et pro quibusdam reatibus ab Alexandro Papâ
interdictus fuerat.” Eadmer, 6. “Quam consecrationem licet ipse Rex
et omnes alii optimè nôssent deberi specialiter fieri et propriè a
Pontifice Cantuariensi, tamen quia multa mala et horrenda crimina
prædicabantur de Stigando qui eo tempore ibi Pontifex erat, voluit
[noluit?] eam ab ipso suscipere, ne maledictionem videretur induere
pro benedictione.” On the ecclesiastical position of Stigand see
above, pp. 16, 29, 42, and vol. ii. pp. 342, 605.

Footnote 1621

William of Newburgh, i. 2, remarks, “Aldredus verò Eboracensis
Archiepiscopus, vir bonus et prudens, hoc munus implevit, acutiùs
intelligens, cedendum esse tempori, et divinæ nequaquam resistendum
ordinationi.” He is again followed by Walter of Hemingburgh. William
of Poitiers (142) takes this opportunity to praise Ealdred as
“æquitatem valdè amans, ævo maturus, sapiens, bonus, eloquens.” In
Guy of Amiens too (791), though his name is not mentioned, he appears
as

“Præsul celeberrimus unus,
Moribus insignis et probitate cluens.”

“Probitas” generally refers to warlike prowess; but Ealdred’s Welsh
campaign (see vol. ii. p. 110) was not specially glorious.

Footnote 1622

William of Poitiers (142) speaks casually of those “qui circa
monasterium in armis et equis præsidio dispositi fuerunt.” Orderic
(503 C) is more explicit; “Normannorum turmæ circa monasterium
in armis et equis, ne quid doli et seditionis oriretur, præsidio
dispositæ fuerunt.” Presently after he speaks of “armati milites qui
extrinsecus erant pro suorum tuitione.”

Footnote 1623

That it was a new crown appears from Guy of Amiens (757);

“Auro vel gemmis jubet ut sibi nobile stemma
Illud quo deceat fiat ab artifice.”

He then goes on to devote twenty-four lines to a description of the
jewels which adorned it.

Footnote 1624

The procession is described at length by Guy, 787 et seqq.;

“Tempore disposito quo Rex sacrandus habetur,
Terræ magnates et populosa manus,
Pontificale decus, venerabilis atque senatus
Undique conveniunt Regis ad officium.”

Footnote 1625

This is clear from Guy (801);

“Rex, multâ comitumque ducum vallante catervâ,
Ultimus incedit cum strepitu populi.
Illius et dextram sustentat metropolita,
Ad lævam graditur alter honore pari.”

There can therefore be no doubt as to the share taken by Stigand in
William’s coronation. He acted as a Bishop, but not as an Archbishop.
It is however somewhat strange that Guy should put him so completely
on a level with Ealdred, without any hint as to his uncanonical
position. On the two Bishops who led the King, see Appendix E.

Footnote 1626

See above, p. 451.

Footnote 1627

Will. Pict. 142. “Eloquutus ad Anglos ... Eboracensis Archiepiscopus
... an consentirent eum sibi Dominum coronari inquisivit. Protestati
sunt hilarem consensum universi minimè hæsitantes, ac si cœlitùs
unâ mente datâ unâque voce. Anglorum voluntati quam facillimè
Normanni consonuerunt, sermocinato ad eos ac sententiam percunctato
Constantini Præsule.” Ord. Vit. 503 C. “Dum Adelredus Præsul
alloqueretur Anglos, et Goisfredus Constantiniensis Normannos, an
concederent Guillermum regnare super se, et universi consensum
hilarem protestarentur, unâ voce, non unius linguæ loquutione.” Guy
of Amiens (811) is very emphatic;

“Normannus quidam præsul mox pulpita scandens,
Famosis Gallis talia verba dedit;
‘Oblatus vobis si Rex placet, edite nobis;
Arbitrio vestri nam decet hoc fieri.’
Concessit populus, clerus favet atque senatus;
Quod sermone nequit innuit et manibus.
Sermo peroratur post illum metropolitæ:
Hac eadem linguâ protulit Angligenâ.
Spirat utrimque manus, laudat, spondet famulari,
Annuit ex toto corde subesse sibi.”

William of Poitiers distinctly counts this as an election; “Sic
electum consecravit idem Archiepiscopus,” &c. And he presently
(143) makes William’s right threefold, by bequest or hereditary
succession, by conquest, and by election; “Quam [Anglicam terram] et
hæreditariâ delegatione sacramentis Anglorum firmatâ, et jure belli
ipse possedit, coronatus tali eorumdem consensu vel potiùs appetitu
ejusdem gentis primatum.”

Footnote 1628

William of Poitiers (142, 143) tells us how the horsemen who
surrounded the church (see above, p. 557) “ignotæ [linguæ?] nimio
strepitu accepto, rem sinistram arbitrati, prope civitati imprudentiâ
flammam injecerunt.” Orderic (503 C) is clearer, “flammam ædibus
imprudenter injecerunt.” Guy does not mention the fire.

Footnote 1629

Ord. Vit. u. s. “Currente festinanter per domos incendio, plebs quæ
in ecclesiâ lætabatur perturbata, et multitudo virorum ac mulierum
diversæ dignitatis et qualitatis, infortunio perurgente, celeriter
basilicam egressa est.... Penè omnes ad ignem nimis furentem
cucurrerunt, quidam ut vim foci viriliter occarent, et plures ut in
tantâ perturbatione sibi prædas diriperent.” Mark the use of “focus”
retained in the Romance languages.

Footnote 1630

Ord. Vit. 503 D. “Soli Præsules, et pauci clerici cum monachis,
nimium trepidantes ante aram perstiterunt, et officium consecrationis
_super Regem vehementer trementem_ vix peregerunt.”

Footnote 1631

The Worcester Chronicler is emphatic on the oath; “Ða on midwintres
dæg hine halgode to Kynge Ealdred arcebisceop on Westmynstre, and he
sealde him on hand mid Christes béc, and eac swór, ærþan þe he wolde
þa corona him on heafode settan, þæt he wolde þisne þeodscype swa
wel haldan swa ænig kynge ætforan him betst dyde, gif hi him holde
beon woldon.” So Florence; “Quia Stigandus, primas totius Angliæ,
ab Apostolico Papâ calumniatus est pallium non suscepisse canonicè,
ipsâ Nativitatis die, quæ illo anno feriâ secundâ evenit, ab Aldredo
Eboracensium Archiepiscopo in Westmonasterio consecratus est
honorificè [the words which he uses of Harold’s coronation], priùs ut
idem Archipræsul ab eo exigebat, ante altare Sancti Petri Apostoli,
coram clero et populo jurejurando promittens, se velle sanctas Dei
ecclesias et rectores illarum defendere, necnon et cunctum populum
sibi subjectum justè et regali providentiâ regere, rectam legem
statuere et tenere, rapinas injustaque judicia penitùs interdicere.”
William of Poitiers and Guy are silent about the oath.

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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

● Typos fixed; non-standard spelling and dialect retained. ● Used numbers for footnotes, placing them all at the end of the last chapter. ● Enclosed italics font in _underscores_. ● Enclosed bold or blackletter font in =equals=.