Chapter XIII: Part 13

[396] We have here relied to some extent on information obtained from the United States Consul C.H. Payne and Vice-Consul A.P. Zabriskie stationed at St. Thomas for a number of years.

DOCUMENTS

RELATING TO THE DANISH WEST INDIES

It is possible to multiply here the documents bearing on the Danish West Indies but these are considered adequate to give the student of history an idea as to the colonial policy of the Danes, their treatment of the bondmen and the subsequent self-assertion which culminated in open resistance to established authority. We are concerned then with what the Danish were endeavoring to do, what they actually accomplished, and what the observer from afar thought of these achievements. To bring out more strikingly these phases of the situation these documents have been added.

A SHORT DESCRIPTION OF THE ISLANDS OF ST. THOMAS AND ST. CROIX, IN THE POSSESSION OF THE DANES, IN 1769

The only remaining islands in this part of the world, that we
shall now mention, are those of St. Thomas and St. Croix, which
belong to the Danes; the former is situated in 18°. north
latitude, and is one of that cluster of islands called the
Virgins. Though it is not above seven leagues in circumference,
it is in a commodious situation, and has an excellent port of an
oval form, in a manner surrounded by two promontories, which
defend the ships that lie within from almost all winds. In the
bottom of this port is a small fortress which stands in a plain,
and is a regular square with four small bastions, but it has
neither outworks nor a ditch, it being only surrounded with a
pallisade. On the right and left of the fort are two small
eminences which in our plantations would be called bluffs; but
though they seem designed for batteries that would command the
whole harbour, no such use is made of them. The King of Denmark
has here a Governor and a garrison; notwithstanding which, there
is a large factory on the island belonging to the
Brandenburghers, the subjects of the King of Prussia.

The neighbourhood of the Spanish island of Porto Rico is only at
17 leagues distance, and secures the inhabitants from the danger
of wanting provisions, to which they would otherwise be exposed;
for though the soil is tolerably good and every foot of it
cultivated, yet it would not produce sufficient for the
maintenance of the inhabitants, who are very numerous.

The town of St. Thomas consists of one long street, at the end of
which is the Danish magazine, a large magnificent and convenient
building. The Brandenburgh factory is also very considerable, and
the persons belonging to it are chiefly French refugees, who fled
thither when the protestants were expelled from the French
islands. The chief produce of their plantations is sugar, which
is very fine grained, but made in small quantities; yet the
Danish Governor, who is usually a man of some rank, lives in a
manner suitable to his character, and generally acquires a good
fortune in that station. The director of the Danish trade also
becomes rich in a few years, and the inhabitants in general are
in very easy circumstances.

To this island the Spaniards are continually sending large
vessels to purchase slaves. This is the chief support of the
Danish and Brandenburgh commerce, as these slaves are drawn from
their settlements upon the coast of Africa, which, if they had
not this trade, would have long ago become useless, and
consequently deserted. The Spaniards also buy here, as well as at
Curacao, all sorts of European goods, of which there is always a
vast stock in the magazine, belonging chiefly to the Dutch. There
is likewise a great resort of English, Dutch, and French, vessels
to this port, where they can always depend upon the sale of
superfluous, and the purchase of necessary commodities. But
though a prodigious deal of business is transacted in time of
peace, in time of war it is vastly increased, for being a neutral
port, the privateers of all nations resort thither to sell their
prizes.

St. Croix is seated about five leagues east of St. Thomas's, and
about 30 west of St. Christopher's, in 18°. north lat. and in
65°. west longitude. It is about ten or twelve leagues in length,
but not above three broad. The air is very unhealthy but the soil
is easily cultivated; very fertile, and produces sugar canes,
citrons, oranges, lemons, pomegranates, and other excellent
fruits, and has several fine trees, whose wood is very beautiful,
and proper for inlaying.

This island has had several masters; but the French abandoning it
in 1696, it was purchased by his late Danish Majesty. It was
then a perfect desert, but was settled with great expedition,
many persons from the English islands, and among them some of
great wealth, having removed thither.--"_The World displayed or a
Curious Collection of Voyages and Travels_," 1769, pp. 127-129.

II

DANISH COLONIZATION IN THE WEST INDIES IN 1798

The Danes had no sooner submitted to one single chief, than they
fell into a kind of lethargic state. To those great convulsions,
which are occasioned by the clashing of important rights,
succeeded the delusive tranquillity of servitude. A nation, which
had filled the scene for several ages, appeared no more on the
theatre of the world. In 1671, it just recovered so far from the
trance, into which the accession of despotism had thrown it, as
to look abroad, and take possession of a little American island,
known by the name of St. Thomas.

This island, the farthest of the Caribbees towards the west, was
totally uninhabited, when the Danes undertook to form a
settlement upon it. They were at first opposed by the English,
under pretence that some emigrants of that nation had formerly
begun to clear it. The British ministry stopped the progress of
this interference; and the colony were left to form plantations
of sugar, such as a sandy soil, of no greater extent than five
leagues in length, and two and a half in breadth, would admit of.
These improvements, which were at that time very rare in the
American Archipelago, were brought on by particular causes.

The Elector of Brandenburgh had formed, in 1681, a company for
the western part of Africa. The object of this association was to
purchase slaves; but they were to be sold again; and that could
be done in no other place than in the New World. It was proposed
to the court of Versailles to receive them in their possessions,
or to cede Santa-Cruz. These two proposals being equally
rejected, Frederic William turned his views towards St. Thomas.
Denmark consented in 1685, that the subjects of this enterprising
prince should establish a factory in the island, and that they
should carry on a free trade there, upon condition of paying the
taxes established, and of agreeing to give an annual stipend.

They were then in hopes of furnishing the Spanish colonies, which
were dissatisfied with England and Holland, with the Negroes
which those provinces were continually in want of. The treaty
not having taken place, and the vexations being incessantly
multiplied, even at St. Thomas's, the transactions of the
inhabitants of Brandenburg were always more or less unfortunate.
Their contract, however, which had been only made at first for
thirty years, was renewed. Some few of them still belonged to it,
even in 1731; but without any shares or any charter.

Nevertheless, it was neither to the productions, nor to the
undertakings of the inhabitants of Brandenburg, that the island
of St. Thomas was indebted for its importance.

The sea has hollowed out from its coast an excellent harbour, in
which fifty ships may ride with security. This advantage
attracted both the English and French Buccaneers, who were
desirous of exempting their booty from the duties they were
subject to pay in the settlements belonging to their own nations.
Whenever they had taken their prizes in the lower latitudes, from
which they could not make the Windward Islands, they put into
that of St. Thomas to dispose of them. It was also the asylum of
all merchant-ships which frequented it as a neutral port in time
of war. It was the mart, where the neighbouring colonies bartered
their respective commodities which they could not do elsewhere
with so much ease and safety. It was the port from which were
continually dispatched vessels richly laden to carry on a
clandestine trade with the Spanish coasts; in return for which,
they brought back considerable quantities of metal and
merchandise of great value. In a word, St. Thomas was a market of
very great consequence.

Denmark, however, reaped no advantage from the rapid circulation.
The persons who enriched themselves were foreigners, who carried
their wealth to other situations. The mother-country had no other
communication with its colony than by a single ship, sent out
annually to Africa to purchase slaves, which being sold in
America, the ship returned home laden with the productions of
that country. In 1719 their traffic increased by the clearing of
the island of St. John, which is adjacent to St. Thomas, but not
half so large. These slender beginnings would have required the
addition of Crab Island, or Bourriquen, where it had been
attempted to form a settlement two years before.

This island, which is from eight to ten leagues in circumference,
has a considerable number of hills; but they are neither barren,
steep, nor very high. The soil of the plains and valleys, which
run between them, seems to be very fruitful; and is watered by a
number of springs, the water of which is said to be excellent.
Nature, at the same time that she has denied it a harbour, has
made it amends by a multitude of the finest bays that can be
conceived. At every step some remains of plantations, rows of
orange and lemon trees, are still found; which make it evident,
that the Spaniards of Porto-Rico, who are not further distant
than five or six leagues, had formerly settled there.

The English, observing that so promising an island was without
inhabitants, began to raise some plantations there towards the
end of the last century; but they had not time to reap the fruit
of their labour. They were surprised by the Spaniards, who
murdered all the men, and carried off the women and children to
Porto-Rico. This accident did not deter the Danes from making
some attempts to settle there in 1717. But the subjects of Great
Britain, reclaiming their ancient rights, sent thither some
adventurers, who were at first plundered, and soon after driven
off, by the Spaniards. The jealousy of these American tyrants
extends even to the prohibiting of fishing-boats to approach any
shore where they have a right of possession, though they do not
exercise it. Too idle to prosecute cultivation, too suspicious to
admit industrious neighbours, they condemn the Crab Island to
eternal solitude; they will neither inhabit it themselves, nor
suffer any other nation to inhabit it. Such an exertion of
exclusive sovereignty has obliged Denmark to give up this island
for that of Santa Cruz.

Santa Cruz had a better title to become an object of national
ambition. It is eighteen leagues in length, and from three to
four in breadth. In 1643 it was inhabited by Dutch and English.
Their rivalship in trade soon made them enemies to each other. In
1646, after an obstinate and bloody engagement, the Dutch were
beat, and obliged to quit a spot from which they had formed great
expectations. The conquerors were employed in securing the
consequences of their victory, when, in 1650, they were attacked
and driven out in their turn by twelve hundred Spaniards, who
arrived there in five ships. The triumph of these lasted but a
few months. The remains of that numerous body, which were left
for the defence of the island, surrendered without resistance to
a hundred and sixty French, who had embarked in 1651, from St.
Christopher's, to make themselves masters of the island.

These new inhabitants lost no time in making themselves
acquainted with a country so much disputed. On a soil, in other
respects excellent, they found only one river of a moderate
size, which, gliding gently almost on a level with the sea
through a flat country, furnished only a brackish water. Two or
three springs, which they found in the innermost parts of the
island, made but feeble amends for this defect. The wells were
for the most part dry. The construction of reservoirs required
time. Nor was the climate more inviting to the new inhabitants.
The island being flat, and covered with old trees, scarce
afforded an opportunity for the winds to carry off the poisonous
vapours, with which its morasses clogged the atmosphere. There
was but one remedy for this inconvenience; which was to burn the
woods. The French set fire to them without delay; and, getting on
board their ships, became spectators from the sea, for several
months, of the conflagration they had raised in the island. As
soon as the flames were extinguished, they went on shore again.

They found the soil fertile beyond belief. Tobacco, cotton,
arnotto, indigo, and sugar, flourished equally in it. So rapid
was the progress of this colony, that, in eleven years from its
commencement, there were upon it eight hundred and twenty-two
white persons, with a proportionable number of slaves. It was
rapidly advancing to prosperity, when such obstacles were thrown
in the way of its activity as made it decline again. This decay
was as sudden as its rise. In 1696 there were no more than one
hundred and forty-seven men, with their wives and children, and
six hundred and twenty-three blacks remaining; and these were
transported from hence to St. Domingo.

Some obscure individuals, some writers unacquainted with the
views of government, with their secret negotiations, with the
character of their ministers, with the interests of the
protectors and the protected, who flatter themselves that they
can discern the reason of events, amongst a multitude of
important or frivolous causes, which may have equally occasioned
them; who do not conceive, that among all these causes, the most
natural may possibly be the farthest from the truth; who after
having read the news, of journal of the day, with profound
attention, decide as peremptorily as if they had been placed all
their life-time at the helm of the state, and had assisted at the
council of kings; who are never more deceived than in those
circumstances, in which they display some share of penetration;
writers as absurd in the praise as in the blame which they bestow
upon nations, in the favourable or unfavourable opinion they form
of ministerial operations; these idle dreamers, in a word, who
think they are persons of importance, because their attention is
always engaged on matters of consequence, being convinced that
courts are always governed in their decisions by the most
comprehensive views of profound policy, have supposed, that the
court of Versailles had neglected Santa Cruz, merely because they
wished to abandon the small islands, in order to unite all their
strength, industry, and population, in the large ones; but this
is a mistaken notion: this determination, on the contrary, arose
from the farmers of the revenue, who found, that the contraband
trade of Santa Cruz with St. Thomas was detrimental to their
interests. The spirit of finance hath in all times been injurious
to commerce; it hath destroyed the source from whence it sprang.
Santa Cruz continued without inhabitants, and without
cultivation, till 1733, when it was sold by France to Denmark for
738,000 livres (30,750l.). Soon after the Danes built there the
fortress of Christianstadt.

Then it was, that this northern power seemed likely to take deep
root in America. Unfortunately, she laid her plantations under
the yoke of exclusive privileges. Industrious people of all
sects, particularly Moravians, strove in vain to overcome this
great difficulty. Many attempts were made to reconcile the
interests of the colonists and their oppressors, but without
success. The two parties kept up a continual struggle of
animosity, not of industry. At length the government, with a
moderation not to be expected from its constitution, purchased,
in 1754, the privileges and effects of the Company. The price was
fixed at 9,900,000 livres (412,500l.) part of which was paid in
ready money, and the remainder in bills upon the treasury,
bearing interest. From this time the navigation to the islands
was opened to all the subjects of the Danish dominions.

On the first January 1773, there was reckoned in St. John
sixty-nine plantations, twenty-seven of which were devoted to the
culture of sugar, and forty-two to other productions of less
importance. There were exactly the same number at St. Thomas, and
they had the same destination, but were much more considerable.
Of three hundred and forty-five plantations, which were seen at
Santa Cruz, one hundred and fifty were covered with sugarcanes.
In the two former islands, the plantations acquire what degree of
extent it is in the power of the planter to give them, but in the
last, every habitation is limited to three thousand Danish feet
in length, and two thousand in breadth.

St. John is inhabited by one hundred and ten white men, and by
two thousand three hundred and twenty-four slaves: St. Thomas, by
three hundred and thirty-six white men, and by four thousand two
hundred and ninety-six slaves: Santa Cruz, by two thousand one
hundred and thirty-six white men, and by twenty-two thousand two
hundred and forty-four slaves. There are no freed men at St.
John's, and only fifty-two at St. Thomas, and one hundred and
fifty-five at Santa Cruz; and yet the formalities required for
granting liberty are nothing more than a simple enrolment in a
court of justice. If so great a facility hath not multiplied
these acts of benevolence, it is because they have been forbidden
to those who had contracted debts. It hath been apprehended, that
the debtors might be tempted to be generous at the expence of
their creditors.

This law appears to me a very prudent one; with some mitigation
it might be of service, even in our countries. I should very much
approve, that all citizens invested with honourable functions,
either at court, in the army, in the church, or in the
magistracy, should be suspended whenever they should be legally
sued by a creditor, and that they should be unremittingly
deprived of their rank whenever they should be declared insolvent
by the tribunals. It appears to me that money would then be lent
with more confidence, and borrowed with greater circumspection.
Another advantage which would accrue from such a regulation,
would be, that the subaltern orders of men, who imitate the
customs and the prejudices of the higher class of citizens, would
soon be apprehensive of incurring the same disgrace; and that
fidelity in engagements would become one of the characteristic of
the national manners.

The annual productions of the Danish islands are reduced to a
small quantity of coffee, to a great deal of cotton, to seventeen
or eighteen millions weight of raw sugar, and to a proportionate
quantity of rum. Part of these commodities are delivered to the
English, who are proprietors of the best plantations, and in
possession of the slave trade. We have before us at present, very
authentic accounts, which prove that from 1756 to 1773, that
nation hath sold in the Danish settlements of the New World, to
the amount of 2,307,686 livres 11 sols (96,153l. 125.1-1/2d.).
and carried off to the value of 3,197,047 livres 5 sols 6 deniers
(133,210l. 6s. 0-3/4d.). North America receives likewise some of
these productions in exchange for its cattle, for its wood, and
for its flour. The remainder is conveyed to the mother-country
upon forty ships of one hundred, and from that to four hundred
tons burden. The greatest part is consumed in Denmark, and there
is scarcely sold in Germany, or in the Baltic, for more than the
value of one million of livres (41,661l. 13s. 4d.).

The lands susceptible of cultivation in the Danish islands are
not all tilled, and those which are, might be improved. According
to the opinion of the best-in-formed men, the produce of these
possessions might easily be increased by one third, or perhaps by
one half.

One great obstacle to this increase of riches, is the extremely
narrow circumstances of the colonists. They owe 4,500,000 livres
(187,500l.) to the government, 1,200,000 livres (50,000l.) to the
trade of the mother-country, and 26,630,170 livres (1,109,590l.
8s. 4d.) to the Dutch, who, from the immensity of their capitals,
and the impossibility of employing them all themselves,
necessarily become the creditors of all nations.

The avidity of the treasury puts fresh restraints upon industry.
The provisions and merchandise which are not peculiar to the
country, or which have not been brought upon Danish vessels, are
obliged to pay four per cent. upon their departure from Europe.
The national and foreign commodities equally pay six per cent. on
their arrival in the islands; 18 livres (15s) are required for
every fresh Negro brought in, and a poll-tax of 4 livres 10 sols
(3s. 9d.). Some heavy duties are laid upon stamp paper; an impost
of 9 livres (7s. 6d.) for each thousand foot square of ground,
and the tenth of the price of every habitation that is sold. The
productions are all subjected to five per cent. duty on their
leaving the colonies, and to three per cent. on their arrival in
any of the ports of the mother-country, exclusive of the duties
which are paid for rum when consumed in retail. These tributes
collectively bring in to the crown an income of eight or nine
hundred thousand livres, (from 33,333 pounds. 6s. 8d. to
37,500l.).

It is time that the court of Copenhagen should give up these
numerous and oppressive taxes. Well-grounded motives of interest
ought certainly to suggest the same kind of conduct to all the
powers that have possessions in the New World. But Denmark is
more particularly compelled to this act of generosity. The
planters are loaded with such enormous debts, that they will
never be able to repay the capitals, and cannot even make good
the arrears, unless the treasury should entirely drop every kind
of claim upon them.

But can such a prudent measure be expected, either in Denmark or
elsewhere, as long as the public expences shall exceed the public
revenues; as long as the fatal events, which, in the present
order, or rather disorder, of things, are perpetually renewed,
shall compel the administration to double or to treble the burden
of their unfortunate, and already overloaded subjects; as long as
the councils of the sovereigns shall act without any certain
views, and without any settled plan; as long as ministers shall
conduct themselves, as if the empire, or their functions, were to
end the next day; as long as the national treasures shall be
exhausted by unparalleled depredations, and that its indigence
shall only be removed by extravagant speculations, the ruinous
consequences of which will not be perceived, or will be
neglected, for the trifling advantages of the moment? and to make
use of an energetic, but true metaphor, one that is terrifying,
but symbolical of what is practised in all countries; as long as
the folly, the avarice, the dissipation, the degradation, or the
tyranny of the rulers, shall have rendered the treasury so much
exhausted or rapacious, as to induce them to _burn the harvest,
in order the more speedily to collect the price of the ashes!_

If the treasury were by chance to become wiser and more generous
in Denmark than they have been, or than they are in any other
part of the globe, the islands of St. Thomas, of St. John, and of
Santa Cruz, might possibly prosper, and their productions might,
in some measure, compensate for the trifling value of those of
the mother-country.--ABBÉ RAYNAL, _A Philosophical and Political
History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East
and West Indies_, 1798, pp. 256-265.

III

SANTA CRUZ IN GENERAL IN 1838

St. Croix is an island, about eighteen miles long, situated in
latitude 17° 45' north, longitude--west of Greenwich. It is
almost exclusively devoted to the cultivation of sugar-cane, and
the manufacture of sugar molasses, and rum. In a good season it
produces from fifty to sixty thousand hogsheads of muscovado
sugar of the best quality. It is generally calculated that the
molasses and rum will pay all the contingent expenses of the
estates; leaving the sugar for clear income, which at
seventy-five dollars the hogshead, for which it is generally sold
there, in a good season, amounts to three millions seven hundred
and fifty thousand dollars. This great revenue is produced by the
careful cultivation of almost every inch of the soil, the estates
generally consisting of but one hundred and fifty to three
hundred acres each; and nearly one hundred negroes being employed
upon each one hundred and fifty acres. The soil is dry and sweet,
producing the best cane, and consequently the best sugar known. I
had heard much of filthiness in the manufacture of sugar and
molasses, but the first view of a St. Croix sugar works
contradicted it. The kettles, the vats in which the sugar is
cooled, the hogsheads in which it is drained, and even the
molasses vats under them, are so perfectly neat and clean, that
no one who has seen them can feel any squeamishness in eating St.
Croix sugar, or molasses either. To look at a vat-full, a foot
deep, just chrystalizing over the surface, and perfectly
transparent to the bottom, would satisfy the most scrupulous upon
this point. There is about twenty-five thousand black, and three
thousand white population. Of course, it is seldom a white man is
seen in riding through the island.

Many of the blacks are free, and the slaves, by the protection
afforded them by the Danish laws, are about as well satisfied
with slavery as they would be with freedom. No slave can be taken
from the island without security for his or her return; masters
cannot inflict punishment without the intervention of public
authority; no slave can be sold against his or her consent,
except with the estate; and cheap and easy provisions are made
for emancipation. Such is the expectation of a general abolition,
that the prices of slaves are only about one fourth as high as in
the United States. In the village of Christianstadt, a large
proportion of the retail trade, and nearly all the mechanical
labour, is in the hands of the free blacks and mulattoes; and the
politeness, intelligence, and ability of some of these, would
surprise those who think their race by Nature unfit for freedom.
Many of them have good countenances, are well behaved, and appear
to evince as much discretion and judgment as whites under similar
circumstances. Some of them hold commissions in the militia
service; one has been promoted to the distinguished situation of
Governor's aid-de-camp; and instead of considering the race as on
a level with brutes, many of the white inhabitants deem them
nearly, if not quite, on a level with themselves. I listened for
a whole evening to a very warm discussion of the question,
whether a lady would be justified in refusing to dance with a
negro or mulatto at a ball; and the negative was not wanting in
supporters.

It is almost surprising, that so small a number of proprietors
should have had the public spirit and perseverance to make such
costly fine roads, not only as public highways whenever needed,
but should also have made a good private road around almost every
estate; beautifully ornamenting both with palm and cocoa-nut
trees, which cut the whole into squares, and add much to the
beauty of the scenery. On each estate there are generally a fine
mansion, a sugar-house, windmill, and plenty of negro-houses, all
situate upon an eminence and interspersed with fruit and
ornamental trees. Little attention is given, however, to the
cultivation of fruits, and, in many places, not an orange will be
seen for miles. Sugar-cane seems to have engrossed the whole
attention of the inhabitants, and crowded out almost every thing
else.--_A Winter in the West Indies and Florida by an Invalid_,
1839, pp. 62-65.

IV

A LETTER FROM AN AMERICAN VISITING SANTA CRUZ IN 1840

_My dear Friend_,

* * * * *

I understand that the slaves form about four-fifths of the
population, and are in number about 19,000. Time was, when the
treatment to which they were exposed, was harsh and severe; and
then their numbers were constantly declining. Of late years,
however, the Danish government has instituted various
restrictions which have ameliorated the condition of the slaves.
They are not allowed, as I understand, to be worked longer in the
day, than from 6 o'clock in the morning, to the same hour in the
evening, with intervals, (not always long enough) for breakfast
and dinner. Legal provisions are made respecting food and
clothing. The driver in the field is not permitted to carry any
more terrible instrument than a tamarind switch of moderate size;
and twelve lashes with the rope, and a short period of solitary
confinement, (mostly I believe in a light room) are the extent of
punishment which even the manager or master is permitted to
inflict. This rope however, is a dangerous instrument of torture;
and I am told that the reduction of the allowed number of lashes,
from thirty to twelve, is no matter of law, but the simple result
of the imperative benevolence of the governor-general Von
Scholten. Any negro has a right to buy his own freedom; and, in
case of need, the price is settled by a public appraiser. The
consequence of these benevolent provisions is, that the condition
of the slaves is improved, and their number is now kept up, with
a very small increase.

I cannot, however, refrain from observing, that legal provisions
for the amelioration of slavery, are in general of little use. In
the British Colonies, the measures of this kind which were
enacted by the Parliament at home, were constantly frustrated by
local influence; and in spite of law or reason, man will often be
found, in the hour of temptation, to abuse arbitrary power over
his fellow man. I consider it therefore highly probable, that
even in Santa Cruz, where the ameliorating laws are enforced by a
local government, at once vigilant and despotic, acts of
oppression and cruelty may at times take place, which are wholly
unknown to the government; much more, to an occasional visitor of
the island.

In the mean time the degradation occasioned by slavery in the
Danish islands--the low physical, intellectual, and moral
condition of the slaves, as compared with that of the liberated
negroes of the British islands--is obvious and unquestionable.
The worst feature of the system is the "Sunday market," as it is
called. The slaves are allowed no one of the working days of the
week for their own business. The consequence is, that multitudes
of them throng from the country (often from a great distance)
into the towns of Bassin and West End, on the First day of the
week, with their provisions and fruits for sale. The rum shops
are hard by the market places. The buyers, of course, misuse the
day as well as the sellers; and the scene is one, not only of
busy traffic, but of noisy merriment, idleness, and dissipation.
Before we left Santa Cruz, we called on General Söbötker, the
present Governor, of the island, to take our leave; and we
ventured to press this subject on his consideration, not without
some remarks on slavery in general. He listened to us in a very
obliging manner, and seemed to look forward to better days; but
his last words to us, as we went down the steps from his door,
were, "PATIENCE, PATIENCE, PATIENCE."

It was very satisfactory to us, to learn from our friend Captain
Von Scholten, the brother of the Governor General (then in
Denmark) that a commission had been appointed at Copenhagen, to
enquire into the state of these colonies, with a view to
emancipation. In the meantime, seven large buildings have been
erected in different parts of the island, to serve as chapels
and schools, for the religious and literary instruction of the
Negro population. They are not yet in use: but several of the
planters are making laudable exertions for the education of their
slaves in reading and in a knowledge of the Holy Scriptures. A
colored person of the name of Macfarlane, in every way adapted
for the office, is employed for the purpose; this school
circulates, with excellent effect, from one estate to another.
Having been taught their moral and religious obligations, the
negroes, on these estates, are greatly improved, and are much
more useful to their masters, than in the days of their
ignorance.

The schools held on the First day of the week under the care of
the members of the Episcopal church, at Bassin and West End, are
attended by several hundreds of black, mulatto, and white
children. Some of the planters and their wives are united with
colored persons and others, as instructors in these schools; and
the blessed work is carried on, both among the teachers and the
taught, without prejudice of caste, or distinction of
color.--JOSEPH JOHN GUERNEY, _A Winter in the West Indies
described in familiar Letters to Henry Clay, of Kentucky_, 1840,
pp. 20-23.

V

STADTHAUPTMAND CHAMBERLAIN VON SCHOLTEN'S NARRATIVE OF THE INSURRECTION OF 1848

In the week that preceded the 3rd July, 1848, I was confined to
my bed with a rheumatic swelling in my right hand. On Sunday the
2nd July I felt a little better, and could more or less use the
hand. On the afternoon of that day I received a visit from one of
our most respectable planters. In the course of our conversation,
he told me that there were strange reports in circulation
concerning the negroes, who, it was said, were to refuse to go to
work on the next day, and to demand their freedom. He could not
assign any further grounds for these reports than hearsay. Being
accustomed to hear of war and revolution in Europe, as well as
disturbances and riot in the French islands, from the fact of the
majority in this little place, Frederiksted, seeking to make up
for the monotony of their existence by spreading and listening to
all sorts of idle rumours and scandals, this information made no
further impression upon me. I bade him, in the meantime, to
acquaint the commander of the fort, and the policemaster with
what he had heard, and promised myself to inform my brother, the
Governor-General, as soon as he arrived here in the "Ornen," a
brig-of-war, which was momentarily expected.

At about eight o'clock in the evening my physician came to attend
to me, and he spoke of the alarming reports that were in
circulation. As he appeared to be somewhat concerned about the
matter, I remonstrated with him and spoke of the evil of
spreading such reports, which, if unfounded, might awaken ideas
among the slaves which it was to the interest of every one to
prevent. Not that I feared that they would be disposed to
violence or riot. They had been generally well treated and were
apparently satisfied.

About nine o'clock, I received a message that the
Governor-General had arrived in Christiansted, and that his
carriage which stood in my yard was to go up there, but as it was
late, I gave orders to the coachman to wait until next day. In
the meantime I went to bed. A short time after my servant told me
that there must be fire in the country as the bells were being
rung and shells blown. As this is the customary manner of giving
notice of such, the thought of anything unusual did not occur to
me. And as I could see no sign of any fire from my house, which
is built on an elevation, I concluded that it was upon a distant
estate, and again sought refuge in sleep. This lasted but a short
time, when I was once again aroused by a loud knocking at my
gate. Opening the window, I immediately recognized the voice of
the Brandmajor commanding in Frederiksted, he told me that the
negroes in the country were rioting and desired their freedom,
and that was the reason why the bell-ringing and blowing of
shells were to be heard. We then spoke about the plan of action
we should adopt, and whether the alarm gun should be fired or the
Brand corps and Militia should be called out. The Major having
stated that the negroes were committing no excesses and only
making a disturbance, I looked upon this as a good sign, for when
one has evil designs he rarely makes a noise, but generally
proceeds to action at once. Nevertheless, it was a doubtful point
with me whether I, as Stadthauptmand, would be justified in
firing the alarm, the militia law not stating anything definite
or to the point as to who should give such an order. On the other
hand, my authority only extended over the militia. Over the Fort
from which the alarm gun should be fired I had no command
whatsoever.

There were many considerations which induced me to proceed with
caution in the matter.

To have fired the alarm would have been equivalent to placing the
island in a state of siege. The power to do this rested only with
the Governor. Moreover, such an act would have summoned the whole
of the white population into town, away from their estates,
leaving their wives, children and old women in the power of the
negroes. With no one to check them, had excesses been committed,
how blameable it would have been to have acted so precipitately.
I was confirmed in this opinion by a planter and military
officer, who shared my views on the subject. The officer
remarking that: "Should the negroes be intent on evil, they could
easily prevent isolated members of the militia from coming in,
and should the opposite be the case, he saw no reason for calling
them from their estates, where they might by their presence be
able to check violence and plunder." The
policemaster--Andersen--coincided with these views, observing:
"Let us not by hasty proceedings provoke the negroes. The
bell-ringing and noise do not indicate that they are intent upon
violence. We must proceed with caution if we do not desire to see
things worse." These words from one who had a large experience of
the character of the negro, carried weight with most of us.

The opinion has since been expressed on more than one occasion,
that the Brand corps, which was composed of free coloured people,
should have been called out, but from prudential motives it was
deemed advisable to limit their action until absolutely
necessary. I shall now attempt to picture the events which
followed.

About two o'clock a.m., eight or ten mounted militiamen came in
from the country and informed me that the condition was such as
the earlier reports had stated. That there were noisy
demonstrations and disorder, but nowhere had actual violence been
committed. These gentlemen had left behind them their wives,
mothers and children, so to speak, in the power of the negroes,
without the least fear that they would be exposed to any kind of
danger. They came to inquire if the alarm gun had been fired, and
if such were the case, to meet as accustomed. I explained to them
that the gun had not been fired, as it was not considered prudent
to call them away at such a moment from their property, where
they could best work to preserve order. They therefore returned
to their homes. At four o'clock a.m., I sent off my brother's
carriage to Christiansted, and by same opportunity a letter in
which I described to him the condition of things in
Frederiksted. At the same time expressing the hope that order and
quiet might be restored by representations and negotiations.

At seven o'clock in the morning, the negroes streamed into the
town in large numbers. Shortly afterwards it was reported to me
that the police office was being plundered and demolished. The
second Brand officer, who was with me, after expressing the
opinion that it was in no way advisable to call out the corps,
undertook with some of the best disposed of his men to assist in
the keeping of order. And it is but fair to say, that it was
owing to the activity and representations of the free coloured
men that more violence was not committed, only three houses being
plundered and wrecked. At about this time a negro came crying to
me and begged me to write a letter to the Governor-General asking
that he would come down to Frederiksted as soon as possible, so
that by his presence he might save the town from further
molestation. With this I joyfully complied, beseeching my brother
not to delay, as only he would be able to quiet the negroes. In
the meantime the Brand major had narrowly escaped with his life.
Riding into town from his estate he was attacked by the negroes,
a negro woman striking at his neck with an axe, which fortunately
glanced off without injuring him. To show that he intended them
no harm, he threw away his sword, exclaiming: "Take my life, if
that can satisfy you, I come not as an enemy, but as a friend!"
With these words they seemed impressed, and allowed him to pass
on his way.

A crowd of negroes came shouting and yelling up the street, and
stood in front of my residence, demanding that I should proclaim
their immediate freedom. Representing to them how wrongly they
had acted by destroying and plundering, I advised them to keep
quiet until the Governor-General arrived, as he alone could
satisfy their demands. Seeing that they were now more peaceable,
I went to the Fort, where several of the inhabitants of the town
had assembled. These were most restless, not to say unreasonable.
Some thought that to save the town from further disturbance, I
should, in the Governor-General's name, have declared the negroes
free, but, as, in my opinion, I had no such power, I could not,
nor would not, take it upon myself to do so. Nevertheless, it was
the opinion of every one that only the prompt emancipation of the
slaves would save the island from further destruction. And now a
considerable number of negroes had assembled together in the
Fort yard. They cried and shouted, demanded their freedom, and
called on the soldiers to fire upon them. This the commander of
the Fort had some difficulty in preventing. Many who were present
begged him also not to do so, as the town would surely be burnt
to ashes. Of this there could not be any doubt, as near by,
behind a corner house, which could not be commanded by the guns
of the Fort there were several negro women gathered together with
"trash" or dry cane leaves, which, at the first shot from the
Fort, it was arranged they should light and throw into the doors
and windows. The fire would thus have spread quickly through the
town, as the houses were mostly deserted, and there was no one to
check it. With a view of quieting the threatening multitude, I
went among them, accompanied by the Catholic priest[397] and a
few of the bravest of the inhabitants. The priest, whose
influence was very great, spoke to them, admonishing and
exhorting them to be quiet. On the other hand, on my addressing
myself to one who appeared to be a leader of them, I received the
following reply: "Massa, we poor negroes cannot fight with the
soldiers, as we have no guns, but we can burn and destroy if we
do not get our freedom, and that is what we intend to do."

It was rumoured in the Fort that the negroes intended to storm
it, and for that reason had procured an English flag, which they
regarded as the symbol of freedom. I myself saw the flag in the
crowd, and nearing the flag-bearer after some difficulty, I asked
the young negro why he did not carry the Danish instead of the
English flag, to which he answered: "Any flag is good on such an
occasion." But on my speaking further he seemed visibly
embarrassed, and moved away among the crowd. About ten o'clock
a.m. a great noise was heard in the upper part of the town. Some
said it was the Governor-General, but it turned out to be the
Stadthauptmand of Christiansted, Oberst de Nully, and the
Governor-General's adjutant. The Oberst stepped out of the
carriage and spoke to the crowd, which was so dissatisfied that
the Governor-General had not come himself that they would not
listen to him. Suddenly there was a great movement among them,
and with repeated cries of "Moore!" "Moore!" they rushed down the
Strand-street. Here the infuriated mob commenced immediately to
plunder and destroy Merchant Moore's store and residence. Mr.
Moore himself sought refuge on board one of the vessels in the
harbour. The cause of this unexpected outbreak is said to have
been brought about by Mr. Moore's carelessly speaking to the
negroes, who understood that he would request the garrison of the
Fort to shoot them down. This would have been an easy matter, for
it was quite possible to sweep the street with a couple of field
guns from the water battery and the Fort gate; but the commander
of the Fort was besought not to fire for fear that in their
desire for revenge the negroes would burn down the town and
destroy every white person who might fall into their hands.
Besides, as the actually guilty ones were in Mr. Moore's house,
plundering, only innocent people who were in the street would
have been killed. Several sailors from the English vessels in the
harbour were now to be seen among the excited people, encouraging
them by words and actions. And particularly conspicuous upon the
wharf were several water casks belonging to these vessels, on
which was written in large letters--"Liberty." It is worthy of
remark, in contrast to these proceedings, that the free coloured
population did their utmost to prevent the negroes from breaking
into the houses and warehouses in the vicinity.

Most of the whites were now either on board the vessels or in
hiding. About this time a negro appeared upon the scene, who
seemed to be in command of the immense concourse of people which
filled the street. This was Buddhoe, or as he was called later
on, General Bourdeaux.

About three o'clock p.m., the Governor-General arrived,
accompanied by Kammerjunker Upper Court Assessor Rothe. The
General stepped out near the Fort, went in among the crowd and
declared the negroes to be free. He then requested Kammerjunker
Rothe, and as far as I can remember, Major Gyllich, the Brand
major, to see that the negroes left the town, which these
gentlemen soon accomplished.

Later on a detachment of troops arrived from Christiansted, and
at five o'clock p.m. the Governor-General returned to
Christiansted, after having ordered the cavalry, which had
recently arrived, to go back again. First Lieutenant v Holstein,
with two pieces of cannon and forth men, remained over night in
the Fort.

The brig-of-war "Ornen," Captain Irminger, arrived in the harbour
shortly before sunset. The night passed quietly enough, though
fires illuminated the hills of the north side. On Tuesday, the
4th of July, a number of negroes were seen on the road leading to
the North side, and it was feared that, should they enter the
town, it would doubtless result in bloodshed or incendiarism. In
order to prevent this, Major Gyllich rode out among them, and, by
repeated assurances that they were now free and would not be
brought back to slavery again, succeeded in inducing them to
return to their homes. At the same time he persuaded the negro
Buddhoe to accompany him to town, a wise move, for it was through
this negro's influence over them that order and quiet were
restored to this part of the island. In the meantime,
Kammerjunker Rothe arrived from Christiansted, whence he had
started in the morning with a number of printed copies of the
proclamation of freedom. Shortly after his arrival, three
expeditions were organised to make their contents known among the
negroes. Kammerjunker Rothe, the Vice-Brand major and a prominent
planter, went to Annally and Spring Garden, while Major Gyllich,
Buddhoe, or General Bourdeaux[398] and two of the most
respectable free coloured burghers went to the South side.

The company in which I found myself arrived first at estate "La
Grange." We had little difficulty in getting the negroes
together, who stood around our carriage as Kammerjunker Rothe
read out and explained the proclamation to them. Continuing our
road, we came to estate "Northside," where we met the owner and
his family who had remained there during the whole tumult. They
told us that during the forenoon of the same day, they had been
attacked by the negroes from the neighbouring estate of "Ham's
Bay," who under the pretext of wanting to take the overseer's
weapons from him, attempted to force the dwelling house. The
negroes of the estate defended them and prevented the intended
violence. From that place we went to "Ham's Bay," where we found
it difficult to collect the negroes, who had forced the owner and
his family to take flight in a fishing boat shortly before. After
having restored something like order among them, we returned to
Frederiksted.

The expedition in charge of Major Gyllich, after visiting twenty
odd estates reached as far as "La Reine." Mr. Beech read the
proclamation on each of them. On the road they learned that there
was a large gathering at estate "Slob," which had been doing a
great deal of plundering and destruction. Though Buddhoe declared
that he did not know the negroes on that part of the island, and
it was remarked that estate "Slob" was outside of West End
jurisdiction, Major Gyllich decided to go there, being under the
impression that he might prevent further troubles.

Going up the hill towards "Slob," they met a man named "Martin
King," chief of the "fleet," as they called this meeting. This
negro who was half drunk and riding a white horse, and who seemed
to be a leader among the crowd which they encountered, upon
understanding the object of the expedition, after a great deal of
outrageous and foolish talk yielded to the representations of the
Major, and by the influence he seemed to wield over the rest of
his comrades, was of great assistance in restoring order among
them. After visiting estates "La Reine" and "Mount Pleasant," the
major and his party returned to Frederiksted.

On Tuesday and Wednesday several planters with their families
came into town, and sought refuge on board the ships in the
harbour. The owner of the estate "Negro Bay," with twenty or
thirty other managers and overseers also came in, an error which
resulted in his estate being plundered. By this time prisoners
were being continually brought in. The negroes bringing them in
themselves. To this Buddhoe mainly contributed. On Thursday
morning at four o'clock a considerable force consisting of two
cannon, infantry and cavalry under the command of Captain v
Castonier left the town. In the meantime the Fort was garrisoned
from the brig-of-war. Though this expedition met with no
opposition, it served a good purpose, as from that time perfect
quiet and order were brought about.--TAYLOR, _Leaflets from the
Danish West Indies_, pp. 126-132.

VI

CHAMBERLAIN IRMINGER'S ACCOUNT OF THE INSURRECTION OF 1848

After a stay of several days in the island of St. Thomas,
Governor-General v Scholten sailed in the forenoon of the 2nd
July, 1848, for St. Croix, in the brig-of-war "Ornen," which I
commanded.

About four o'clock in the afternoon we anchored in Bassin
(Christiansted), suspecting nothing of the row which the negroes
intended to make. The General dined with me. At sunset he landed
in order to proceed to Bülowsminde, and as he heard that I
intended to have the ship painted, he invited me to pass the time
at his beautiful country seat.

About 10 o'clock, p.m. we retired to rest. The 3rd July, at
about two o'clock in the morning, I was awakened by the General's
servant with a request that I would come to the General as
quickly as possible. I immediately repaired to his presence and
found him already dressed. He then showed me a report from the
Chief Commander of the Fort in West End (Frederiksted), Capt. v
Castonier, which stated that the negroes were restless at that
part of the island--that bells were being rung on the
estates--and they were sounding the alarm on their shells
(conchshells).

When I had read the report, the Governor-General said: "What is
now to be done?" To this I answered that I thought the best thing
to do was to seek as quickly as possible to smother the
disturbance at its birth, because every minute now lost would
lend additional strength to the disturbers of the peace. It was
my impression that twenty to thirty armed men should immediately
be sent on horseback to West End in order to scatter the negroes
apart.