Chapter XIII: Preface: To Vol. I (3)

[25] There are in that country some men of the Church, of good scholarship, whom nothing but their religious zeal has taken there, and who will not fail to do all that piety requires in this respect. Now, for the present, there is no need of any learned Doctors who may be more useful in combating vices and heresies at home. Besides, there is a certain class of men in whom we cannot have complete confidence, who are in the habit of censuring everything that is not in harmony with their maxims, and wish to rule wherever they are. It is enough to be watched from abroad without having these fault-finders, from whom even the greatest Kings cannot defend themselves, come near enough to record every movement of our hearts and souls. And then what would be the use of so many such men over there at present, unless they wanted to devote themselves to the cultivation of the soil? For going there is not all. What they will do, when they get there, must be taken into consideration. As to Sieur de Poutrincourt's residence, he provided himself at his departure with everything that was necessary. But if a few honest people were seized with a desire to [26] advance the cause of the Gospel there, I would advise them to make up five or six parties, each one having a well-equipped ship, and to go and establish colonies in different parts of New France, as at Tadoussac, Gachepé, Campseau, la Héve, Oigoudi, Ste. Croix, Pemptegoet, Kinibeki, and in other places, where there are assemblages of Savages, whom time must lead to the Christian Religion: unless the head of some great family, like the King, wishes to have the sole glory of peopling these lands. For to think of living as the Savages do seems to me out of all reason. And to prove this, the following is an example of their way of living: [_Manner of living of the Souriquois and Ethechemins._] From the first land (which is Newfoundland) to the country of the Armouchiquois, a distance of nearly three hundred leagues, the people are nomads, without agriculture, never stopping longer than five or six weeks in a place. Pliny mentions a certain people called Ichthyophagi, i.e., Fish-eaters, living in the same way. These Savages get their living in this manner during three seasons of the year. For, when Spring comes, they divide into bands upon the shores of the sea, until [27] Winter; and then as the fish withdraw to the bottom of the great salt waters, they seek the lakes and the shades of the forests, where they catch Beavers, upon which they live, and other game, as Elk, Caribou, Deer, and still smaller animals. And yet, sometimes even in Summer, they do not give up hunting: besides, there are an infinite number of birds on certain islands in the months of May, June, July and August. [_Their beds._] As to their beds, a skin spread out upon the ground serves as mattress. And in this we have nothing to jest about, for our old Gallic ancestors did the same thing, and even dined from the skins of dogs and wolves, if Diodorus and Strabo tell the truth. [_Armouchiquois._] But as to the Armouchiquois and Iroquois countries, there is a greater harvest to be gathered there by those who are inspired by religious zeal, because they are not so sparsely populated, and the people cultivate the soil, from which they derive some of the comforts of life. It is true that they do not understand very well how to make bread, not having mills, yeast, or ovens; so they pound their corn in a kind of [28] mortar, and make a paste of it as best they can, and bake it between two stones heated at the fire; or they roast this corn on the ear upon the live coals, as did the old Romans, according to Pliny. [_Pliny, book 18, chap. 2 and 10._] Afterwards people learned to bake cakes under the embers; and still later bakers began to make use of ovens. Now these people who cultivate the soil are stationary, not like the others who have nothing of their own, just as the Germans in the time of Tacitus, who has described their ancient way of living. [_Iroquois._] Farther inland, and beyond the Armouchiquois, are the Iroquois tribes, also stationary, because they till the soil, whence they gather maize wheat (or Buckwheat), beans, edible roots, and in short all that we have mentioned in describing the Armouchiquois, even more, for from necessity they draw their sustenance from the earth, as they are far from the sea. However, they have a great lake in their country, of wonderful extent, perhaps about sixty leagues, around which they encamp. [_New Mexico._] In this lake there are large and beautiful islands inhabited by the Iroquois, who are a great people; the farther [29] we penetrate into the country, the more we find it inhabited: so much so that (if we can believe the Spaniards) in the country called New Mexico, a long distance to the Southwest of these Iroquois, there are regularly built cities and houses of three and four stories, and even domesticated cattle, whence they have named a certain river, _Rio de las Vaccas_, or Cow river, because they saw a large number of them grazing on its banks. [_A great lake beyond Canada._] And this country is more than five hundred leagues directly to the north of old Mexico, being near, I believe, the end of the great lake of the river of Canada which (according to the Savages) is a thirty days' journey in length. I believe that robust and hardy men could live among these people, and do great work for the advancement of the Christian Religion. But as to the Souriquois and Etechemins, who are nomadic and divided, they must be made sedentary by the cultivation of the land, thus obliging them to remain in one place. For any one who has taken the trouble to cultivate a piece of land does not readily abandon it, but struggles valiantly to keep it. [30] But, I think, the execution of this plan will be very slow unless we take hold of it with more zeal, and unless a King, or some rich Prince, take this cause in hand, which is certainly worthy a most Christian kingdom. [_Conquest of Palestine compared with that of New France._] Great expense and loss of life were once incurred in the re-conquest of Palestine, from which there was little profit; and to-day at slight expense wonders could be accomplished, and an infinite number of people won over to God, without striking a blow: and yet we are touched by an inexplicable apathy in religious matters, which is quite different from the fervid zeal, which of old burned in the bosoms of our fathers. If we did not expect any temporal fruit from these labors, I would pardon this human weakness. But there are such well-founded hopes of good usury, that they close the mouths of all the enemies of that country, who decry it in order not to lose the traffic in Beaver and other furs from which they gain a livelihood, and without which they would die of starvation or would not know what to do. [_Appeal to the King and the Queen Regent._] But if the King and the Queen Regent, his mother, in whom God has kindled a fire of piety, should be pleased to take an interest in this (as she has certainly done in the report of the Conversion of the Savages, baptized through the [31] instrumentality of Sieur de Poutrincourt) and would leave some memorial of herself, or rather would secure for herself the blessedness of heaven by this most godly act, no one can tell how great would be her future glory in being the first to establish the Gospel in such vast territories, which (so to speak) have no bounds. If Helena, the mother of the Emperor Constantine, had found such a field for good work, she would have greatly preferred to glorify God with living temples, instead of building so many marble edifices, with which she has filled the holy land. And, after all, the hope of temporal profit is not vain. For on one hand Sieur de Poutrincourt will continue to be the servant of the King in the country which his Majesty has granted him; where he would afford a rendezvous and give assistance to all the vessels which go every year to the new World, where they encounter a thousand hardships and, as we have seen and heard, great numbers of them are lost. [_Means of reaching the Moluccas through the Northern route._] On the other hand, penetrating into the country, we might become familiar with the route to China and the Moluccas, through a mild climate and latitude, establishing a few stations, or [32] settlements, at the Falls of the great Canadian river, then at the lakes which are beyond, the last of which is not far from the great Western sea, through which the Spaniards to-day reach the Orient. Or, indeed, the same enterprise could be carried on through the Saguenay river, beyond which the Savages say there is a sea of which they have never seen the end, which is without doubt that Northern passage that has been so long sought in vain. [_Advantages._] So that we could have spices and other drugs without begging them from the Spaniards, and the profits derived from us upon these commodities would remain in the hands of the King, not counting the advantages of having hides, pasturage, fisheries, and other sources of wealth. But we must sow before we can reap. In this work we could give employment to many of the youth of France, a part of whom languish in poverty or in idleness: while others go to foreign countries to teach the trades which in former times belonged strictly and peculiarly to us, and by means of which France was filled with prosperity; whereas, to-day, a long period of peace has not yet been able to restore to her her former glory, as much [33] for the reasons just given, as for the number of idle men, and of able-bodied and voluntary mendicants, whom the public supports. [_Chicanery._] Among these obstacles we may place also the evil of chicanery, which preys upon our nation, and which has always been a reproach to it. [_Ammianus Marcellinus._] This would be somewhat obviated by frequent voyages; for a part of these pettifoggers would sooner conquer some new land, remaining under the dominion of the King, than follow up their cause here with so much loss, delay, anxiety, and labor. [_Happiness of the Savages._] And, in this respect, I consider all these poor savages, whom we commiserate, to be very happy; for pale Envy doth not emaciate them, neither do they feel the inhumanity of those who serve God hypocritically, harassing their fellow-creatures under this mask; nor are they subject to the artifices of those who, lacking virtue and goodness wrap themselves up in a mantle of false piety to nourish their ambition. If they do not know God, at least they do not blaspheme him, as the greater number of Christians do. Nor do they understand the art of poisoning, or of corrupting [34] chastity by devilish artifice. There are no poor nor beggars among them. All are rich, because all labor and live. But among us it is very different, for more than half of us live from the labors of the others, having no trades which serve to the support of human life. [_Opportunities for emigrants to New France._] If that country were settled, there are men who would do there what they have not courage to do here. Here they would not dare to be wood-cutters, husbandmen, vinedressers, etc., because their fathers were pettifoggers, barber-surgeons, and apothecaries. But over yonder they would forget their fear of being ridiculed, and would take pleasure in cultivating their land, having a great many companions of as good families as theirs. Cultivating the soil is the most innocent of occupations and the most sure; it was the occupation of those from whom we have all descended, and of those brave Roman Captains who knew how to subjugate, but not how to be subjugated. But now, since pomp and malice have been introduced among men, what was virtue has been turned into reproach, and idlers have risen into favor. [_To the Queen._] However, let us leave these people, and return to Sieur de Poutrincourt, or rather to you, O most Christian Queen, [35] the greatest and most cherished of heaven, whom the eye of the world looks down upon in its daily round about this universe. You who have the control of the most noble Empire here below, how can you see a Gentleman so full of good will, without employing and helping him? Will you let him carry off the greatest honor in the world when it might have been yours, and will you let the triumph of this affair remain with him and not share in it yourself? No, no, Madame, all must proceed from you, and as the stars borrow their light from the sun, so upon the King, and upon you who have given him to us, all the great deeds of the French depend. We must then anticipate this glory, and not yield it to another, while you have a Poutrincourt, a loyal Frenchman who served the late lamented King, your Husband (may God give him absolution), in affairs of State which are not recorded in history. In revenge for which his house and property passed through the ordeal of fire. He is not crossing the Ocean to see the country, as have nearly all the others who have undertaken similar voyages [36] at the expense of our Kings. But he shows so plainly what his intentions are, that we cannot doubt them, and your Majesty will risk nothing by employing him in earnest for the propagation of the Christian religion in the Western lands beyond the sea. You recognize his zeal, your own is incomparable; but you must take thought as to how you may best employ it. I commend the Princesses and Ladies who for fifteen years have given of their means for the repose of those men or women who wished to sequester themselves from the world. But I believe (under correction) that their piety would shine with greater luster if it were shown in behalf of these poor Western nations, who are in a lamentable condition, and whose lack of instruction cries to God for vengeance against those who might help them to become Christians, and will not. A Queen of Castille caused the Christian religion to be introduced into the lands of the West which belong to Spain; so act, O light of the Queens of the world, that through your instrumentality, the name of God may soon be proclaimed throughout all this new world; where it is not yet known. Now resuming the thread of our [37] History, as we have spoken of the voyage of Sieur de Poutrincourt, it will not be out of place, if, after having touched upon the hardships and tediousness of his journey, which retarded him one year, we say a word about the return of his ship, which will be brief, inasmuch as the voyages from the Western world, this side of the Tropic of Cancer, are usually so. [_Book 1, ch. 24, and book 2, ch. 41 and 42._] I have given the reason for this in my History of New France, to which I refer the Reader, where he will also learn why it is that in Summer the sea there is overhung with fogs to such an extent that for one clear day there are two foggy ones; and twice we were in fogs which lasted eight entire days. [_For these Banks, see the said History, book 2, ch. 24._] This is why Sieur de Poutrincourt's son, when he was sent back to France for fresh supplies, was as long in reaching the great Codfish Banks from Port Royal, as in getting to France from the said Banks; and yet from these Banks to the coast of France there are eight hundred good leagues; and thence to Port Royal there are hardly [38] more than three hundred. It is upon these Banks that a great many ships are usually found all the Summer, fishing for Cod, which are brought to France and are called Newfoundland Codfish. [_For their manner of fishing, see the above-mentioned place._] So Sieur de Poutrincourt's son (who is called Baron de Sainct Just), on arriving at these Banks, laid in a supply of fresh meat and fish. While doing this he met a ship from Rochelle and another from Havre de Grace, whence he heard the news of the lamentable death of our late good King, without knowing by whom or how he was killed. But afterwards he met an English ship from which he heard the same thing, certain persons being accused of this parricide whom I will not here name; for they brought this accusation through hatred and envy, being great enemies of those whom they accused. [_In 15 days from the Banks to France._] So in fifteen days Baron de Sainct Just made the distance between the Banks and France, always sailing before the wind; a voyage certainly much more agreeable than that of the twenty-sixth day of February mentioned above. Sieur de Monts's crew left Havre de Grace nine or ten days after this twenty-sixth of February to go to Kebec, forty leagues beyond [39] the Saguenay river, where Sieur de Monts has fortified himself. But contrary winds compelled them to put into port. And thereupon a report was circulated that Sieur de Poutrincourt was lost in the sea with all his crew. I did not believe this for an instant, trusting that God would help him and would enable him to surmount all difficulties. [_Kebec, Sieur de Monts's fort._] We have as yet no news from Kebec, but expect to hear from there soon. I can say truly that if ever any good comes out of New France, posterity will be indebted for it to Sieur de Monts, author of these enterprises: and if they had not taken away the license which was granted him to trade in Beaver and other skins, to-day we should have had a vast number of cattle, fruit-trees, people, and buildings in the said province. For he earnestly desired to see everything established there to the honor of God and of France. And, although he has been deprived of the motive for continuing, yet up to the present he does not seem discouraged in doing what he can; for he has had built at Kebec a Fort and some very good and convenient dwellings. Here at Kebec this [40] great and mighty river of Canada narrows down and is only a falcon-shot wide; it has as great a supply of fish as any river in the world. As to the country, it is wonderfully beautiful, and abounds in game. But being in a colder region than port Royal, since it is eighty leagues farther North, the fur there is all the finer. For (among other animals) the Foxes are black and of such beautiful fur that they seem to put the Martens to shame. The Savages of Port Royal can go to Kebec in ten or twelve days by means of the rivers, which they navigate almost up to their sources; and thence, carrying their little bark canoes for some distance through the woods, they reach another stream which flows into the river of Canada, and thus greatly expedite their long voyages, which we ourselves could not do in the present state of the country. And from Port Royal to Kebec by sea it is more than four hundred leagues, going by way of Cape Breton. Sieur de Monts sent some cows there two years and a half ago, but for want of some village housewife who understood [41] taking care of them, they let the greater part die in giving birth to their calves. [_The need of women._] Which shows how necessary a woman is in a house, and I cannot understand why so many people slight them, although they cannot do without them. For my part, I shall always believe that, in any settlement whatsoever, nothing will be accomplished without the presence of women. Without them life is sad, sickness comes, and we die uncared-for. Therefore I despise those woman-haters who have wished them all sorts of evil, which I hope will overtake that lunatic in particular, who has been placed among the number of the seven Sages, who said that woman is a necessary evil, since there is no blessing in the world to be compared to her. [_Ecclesiastes 4, verse 10._] Therefore God gave her _as a companion to man, to aid and comfort him_: and the Wise Man says:--_Woe to him that is alone, for when he falleth, he hath none to lift him up. And if two lie together, they shall warm one another_. If there are some worthless women, we must remember that men are not faultless. Several suffered because of this lack of cows, for, when they fell ill they did not have all the comforts [42] that they would have had otherwise, and so they have departed to the Elysian fields. [_A conspiracy punished._] Another, who had been with us on the voyage, did not have the patience to wait for death, but must needs go to heaven by scaling the walls, as soon as he arrived there, by a conspiracy against sieur de Champlein, his Captain. His accomplices were condemned to the galleys and sent back to France. [_Journey to the land of the Iroquois._] When Summer came, that is a year ago, Champlein wishing to see the country of the Iroquois, to prevent the Savages from seizing his Fort in his absence, persuaded them to go and make war against them; so they departed with him and two other Frenchmen, to the number of eighty or a hundred, to the lake of the Iroquois, two hundred leagues distant from Kebec. [_Hostile nations._] There has always been war between these two nations, as there has been between the Souriquois and Armouchiquois: and sometimes the Iroquois have raised as many as eight thousand men to war against and exterminate all those who live near the great river of Canada: and it seems that they did this, as to-day the language which was spoken in the [43] time of Jacques Quartier, who was there eighty years ago, is no longer heard in that region.[22] [_War._] When Champlein arrived there with his troops, they could not conceal themselves so well but that they were perceived by the Iroquois, who always have sentinels upon the routes of their enemies: and each side being well fortified, it was agreed among them not to fight that day, but to postpone the affair until the morrow. The weather then was very clear; so clear that scarcely had Aurora chased away the shadows of the night, than a din was heard throughout the camp. An Iroquois skirmisher having tried to issue from the fortifications, was pierced through, not by one of the arrows of Apollo, nor of the little Archer with the blindfolded eyes, but by a genuine and very painful arrow, which stretched him out upon his back. Thereupon the eyes of the offended were full of ire, and each one takes his place in the line of attack and defense. As the band of Iroquois advances, Champlein, who had charged his musket with two balls, seeing two Iroquois, their heads adorned with feathers, marching on in front, supposed they were two Captains, and wanted to advance [44] and aim at them. But the Kebec Savages prevented him, saying:--"It is not well that they should see thee, for, never having been accustomed to see such people as thou art, they would immediately run away. But withdraw behind our first rank, and when we are ready, thou shalt advance." He did so, and in this way the two Captains were both slain by one musket shot. [_Victory._] Victory ensued at once. For they all disbanded, and it only remained to pursue them. [_Tabagie is celebrated._] This was done with little opposition, and they carried off some fifty of their enemies' heads, a triumph which, upon their return, they celebrated with great festivities, consisting of continual Tabagies,[23] dances, and chants, according to their custom.[24]

[45] Extrait dv Regitre de Bapteme de l'Eglise dv Port Royal en la Nouvelle France. Le iovr Sainct Iehan Baptiste 24. de Iuin.

MEMBERTOV grand Sagamos âgé de plus de cent ans a esté baptizé par Messire Iessé Fleche Pretre, & nommé HENRY par Monsieur de Poutrincourt au nom du Roy.

2. MEMBERTOVCOICHIS (dit Iudas) fils ainé de Membertov âgé de plus de 60. ans, aussi baptizé, & nommé LOVIS par Monsieur de Biencour au nom de Monsieur le Dauphin.

3. Le fils ainé de Membertoucoichis dit à present Louïs Membertou, âgé de cinq ans, baptizé & tenu par Monsieur de Poutrincourt, qui l'a nomme IEHAN de son nom.

4. La fille ainée dudit Louïs âgée de treze ans aussi baptizée, & nommée CHRISTINE par ledit Sieur de Poutrincourt au nom de Madame la fille ainée de France.

5. La seconde fille dudit Louïs âgée d'onze ans aussi baptizée, & nommée ELIZABETH par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nom de Madame la fille puisnée de France.

6. La troisieme fille dudit Louïs tenuë par ledit Sieur de Poutrincourt au nom de Madame sa femme aussi baptizée, nommée CLAVDE.

7. La 4. fille dudit Louïs tenuë par Monsieur de Coullogne pour Madamoiselle sa mere, a eu nom CATHERINE.

8. La 5. fille dudit Louïs a eu nom IEHANNE ainsi nõmée par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nõ d'une de ses filles. [46]

9. La 6. fille dudit Louïs tenuë par René Maheu a esté nommée CHARLOTTE du nom de sa mere.

10. ACTAVDINECH, troisieme fils dudit Henri Membertou a esté nommé PAVL par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nom du Pape Paul.

11. La femme dudit Paul a esté nommée RENEE du nom de Madame d'Ardanville.

12. La femme dudit Henri a esté tenuë par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nom de la Royne, & nommée MARIE de son nom.

13. La fille dudit Henri tenuë par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt, & nommée MARGVERITE au nom de la Royne Marguerite.

14. L'vne des femmes dudit Louïs tenuë par Monsieur de Iouï pour Madame de Sigogne, nommée de son nom.

15. L'autre femme dudit Louïs tenuë par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nom de Madame de Dampierre.

16. ARNEST cousin dudit Henri a esté tenu par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nom de Monsieur le Nonce, & nommé ROBERT de son nom.

17. AGOVDEGOVEN aussi cousin dudit Henri a esté nommé NICOLAS par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nom de Monsieur des Noyers Advocat au Parlement de Paris.

18. La femme dudit Nicolas tenuë par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt au nom de Monsieur son neveu, a eu nom PHILIPPE.

19. La fille ainée d'icelui Nicolas tenuë par le dit Sieur pour Madame de Belloy sa niepce, & nommée LOVISE de son nom.

20. La puis-née dudit Nicolas tenuë par ledit sieur pour Iacques de Salazar son fils, a esté nommée IACQVELINE.

21. Vne niepce dudit Henri tenuë par Monsieur de Coullongne au nom de Madamoiselle de Grandmare, & nommée ANNE de son nom.

LOVÉ SOIT DIEV.

[45] Extract from the Register of Baptism in the Church of Port Royal, New France. The day of Saint John the Baptist, June 24.

MEMBERTOU, a great Sagamore, over one hundred years old, has been baptized by Messire Jessé Fleche,[25] a priest; and named HENRY, by Monsieur de Poutrincourt, after the late king.

2. MEMBERTOUCOICHIS (called Judas), eldest son of Membertou, over sixty years old, also baptized; and named LOUIS, by Monsieur de Biencour, after Monsieur the Dauphin.

3. The eldest son of Membertoucoichis, now called Louis Membertou, aged five years, baptized; Monsieur de Poutrincourt godfather, and named JOHN, after himself.

4. The eldest daughter of said Louis, aged thirteen years, also baptized; and named CHRISTINE by Sieur de Poutrincourt, after Madame the eldest daughter of France.

5. The second daughter of the said Louis, eleven years old, also baptized; and named ELIZABETH by sieur de Poutrincourt, after Madame, the youngest daughter of France.

6. The third daughter of said Louis, Sieur de Poutrincourt godfather, also baptized, and named CLAUDE, in honor of his wife.

7. The fourth daughter of said Louis, Monsieur de Coullogne godfather, was named CATHERINE, after his mother.

8. The fifth daughter of said Louis was named JEANNE, thus named by sieur de Poutrincourt, after one of his daughters. [46]

9. The sixth daughter of said Louis, René Maheu godfather, was named CHARLOTTE, after his mother.

10. ACTAVDINECH, the third son of Henry Membertou, was named PAUL by sieur de Poutrincourt, after Pope Paul.

11. The wife of said Paul was named RENÉE, after Madame d'Ardanville.

12. The wife of said Henry, sieur de Poutrincourt sponsor in the name of the Queen, was named MARIE, after her.

13. The daughter of Henry, sieur de Poutrincourt godfather, was named MARGUERITE, after Queen Marguerite.

14. One of the wives of Louis, Monsieur de Jouï sponsor in the name of Mme. de Sigogne, was named after her.

15. The other wife of Louis, sieur de Poutrincourt sponsor in the name of Madame de Dampierre.

16. ARNEST, cousin of Henry, sieur de Poutrincourt godfather in the name of Monsieur the Nuncio, was after him named ROBERT.

17. AGOVDEGOVEN, also cousin of Henry, was by sieur de Poutrincourt named NICHOLAS, after Monsieur de Noyers, a Lawyer of the Parliament of Paris.

18. The wife of said Nicholas, sieur de Poutrincourt godfather in the name of his nephew, was named PHILIPPE.

19. The eldest daughter of Nicholas, the said Sieur sponsor in the name of Madame de Belloy, his niece, was after her named LOUISE.

20. The younger daughter of Nicholas, the said sieur being godfather for Jacques de Salazar, his son, was named JACQUELINE.

21. A niece of Henry, Monsieur de Coullongne sponsor in the name of Mademoiselle de Grandmare, was after her named ANNE.

PRAISED BE GOD.

II

BERTRAND'S LETTRE MISSIVE

Touchant la Conversion et Baptesme du grand Sagamos

Paris: JEAN REGNOUL, 1610

SOURCE: Title-page and text reprinted from original in Lenox Library.

LETTRE MISSIVE,
TOVCHANT LA
CONVERSION ET BAPTESME
du grand Sagamos de
la nouuelle Frãce, qui en estoit
auparauant l'arriuée des François
le chef & souuerain.

_Contenant sa promesse d'amener ses subjets
à la mesme Conuersion, ou les y contraindre
par la force des armes._

Enuoyée du Port Royal de la nouuelle
France au S^{R} de la Tronchaie, dattée
du 28. Iuin 1610.

A PARIS,

CHEZ IEAN REGNOVL, ruë du Foin,
pres sainct Yues.

1610.

_Auec permission._

A LETTER MISSIVE
IN REGARD TO THE
CONVERSION AND BAPTISM
of the grand Sagamore of New
France, who was, before the arrival
of the French, its chief
and sovereign.

_Containing his promise to secure the conversion
of his subjects also, even by
strength of arms._

Sent from Port Royal, in New France, to
Sieur de la Tronchaie, dated
June 28, 1610.

PARIS,

JEAN REGNOUL, Rue du Foin,
near Saint Ives.

1610.

_With permission_.

[3] Lettre Missive, Tovchant la Conversion et Baptesme du Grand Sagamos de la nouuelle France, qui en estoit auparauant l'arriuée des François chef & souuerain.

MONSIEVR & Frere, Ie n'ay voulu laisser partir le nauire sans vous faire sçauoir des nouuelles de ce païs que ie croy aurez agreables, d'autant que ie sçay, qu'estes bon Catholique, C'est que le Grand Sagamos, qui se dit en nostre langue Grand Capitaine des Sauuages, & le premier de tous, s'est fait baptiser le iour de la sainct Iean Baptiste derniere, [4] auec sa femme, ses enfans, & enfans de ses enfans, iusques au nombre de vingt: auec autant de ferueur, ardeur & zele à la Religion que pourroit faire vn qui y auroit esté instruict depuis trois ou quatre ans: Il promet faire baptizer les autres, autrement qu'il leur fera la guerre: Monsieur de Poutrincourt & Monsieur son fils les ont tenus au nom du Roy, & de Monseigneur le Dauphin. [_Les nouvelles de la mort du Roy n'estoi[~e]t encores en ce pays là._] C'est desia vn beau commencement, ie croy que cy apres ce sera encores mieux: Quant au pays, iamais ie n'ay veu rien de si beau, meilleur ny plus fertile, & vous dis auec verité, & sans mentir, que si i'auois trois ou quatre Laboureurs maintenant auec moy, & [5] pour les nourrir vne année, & du bled pour ensemencer le labourage qu'ils pourroient faire de leurs bras seulement, du surplus qui me reuiendroit apres leur nourriture, i'espererois faire trafiq tous les ans de sept ou huict mille liures en Castors & Pelleterie: Ie suis bien marry auant que partir que ie ne sçauois ce que ie sçay, i'eusse employé le verd & le sec ou i'en eusse amené deux ou trois, & deux muids de bled qui est peu de chose: Vous asseurant qu'il fait beau trafiquer par deçà & faire vn beau gain: Si vous voulez y entendre, mandez moy vostre volonté par ce porteur qui desire retourner & faire trafiq, suiuant ce qu'il a veu. Ie ne vous [6] en diray dauantage, sinon que ie prieray Dieu Monsieur & frere vous donner en parfaicte santé tres-longue vie. De la nouuelle France, du Port Royal ce xxviij. Iuin, 1610.

_Vostre tres-affectionné Frere & seruiteur_

BERTRAND.

[3] A Letter Missive in regard to the Conversion and Baptism of the Grand Sagamore of new France, who was, before the arrival of the French, its chief and sovereign.

SIR and Brother, I did not wish the ship to depart without giving you some news of this country which I believe will be acceptable, as I know that you are a good Catholic. The Grand Sagamore, whom we call in our language Grand Captain of the Savages, and chief of all, was baptized on last saint John the Baptist's day; [4] with his wife, children, and children's children, to the number of twenty; with as much enthusiasm, fervor, and zeal for Religion as would have been evinced by a person who had been instructed in it for three or four years. He promises to have the others baptized, or else make war upon them. [_The news of the King's death had not then reached Canada._] Monsieur de Poutrincourt and his son acted as sponsors for them in the name of the King, and of Monseigneur the Dauphin. We have already made this good beginning, which I believe will become still better hereafter. As to the country, I have never seen anything so beautiful, better, or more fertile; and I can say to you, truly and honestly, that if I had three or four Laborers with me now, and [5] the means of supporting them for one year, and some wheat to sow in the ground tilled by their labor alone, I should expect to have a yearly trade in Beaver and other Skins amounting to seven or eight thousand livres, with the surplus which would remain to me after their support. I am very sorry that I did not know before my departure what I know now; if I had, I should have left no stone unturned to bring with me two or three farmers, and two hogsheads of wheat, which is a mere trifle. I assure you it is delightful to engage in trade over here and to make such handsome profits. If you wish to take a hand in it, let me know your intentions by the bearer, who desires to return and traffic here in pursuance of what he has seen. I [6] shall say no more, except to pray God to give you, Sir and Brother, a long life and perfect health. From Port Royal, New France, this 28th of June, 1610.

_Your very affectionate Brother and servant_,
BERTRAND.

FROM LESCARBOT'S HISTOIRE DE LA NOVVELLE FRANCE; PARIS, 1612.

(Slightly reduced from original.)]

III-VI

Lettre du P. Pierre Biard, au T. R.-P. Claude
Aquaviva

Dieppe, Janvier 21, 1611

Lettre du P. Biard, au R.-P. Christophe Baltazar

Port Royal, Juin 10, 1611

Lettre du P. Ennemond Massé, au T. R.-P.
Aquaviva

Port Royal, Juin 10, 1611

Lettre du P. Biard, au T. R.-P. Aquaviva

Port Royal, Juin 11, 1611.

SOURCE: Reprinted from _Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada_, by Auguste Carayon, S. J. Paris: L'Écureux, 1864.

[1] PREMIÈRE MISSION DES JÉSUITES AU CANADA.[I.]

Lettre du P. Pierre Biard, au T. R. P. Claude Aquaviva, Général de la Compagnie de Jésus, à Rome.

(_Traduite sur l'original latin, conservé dans les Archives du Jésus, à Rome_).

DIEPPE, 21 janvier 1611.

MON TRÈS-RÉVÉREND PÈRE,
Pax Christi.

Que je voudrais pouvoir vous raconter combien grandes et nombreuses ont été, dans notre petite affaire, les miséricordes de Dieu et les fruits de sa bénédiction et des prières; c'est-à-dire comment [2] nous sommes sortis de difficultés graves et multipliées, et comment, délivrés de toute entrave, nous partons pour la Nouvelle-France, lieu de notre [3] destination, comme Votre Paternité le sait! Elle peut certainement s'en réjouir avec une grande consolation dans le Seigneur.

[4] Mais voici déjà minuit sonné, et à la première lueur du jour, nous mettons à la voile. Je vous donnerai seulement un précis des événements.

Quand les marchands hérétiques nous virent à Dieppe, au jour fixé pour le départ, le 27 octobre de l'année dernière, 1610 (nous étions en effet convenus qu'on partirait de Dieppe), ils imaginèrent un moyen qu'ils crurent favorable pour nous nuire. Deux d'entre eux avaient fait un contrat avec M. de Potrincourt pour charger et équiper son navire, [5] sur lequel nous devions voyager. Ils déclarèrent aussitôt qu'ils ne voulaient plus s'occuper du vaisseau, s'il devait porter des Jésuites. C'était une insigne malice, et elle était facile à prouver, surtout quand les catholiques leur ajoutaient que le devoir ne leur permettait pas de refuser les Jésuites, puisque c'était l'ordre formel de la Reine.

On ne put cependant rien gagner sur eux. Il fallut avoir encore recours à la Reine. Sa Majesté écrit au gouverneur de la ville, catholique plein de zèle et de piété, et lui enjoint de signifier aux hérétiques que c'est sa volonté que les Jésuites soient reçus dans le vaisseau qui va partir pour la Nouvelle-France, et qu'on n'y mette aucun obstacle.

A la réception de ces lettres, le gouverneur assemble ce qu'on appelle le consistoire, c'est-à-dire tous les fidèles disciples de Calvin. Il donne lecture des lettres de la Reine, et les invite à l'obéissance.--Quelques-uns, c'est-à-dire ceux qui étaient bons, disent hautement qu'ils sont eux aussi du même avis, et ils engagent les marchands à se soumettre; mais ils déclarent que pour eux ils ne sont maîtres de rien. Tel était leur langage en public; mais en particulier, un des marchands qui était chargé d'équiper le navire, protesta qu'il n'y mettrait rien; que la Reine, si elle le voulait, pouvait lui [6] ôter son droit, mais que pour lui, il ne le céderait pas autrement.

Que faire? Certainement tout était arrêté; car cette société n'avait pas de contrat écrit, et ces sortes d'engagements entre gens nobles ne se mettent pas ordinairement sur papier. On ne pouvait donc pas agir contre ces hérétiques.

On s'adresse de nouveau à la Reine. A la vue d'une pareille effronterie, elle dit en manière de proverbe: "Il ne faut s'abaisser à prier des vilains"; et elle ajouta que les Pères partiraient une autre fois.

Les catholiques consternés déclarent alors aux hérétiques que les Jésuites ne monteront pas dans ce vaisseau, qu'ils peuvent en conséquence le fréter, et que, dans tous les cas, si les Jésuites y prenaient place, ils payeraient auparavant eux-mêmes le prix de la cargaison.

Cette assurance une fois donnée, on vit à nu toute la malice des calvinistes; car ils chargèrent aussitôt le navire complétement et de marchandises et de toute espèce d'objets, ne pouvant s'imaginer que les catholiques pussent jamais trouver de quoi payer le prix de tant de choses.

A cette nouvelle, Madame la marquise de Guercheville, première dame d'honneur de la Reine, [7] s'indigna de voir les efforts de l'enfer prévaloir et la malice des hommes pervers détruire ces grandes espérances que l'on avait de procurer la gloire de Dieu. C'est pourquoi, afin que Satan ne demeurât pas le maître et ne renversât pas l'espoir que l'on avait de fonder une église au Canada, elle sollicita elle-même les aumônes des Grands, des Princes et de toute la Cour pour soustraire les Jésuites à la méchanceté des hérétiques.

Qu'arriva-t-il? Le navire déjà chargé était prêt à prendre la mer, quand cette dame envoya aux catholiques 4,000 livres avec d'autres secours. Alors, pour ne pas agir par surprise, ils vont dire adroitement aux hérétiques qu'ils veulent avoir avec eux les Jésuites, que telle est la volonté de la Reine, et que, par conséquent, il faut qu'ils les laissent monter dans le vaisseau, ou bien que les marchands acceptent le prix de la cargaison et qu'ils se retirent. Ceux-ci déclarent qu'ils veulent le prix de leurs marchandises (Je crois qu'ils ne pensaient pas que les catholiques eussent assez d'argent, ou qu'ils espéraient trouver quelque autre moyen de déjouer leurs projets). On leur donne le prix demandé, et ce à quoi personne ne se serait attendu, nous sommes si pleinement substitués à leur place, que la moitié du bâtiment nous appartient, et que nous avons déjà ce qu'il faut pour commencer [8] cette fondation que le Seigneur daignera bénir dans sa générosité et dans sa bonté.

Ainsi donc, mon Très-Révérend et bon Père, Votre Paternité voit combien la malice du démon et de ses suppôts a tourné à notre avantage. Nous ne demandions d'abord qu'un petit coin dans ce vaisseau, et à prix d'argent; maintenant nous y sommes les maîtres. Nous allions dans une région déserte, sans grande espérance d'un secours de longue durée, et nous recevons déjà le commencement de la fondation. Nous étions forcés d'enrichir les hérétiques d'une partie de nos aumônes, et maintenant ils renoncent d'eux-mêmes à profiter d'une occasion qui les devait enrichir.

Mais je crois que le grand sujet de leur douleur, c'est précisément le triomphe du Seigneur Jésus; et fasse le ciel qu'il triomphe toujours! Ainsi soit-il!

Dieppe, le 21 janvier 1611.

De Votre Paternité

Le fils en Jésus-Christ et le serviteur indigne,
PIERRE BIARD S. J.

NOTES:

[I.] Nous ajouterons aux lettres de nos premiers missionnaires au Canada un fragment d'un mémoire intitulé: _Monumenta Novæ Franciæ, ab anno 1607, ad annum 1737.--Insulæ Martinicæ ab anno 1678.--Insulæ Cayennensis ab anno 1668._

La traduction du chapitre II de ce manuscrit, conservé dans nos archives de Rome, donnera un ensemble de faits sur la Nouvelle- [2] France, qui ne se trouve pas dans les lettres que nous publions.

Parmi les gentilshommes qui s'offrirent à Henri-le-Grand, d'heureuse mémoire, pour entreprendre la colonisation de la Nouvelle-France, était le sieur de Potrincourt. Le roi lui accorda tout ce qu'il demandait, mais en lui signifiant qu'il aurait à emmener avec lui des religieux pris dans notre Compagnie pour les employer, selon ses ordres, à procurer le salut des sauvages; que du reste la dépense de cette mission ne serait nullement à sa charge, mais que le Trésor royal y pourvoirait.

Le R. P. Pierre Coton, alors confesseur et prédicateur du roi, et qui était fort estimé de Sa Majesté, comme on sait, fut chargé par lui de choisir, dans sa Compagnie, des hommes capables, pour mener à bien cette périlleuse et sainte entreprise.

Beaucoup de nos religieux s'offrirent pour cette mission lointaine. Parmi eux on remarquait le P. Pierre Biard, homme dont la vertu égalait le talent, et qui occupait alors la chaire de théologie à Lyon. Le choix des supérieurs tomba sur lui et sur le P. Ennemond Masse, dont nous aurons à parler plus loin.

Ils partirent tous les deux en 1608 pour Bordeaux, où ils devaient s'embarquer, mais il fallut attendre trois ans. Car le gentilhomme, dont nous avons déjà parlé, retarda son départ; puis ensuite il prétexta la nécessité de faire un voyage d'essai, afin, disait-il, de préparer une habitation convenable pour les Pères. Il fit en effet ce voyage accompagné d'un prêtre séculier, lequel, se laissant aller à un zèle peu réfléchi, baptisa une centaine de sauvages, sans les avoir suffisamment instruits et éprouvés. Plus tard, on s'aperçut que ces pauvres gens n'avaient pas même compris ce qu'ils avaient reçu.

Trois ans après, de retour de son voyage, le sieur de Potrincourt, pressé par la reine-mère, se chargea de conduire nos Pères au [3] Canada. Mais ce ne fut pas sans grandes difficultés et beaucoup de souffrances que nos Pères arrivèrent au Port-Royal, sur les côtes de l'Acadie.

L'année qui suivit leur arrivée, deux autres des Nôtres allèrent les rejoindre: ce furent le P. Quentin et le Frère coadjuteur Gilbert du Thet. Deux ans de séjour à Port-Royal démontrèrent à nos Pères l'impossibilité de fixer là le centre de leur mission, soit à cause de la difficulté d'y attirer un grand concours de sauvages, soit à cause des tracasseries de ceux qui commandaient. Ils transportèrent le siége de leur mission sur un autre point de la même côte, au 45e degré 30 minutes de latitude, et cela sur un décret du roi. Cette fondation prit le nom de Saint-Sauveur. Ils y étaient établis depuis peu de temps, lorsque les anglais, survenant à l'improviste, s'emparèrent du vaisseau français, saisirent les lettres-patentes du commandant, et, par une insigne fourberie, le traitèrent de pirate. Au moment de l'attaque, plusieurs français furent tués, et parmi eux le frère Gilbert du Thet, homme remarquable par son courage et sa piété.

Les anglais victorieux, après avoir pillé tout à leur aise, abandonnèrent dans une mauvaise barque une partie de français, et emmenèrent avec eux, en Virginie, les PP. Biard et Quentin. Nos deux prisonniers s'attendaient à être condamnés à mort, surtout lorsque, reconduits à Port-Royal, ils refusèrent de faire connaître la retraite des français qui se tenaient cachés dans les environs. Dirigés une seconde fois sur la Virginie, ils y auraient probablement trouvé la mort, si la divine Providence n'eût rendu inutiles tous les efforts des marins anglais pour y aborder. La violence de la tempête les rejeta sur les îles Açores appartenant aux portugais, et où, malgré eux, ils furent obligés de prendre terre.

Les anglais eux-mêmes furent forcés d'admirer la loyauté et la [4] charité de nos Pères qui, en se montrant aux portugais, pouvaient amener la saisie du navire et faire condamner les anglais, comme pirates, au dernier supplice. Avant d'entrer dans le port, ils avaient exigé de leurs prisonniers la promesse de ne pas les dénoncer et de se tenir cachés durant tout leur séjour aux Açores. Pendant la visite du vaisseau faite par les portugais, les Pères restèrent à fond de cale, où ils échappèrent à tous les regards. Cette générosité et cette fidélité à garder la parole donnée surprirent tellement les anglais, qu'ils changèrent immédiatement de procédés envers leurs captifs et les emmenèrent directement en Angleterre, où ils firent publiquement leur éloge.

L'ambassadeur de France, à la nouvelle de leur arrivée, se hâta de les réclamer et les fit reconduire honorablement dans leur patrie, au mois de mai 1614.

Ce premier voyage de nos missionnaires, si stérile en apparence, eut cependant d'heureux résultats. Outre l'expérience acquise et dont on profita, le zèle des catholiques français, ranimé par les paroles des Pères, créa de nouvelles ressources, et dès que la colonie française fut délivrée des anglais, les Jésuites reprirent la route du Canada, où ils fondèrent enfin une des plus belles missions de la Compagnie.

[1] FIRST MISSION OF THE JESUITS IN CANADA.[II.][26]

Letter from Father Pierre Biard,[27] to the Very Reverend Father Claude Aquaviva,[28] General of the Society of Jesus, Rome.

(_Translated from the Latin original, preserved in the Archives of Jesus, at Rome_.)

DIEPPE, January 21st, 1611.[29]

MY VERY REVEREND FATHER,
The peace of Christ be with you.

Would that I could recount how great and numerous have been the mercies of God, the fruits of his blessing and, of our prayers in this our little enterprise; that is to say, how [2] we have emerged from grave and multiplied difficulties, and how, delivered from every obstacle, we depart for New France, the place to which we [3] are bound, as Your Reverence knows. For this you may rejoice with great consolation in the name of the Lord.

[4] But it has already struck midnight, and we are to sail at break of day, so I shall give you only a summary of the events which have taken place.

When the heretic merchants saw us at Dieppe, upon the day fixed for our departure, the 27th of October of last year, 1610 (we had, in fact, agreed to sail from Dieppe), they contrived a plan which they considered capable of injuring us. Two of them[31] had made a contract with Monsieur de Potrincourt to load and equip his ship, [5] in which we were to make the voyage. They straightway declared that they would have nothing more to do with the vessel, if it were going to carry any Jesuits. It was a remarkable exhibition of malice, as was easy to prove, especially when the catholics informed them that they were in duty bound not to reject the Jesuits, since it was the formal order of the Queen.[32]

However, nothing could be gained from them, and the Catholics were again obliged to have recourse to the Queen. Her Majesty writes to the governor of the city, a zealous and pious catholic, and charges him to inform the heretics that it is her will that the Jesuits be received in the ship which is about to depart for New France, and that no obstacle be put in their way.

When these letters are received, the governor assembles what is called the consistory, namely, all faithful disciples of Calvin. He reads the Queen's letters and urges them to be obedient. Some of them, namely, those who were well disposed toward us, boldly declare that they also are of the same opinion; and they try to induce the merchants to yield. But they declare that for their part they are not the masters. At least they say this in public; but in private one of the merchants who was charged with fitting out the vessel, protested that he would put nothing into it; that the Queen, if she wished, could deprive him [6] of his right, but that he certainly would not yield it otherwise.

What was to be done? In truth, all proceedings were at a standstill; for this society had no written contract, since agreements of this kind among noblemen are not usually put upon paper. Therefore they could not prosecute these heretics.

They address themselves anew to the Queen. In the presence of such effrontery she quoted the words of the proverb: "Never stoop to entreat a churl," and added that the Fathers should go another time.

The dismayed catholics then declare to the heretics that the Jesuits will not embark upon their vessel, and that consequently they may go on freighting it; and that, in any event, if the Jesuits did occupy a place therein, they themselves would first pay the price of the cargo.

This assurance once given, the malice of these calvinists was exposed in all its nakedness; for they immediately loaded every part of the ship not only with merchandise, but with all kinds of goods, never dreaming that the catholics would be able to find the means of paying for all these things.

At this news, the marchioness de Guercheville, first lady of honor to the Queen, [7] was indignant at seeing the forces of hell prevail, and the malice of wicked men destroy one's strong hopes of securing the glory of God.[33] Therefore, in order to prevent the triumph of Satan and the overthrow of their hopes of founding a church in Canada, she herself solicited alms from Nobles, Princes, and from all the Court, to rescue the Jesuits from the malevolence of the heretics.

What happened? The ship, already loaded, was about to sail, when this lady sent to the catholics 4,000 livres, with other means of assistance. Then, not to be underhand, they go directly to the heretics and say that they want the Jesuits to go with them, that such is the will of the Queen; and so consequently they must allow them to embark, or else the merchants must accept the price of the cargo and withdraw. The latter declare that they want the value of their merchandise. (I believe they did not think the catholics would have enough money, or else they hoped to baffle them by some other means.) They give them the price they asked; and, what no one could have expected, we so completely take their place, that half the ship belongs to us, and we have already means enough to begin [8] laying the foundation, which the Lord, in his generosity and goodness, will condescend to bless.