Chapter XVIII: Part 18

There may be cited other instances of the friendly interest of leading prelates and Bishops of the Church in the welfare of the Negro and of care for their spiritual interests. They have ever been anxious that justice be done to the race. The late Pope Pius X, sometime before his death, wrote a letter through his secretary to the Rt. Rev. Thomas S. Byrne, Bishop of Nashville, Tennessee, saying that he "most earnestly wishes that the work of the Apostolate to the colored people, worthy of being encouraged and applauded beyond any other undertaking of Christian civilization, may find numerous and generous contributors."

JOSEPH BUTSCH

ST. JOSEPH'S SEMINARY,
BALTIMORE, MD.

FOOTNOTES:

[478] Dollinger, "The Gentile and the Jew," II, p. 265.

[479] Aristotle, "Politics," I, 3-4.

[480] Plato, "The Laws," VI, p. 233.

[481] Cardinal Gibbons, "Our Christian Heritage," pp. 416-420.

[482] Cardinal Gibbons, "Our Christian Heritage," p. 432.

[483] Cardinal Gibbons, "Our Christian Heritage," pp. 429-430.

[484] P. Allard, "Les Esclaves Chretiens," p. 215.

[485] Cardinal Gibbons, _op. cit._, p. 436.

[486] Lecky, "History of European Morals," Vol. II, p. 76.

[487] St. Gregory I, "Letter VI."

[488] In treating of an early period of Spanish American history, undue importance seems to be given by some writers and historians, such as Bancroft, Robertson and Blyden, to the fact that Bartholomew de Las Casas, Bishop of Chiapa, when before the Court of Charles V of Spain, in 1517, counseled that Negro slaves take the place of Indians, as he considered the Negroes a hardier race. Other reliable authorities, such as Fiske and MacNutt, claim that Las Casas merely tolerated for a time, what already existed and what he could not prevent. All agree that Las Casas in later life bitterly regretted having approved of slavery under any form or condition whatever. John Fiske, in his "The Discovery of America," Vol. II, p. 458, says, "that the life work of Las Casas did much to diminish the volume of Negro slavery and the spiritual corruption attendant upon it." This non-Catholic writer furthermore declares that "when the work of Las Casas is deeply considered, we cannot make him anything else but an antagonist of human slavery in all its forms, and the mightiest and most effective antagonist, withal, that has ever lived." F. A. MacNutt in his work "Bartholomew De Las Casas," page 98, speaks of him in like manner. In connection with Negro slavery in the West Indies it should be said that the famous Cardinal Ximenes, of Spain, had protested already in 1516 against the recruiting of Negro slaves in Africa as then carried on for the West Indies.

[489] Cardinal Gibbons, _op. cit._, p. 434.

[490] Leo XIII to the Bishops of Brazil in a Letter dated Rome, May 5, 1888. Among the strong opponents of slavery before and during the Civil War in America was the noted Catholic philosopher and publicist, Orestes A. Brownson. His views on slavery and allied questions are found in his "Works," Vol. XVII, edited by his son, Henry F. Brownson.

[491] Lecky, "History of Rationalism," Vol. II, pp. 31-32.

[492] Guizot, "History of Civilization," Lect. VI.

[493] Blyden, "Christianity, Islam and the Negro Race," p. 46. A recent work entitled "Slavery in Germanic Society During the Middle Ages," by Dr. Agnes Wergeland, late professor of history in the University of Wyoming, throws light on the work of the Church in behalf of the oppressed and enslaved. In the preface of this book Prof. J. F. Jameson, of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, declares that "we cannot hope to attain a true understanding of American slavery in some of its essential aspects unless we are somehow made mindful of the history of slavery as a whole."

[494] Mark, 16-15.

[495] Details of this expedition are found in "The Franciscans in Arizona," by Fr. Zephyrim Englehardt, O.F.M.

[496] French "Historical Collections of Louisiana," Vol. III, p. 89.

[497] Russell, "Maryland, The Land of Sanctuary," p. 268.

[498] Woodson, "The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861," pp. 23-42.

[499] _African Repository_, XI, 294-295.

[500] Woodson, "The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861," pp. 99, 121.

[501] Johnston, "The Negro in the New World," pp. 142-401.

[502] Woodson, "The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861," p. 139, quoting Special Report of U. S. Com. of Ed., 1871, pp. 205-206.

[503] McElrone, Memoir to "Bishop England's Works," Vol. I, XIV.

[504] Acts and Decrees of the Second Plenary Council of Baltimore, p. xxviii; also No. 484, p. 244.

[505] Acts and Decrees of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, No. 239, p. 134.

[506] This brings to mind the fact that, in one burial lot in Calvary Cemetery, Memphis, Tennessee, lie the bodies of twenty-one priests and some fifty Catholic Sisters who fell victims of yellow fever, while nursing the sick during the great epidemics which raged in that city during 1873 and 1878.

[507] Reilly, "Life and Times of Cardinal Gibbons," Vol. II, p. 47.

[508] Riley, "Passing Events in the Life of Cardinal Gibbons," App. X.

[509] Will, "Life of Cardinal Gibbons," p. 361.

[510] Judge Thomas Lee, in "America," p. 495, New York, March, 1917.

[511] Bragg, "Men of Maryland," p. 131.

[512] Riley, "Passing Events in the Life of Cardinal Gibbons," p. 365.

DOCUMENTS

LETTERS OF GEORGE WASHINGTON BEARING ON THE NEGRO

In bringing together here the important expressions of George Washington reflecting his attitude toward the Negro, no claim to the discovery of something new is made. Our aim is rather to publish these extracts in succinct form for the convenience of those who may be interested in this field. While it is to be regretted that we have not here a large collection of such materials, these are adequate to give one a better conception of what Washington thought about the Negro than can be usually obtained from secondary works.

Complying with the custom of transporting troublesome blacks to the West Indies,[513] Washington addressed Captain John Thompson the following July 2, 1766:

"_Sir:_

"With this letter comes a Negro (Tom), which I beg the favour of
you to sell, in any of the Islands you may go to, for whatever he
will fetch and bring me in return for him.

"One hhd of best molasses
One ditto of best rum
One barrell of lymes if good and cheap
One pot of tamarinds containing about 10 Ibs.
Two small ditto of mixed sweetmeats about 5 lbs. each.

"And the residue, much or little, in good old spirits. That this
fellow is both a rogue and a runaway (tho' he was by no means
remarkable for the former, and never practiced the latter till of
late) I shall not pretend to deny--But he is exceeding healthy,
strong, and good at the hoe the whole neighbourhood can testifie
and particularly M. Johnson and his son, who have both had him
under them as foreman of the gang; which gives me reason to hope
he may, with your good management, sell well, if kept clean and
trim'd up a little when offered for sale.

"I shall cherfully allow you the customary commissions on this
affair, and must beg the favour of you (least he shoud attempt
his escape) to keep him handcuffd till you get to sea--or in the
bay--after which I doubt not but you may make him very useful to
you.

"I wish you a pleasant and prosperous passage, and a safe and
speedy return, being Sir

"Yr Yery Hble. Servt.
"Go. WASHINGTON."[514]

The question as to whether Washington wanted Negroes in the army has often been raised. Addressing a Committee of Congress January 28, 1778, Washington said in part:

"_Gentlemen_,

"The difficulty of getting waggoners and the enormous wages given
them would tempt one to try any expedient to answer the end of
easier and cheaper terms. Among others it has occurred to me
whether it would not be eligible to hire negroes in Carolina,
Virginia and Maryland for the purpose. They ought however to be
freemen, for slaves could not be sufficiently depended on. It is
to be apprehended they would too frequently desert to the enemy
to obtain their liberty, and for the profit of it, or to
conciliate a more favorable reception would carry off their wagon
horses with them."[515]

The student finds it difficult to determine exactly what was Washington's attitude toward the enlistment of Negro soldiers. When that question was extensively agitated Laurens wrote Washington:

"Had we arms for three thousand such black men as I could select
in Carolina, I should have no doubt of success in driving the
British out of Georgia, and subduing East Florida before the end
of July."

To this Washington replied:

"The policy of our arming slaves is in my opinion a moot point,
unless the enemy set the example. For, should we begin to form
Battalions of them, I have not the smallest doubt, if the war is
to be prosecuted, of their following us in it, and justifying the
measure upon our own ground. The contest then must be who can arm
fastest, and where are our arms? Besides I am not clear that a
discrimination will not render slavery more irksome to those who
remain in it. Most of the good and evil things in this life are
judged by comparison; and I fear a comparison in this case will
be productive of much discontent in those, who are held in
servitude. But, as this is a subject that has never employed much
of my thoughts, these are no more than the first crude Ideas that
have struck me upon ye occasion."[516]

Writing to Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens, July 10, 1782, concerning his plan to arm Negroes to defend the South, he said:

"_My Dear Sir_:

"The last post brought me your letter of the 19th of May. I must
confess that I am not at all astonished at the failure of your
plan. That spirit of freedom, which at the commencement of this
contest would have gladly sacrificed every thing to the
attainment of its object, has long since subsided, and every
selfish passion has taken its place. It is not the public but
private interest, which influences the generality of mankind, nor
can the Americans any longer boast an exception. Under these
circumstances, it would rather have been surprising if you had
succeeded nor will you I fear succeed better in Georgia."[517]

From his headquarters October 24, 1781, Washington wrote David Ross the following concerning Negroes who had been recaptured during the Revolutionary War:

"_Sir_:

"In answer to your Queries of Yesterday, the Negroes that have
been retaken, from whatever State, whose owners do not appear,
should all be treated in the same manner, and sent into the
Country to work for their Victuals and Cloathes, and advertised
in the States they came from. Those from N. York, are most
probably the property of Inhabitants of that State and N. Jersey,
and should be there Advertised. If any officers, knowing who the
owners are, will undertake to send them home, they may be
delivered to them. The other steps taken by you, are proper and
Expedient. The Negroes may be furnished with two days' Provisions
to carry them to Williamsburg, where there is a State Commissary.

"I am etc.,"[518]

In a letter to Colonel Bland in 1783 Washington took up one of the important questions arising at the close of the Revolution. This was the return of the slaves carried off by the British:

"_Sir_,

"HEAD QUARTERS 31st March, 1783.

"The Article in the provisional Treaty respecting Negroes, which
you mention to Sir Guy Carleton, had escaped my Notice, but upon
a recurrence to the Treaty, I find it as you have stated. I have
therefore tho't it may not be amiss to send in your Letter to Sir
Guy, and have accordingly done it.

"Altho I have Servants in like predicament with yours, I have not
yet made any attempt for their recovery.

"Sir Guy Carleton's reply to you will decide upon the propriety
or expediency of any pursuit to obtain them. If that reply should
not be transmitted thro my Hands, I will thank you for a
Communication of it.

"With much Regard, I am &c."[519]

Writing to Sir Guy Carleton about the same question on May 6, 1783, Washington said:

"Respecting the other point of discussion, in addition to what I
mentioned in my communication of the 21st ultimo, I took occasion
in our conference to inform your Excellency, that, in consequence
of your letter of the 14th of April to Robert R. Livingston,
Esquire, Congress had been pleased to make a further reference to
me of that letter, and had directed me to take such measures as
should be found necessary for carrying into effect the several
matters mentioned by you therein.[520] In the course of our
conversation on this point, I was surprised to hear you mention,
that an embarkation had already taken place, in which a large
number of negroes had been carried away. Whether this conduct is,
consonant to, or how far it may be deemed an infraction of the
treaty, is not for me to decide. I cannot, however, conceal from
you, that my private opinion is, that the measure is totally
different from the letter and spirit of the treaty. But, waving
the discussion of the point, and leaving its decision to our
respective sovereigns, I find it my duty to signify my readiness,
in conjunction with your Excellency, to enter into any agreement,
or to take any measures, which may be deemed expedient, to
prevent the future carrying away of any negroes, or other
property of the American inhabitants. I beg the favor of your
Excellency's reply, and have the honor to be, &c."[521]

In the substance of the conference between Gen. Washington and Sir Guy Carleton, at an interview at Orangetown, 6th May, 1783, one gets a still better idea of the attitude of Washington on this question:

"General Washington opened the Conference by observing that he
heretofore had transmitted to Sir Guy Carleton the resolutions of
Congress of the 15th ulto, that he conceived a personal
Conference would be the most speedy & satisfactory mode of
discussing and settling the Business; and that therefore he had
requested the Interview--That the resolutions of Congress
related to three distinct matters, namely, the setting at Liberty
the prisoners, the receiving possession of the posts occupied by
the British Troops, and the obtaing. the Delivery of all Negroes
& other property of the Inhabitants of these States in the
possession of the Forces or subjects of, or adherents to his
Britannic Majesty.--That with respect to the Liberation of the
prisoners, he had, as far as the Business rested with him, put it
in Train, by meetg. & conferring with the Secretary of War, &
concertg. with him the proper measures for collecting prisoners &
forwarding them to N. York, and that it was to be optional with
Sir Guy, whether the prisoners should march by land, or whether
he would send Transports to convey them by Water--and that the
Secty. of War was to communicate with Sir Guy Carleton on the
subject & obtain his Determination.

"With respect to the other two Matters which were the Objects of
the Resolutions, General Washington requested the Sentiments of
General Carleton.

"Sir: Guy then observed that his Expectations of a peace had been
such that he had anticipated the Event by very early commencing
his preparations to withdraw the British Troops from this
Country--and that every preparation which his situation &
circumstances would permit was still continued--That an
additional Number of Transports, and which were expected, were
necessary to remove the Troops & Stores--and as it was impossible
to ascertain the Time when the Transports would arrive, their
passage depending on the casualties of the Seas, he was there
unable to fix a determinate period within which the British
forces would be withdrawn from the City of New York--But that it
was his desire to exceed even our own Wishes in this Respect, &
That he was using every means in his power to effect with all
possible despatch an Evacuation of that & every other post within
the United States, occupied by the British Troops, under his
Direction--That he considered as included in the preparations for
the final Departure of the B. Troops, the previously sending away
those persons, who supposed that, from the part they had taken in
the present War, it would be most eligible for them to leave the
Country--and that upwards of 6,000 persons of this Character had
embarked & sailed--and that in this Embarkation a Number of
Negroes were comprised--General Washington therefore express his
Surprize, that after what appeared to him an express Stipulation
to the contrary in the Treaty, Negroes the property of the
Inhabitants of these States should be sent off.

"To which Sir: Guy Carleton replied, that he wished to be
considered as giving no construction of the Treaty--That by
Property in the Treaty might only be intended Property at the
Time, the Negroes were sent off--That there was a difference in
the Mode of Expression in the Treaty; Archives, Papers, &c., &c.,
were to be restored--Negroes & other property were only not to be
destroyed or carried away. But he principally insisted that he
conceived it could not have been the Intention of the B.
Government by the Treaty of Peace, to reduce themselves to the
necessity of violating their faith to the Negroes who came into
the British Lines under the proclamation of his Predecessors in
Command--That he forebore to express his sentiments on the
propriety of those proclamations, but that delivering up the
Negroes to their former Masters would be delivering then up some
possible to Execution, and others to severe punishments, which in
his Opinion would be a dishonorable violation of the public
Faith, pledged to the Negroes in the proclamations--That if the
sending off the Negroes should hereafter be declared in
Infraction of the Treaty, Compensation must be made by the Crown
of G. Britain to the Owners--that he had taken measures to
provide for this, by directing a Register to be kept of all the
Negroes who were sent off, specifying the Name, Age & Occupation
of the person, and the Name, & Place of Residence of his former
Master. Genl. Washington again observed that he conceived this
Conduct on the part of Genl. Carleton, a Departure from both the
Letter and Spirit of the Articles of Peace;--and particularly
mentioned a difficulty that would arise in compensating the
proprietors of Negroes, admitting this infraction of the Treaty
can be satisfied by such a compensation as Sir Guy had alluded
to, as it was impossible to ascertain the Value of the Slaves
from any Fact or Circumstance which may appear in the
Register,--the Value of a Slave consisting chiefly in his
Industry and Sobriety--& Genl. Washington mentioned a further
Difficulty which would attend Identifying the Slave, supposing
him to have changed his own and to have given a wrong Name of his
Master--In answer to which Sir Guy Carleton said, that as the
Negroe was free & secured against his Master, he could have no
inducement to conceal his own true Name or that of His
Master--Sir Guy Carleton then observed that by the Treaty he was
not held to deliver up any property but was only restricted from
carrying it way--and therefore admitting the interpretation of
the Treaty as given by Genl. Washington to be just, he was
notwithstanding pursuing a Measure which would operate most for
the security of the proprietors. For if the Negroes were left to
themselves without Care of Controul from him, numbers of them
would very probably go off, and not return to the parts of the
Country from whence they came, or clandestinely get on Board the
Transports in such a manner as would not be in his Power to
prevent--in either of which Cases an inevitable Loss would ensue
to the proprietors--But as the Business was now conducted they
had at least a Chance for Compensation--Sir Guy concluded the
Conversation on this subject by saying that he Imagined that the
mode of Compensating as well as the Amount and other points with
respect to which there was no provision made in the Treaty, must
be adjusted by the Commissioners to be hereafter appointed by the
two Nations."[522]

Washington admitted that slavery was wrong but he never did much to curb its growing power, contenting himself with a deprecation much like this expressed in the letter to Lafayette, April 5, 1783.

"The scheme, my dear Marqs., which you propose as a precedent to
encourage the emancipation of the black people of this Country
from that state of Bondage in wch. they are held, is a striking
evidence of the benevolence of your Heart. I shall be happy to
join in so laudable a work; but will defer going into a detail of
the business, till I have had the pleasure of seeing you."[523]

In 1786 Washington wrote the Marquis:

"The benevolence of your heart, my dear Marquis, is so
conspicuous on all occasions, that I never wonder at any fresh
proofs of it; but your late purchase of an estate in the colony
of Cayenne, with a view of emancipating the slaves on it, is a
generous and noble proof of your humanity. Would to God a like
spirit might diffuse itself generally, into the minds of the
people of this country. But I despair of seeing it. Some
petitions were presented to the Assembly at its last session, for
the abolition of slavery, but they could scarcely obtain a
reading. To set the slave afloat at once would, I really believe,
be productive of much inconvenience and mischief, but by degrees
it certainly might and assuredly ought to be effected; and that
too by legislative authority."[524]

Addressing Robert Morris in 1786, Washington said:

"I hope that it will not be conceived, from these observations,
that it is my wish to hold the unhappy people who are the subject
of this letter, in slavery. I can only say that there is not a
man living who wishes more sincerely than I do, to see a plan
adopted for the abolition of it; but there is only one proper and
effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is by
legislative authority; and this, as far as my suffrage will go,
shall never be wanting."[525]

Although not an active abolitionist Washington did not believe in the slave traffic, as this part of his letter to John Mercer in 1786 will show:

"I never mean, unless some particular circumstance should compel
me to it, to possess another slave by purchase, it being among my
first wishes to see some plan adopted, by which slavery in the
country may be abolished by law."[526]

In 1799 he wrote Robert Lewis:

"It is demonstratively clear, that on this Estate (Mount Vernon)
I have more working negroes by a full moiety, than can be
employed to any adventage in the farming system, and I shall
never turn Planter thereon.

"To sell the overplus I cannot, because I am principled against
this kind of traffic in the human species. To hire them out, is
almost as bad, because they could not be disposed of in families
to any advantage, and to disperse the families I have an
aversion. What then is to be done? Something must or I shall be
ruined; for all the money (in addition to what I raise by crops,
and rents) that have been received for Lands, sold within the
last four years, to the amount of Fifty thousand dollars, has
scarcely been able to keep me afloat.

"Under these circumstances and a thorough conviction that half
the workers I keep on this Estate would render me a greater nett
profit than I now derive from the whole, has made me resolve if
it can be accomplished, to settle Plantations on some of my
other Lands. But where? without going to the Western Country, I
am unable, as yet to decide; as the best, if not all the Land I
have on the East side of the Aleghanies are under Leases, or some
kind of incumbrance or another. But as you can give me the
correct information relative to this matter, I now early apply
for it."[527]

The best evidence as to what Washington thought of the Negro may be obtained from his treatment of his slaves, as brought out by the following clauses from his will.

"_Item_--Upon the decease of my wife it is my will and desire,
that all the slaves which I hold in _my own right_ shall receive
their freedom--To emancipate them during her life, would tho
earnestly wished by me, be attended with such insuperable
difficulties, on account of their intermixture by marriages with
the Dower negroes as to excite the most painful sensations--if
not disagreeable consequences from the latter while both
descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor, it not
being in my power under tenure by which the dower Negroes are
held to manumit them--And whereas among those who will receive
freedom according to this devise there may be some who from old
age, or bodily infirmities & others who on account of their
infancy, that will be unable to support themselves, it is my will
and desire that all who come under the first and second
description shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my heirs
while they live and (3) that such of the latter description as
have no parents living, or if living are unable, or unwilling to
provide for them, shall be bound by the Court until they shall
arrive at the age of twenty five years, and in cases where no
record can be produced whereby their ages can be ascertained, the
Judgment of the Court upon it's own view of the subject shall be
adequate and final--The negroes thus bound are (by their masters
and mistresses) to be taught to read and write and to be brought
up to some useful occupation, agreeable to the laws of the
commonwealth of Virginia, providing for the support of orphans
and other poor children--and I do hereby expressly forbid the
sale or transportation out of the said Commonwealth of any Slave
I may die possessed of, under any pretence, whatsoever--and I do
moreover most positively, and solemnly enjoin it upon my
Executors hereafter named, or the survivors of them to see that
this clause respecting slaves and every part thereof be
religiously fulfilled at the Epoch at which it is directed to
take place without evasion neglect or delay after the crops
which may then be on the ground are harvested, particularly as it
respects (4) the aged and infirm, seeing that a regular and
permanent fund be established for their support so long as there
are subjects requiring it, not trusting to the uncertain
provisions to be made by individuals.--And to my mulatto man,
William (calling himself William Lee) I give immediate freedom or
if he should prefer it (on account of the accidents which have
befallen him and which have rendered him incapable of walking or
of any active employment)[528] to remain in the situation he now
is, it shall be optional in him to do so--In either case however
I allow him an annuity of thirty dollars during his natural life
which shall be independent of the victuals and cloaths he has
been accustomed to receive; if he chuses the last alternative,
but in full with his freedom, if he prefers the first, and this I
give him as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me and
for his services during the Revolutionary War.[529]

"_Item_--The balance due to me from the Estate of Bartholomew
Dandridge deceased, (my wife's brother) and which amounted on the
first day of October, 1795, to Four hundred and twenty-five
pounds (as will appear by an account rendered by his deceased son
John Dandridge, who was the Executor of his father's will) I
release and acquit from the payment thereof,--And the _negros_
(then thirty three in number) formerly belonging to the said
Estate who were taken in Execution,--sold--and purchased in, on
my account in the year (1795?) and ever since have remained in
the possession and to the use of Mary, widow of the said
Bartholomew Dandridge with their increase, it is my will and
desire shall continue and be in her possession, without paying
hire or making (13) compensation for the same for the time past
or to come during her natural life, at the expiration of which, I
direct that all of them who are forty years old and upwards shall
receive their freedom, all under that age and above sixteen shall
serve seven years and no longer, and all under sixteen years
shall serve until they are twenty-five years of age and then be
free.--And to avoid disputes respecting the ages of any of these
_negros_ they are to be taken to the Court of the County in which
they reside and the judgment thereof in this relation shall be
final and a record thereof made, which may be adduced as evidence
at any time thereafter if disputes should arise concerning the
same.--And I further direct that the heirs of the said
Bartholomew Dandridge shall equally share the benefits arising
from the services of the said _negros_ according to the tenor of
this devise upon the decease of their mother."

PETITION FOR COMPENSATION FOR THE LOSS OF SLAVES BY EMANCIPATION IN THE DANISH WEST INDIES[530]

We, the undersigned, inhabitants of the West India Islands St.
Thomas and St. John, beg leave most respectfully to present to
the Rigsdag of Denmark, this Petition, praying that just and
equitable compensation may be granted us for the loss we have
sustained in our property, in consequence of the ordinance of the
Governor General, bearing date 3d July, 1848, by which he took
upon himself to abolish Negro Slavery in the Danish Colonies, and
which act received the Royal sanction on the 22d September of the
same year.

If, notwithstanding the heavy loss thus sustained, we have
hitherto been silent, it should be attributed to the hope we had
entertained, that the government, without being called upon to do
so, would have taken steps to obtain compensation for us; and to
the sentiments of sympathy with which we beheld the struggle of
the mother country in the trying situation in which the revolt of
the Duchies, and war with many powerful enemies had placed her, a
struggle which required all her resources, both intellectual and
material, of which she could dispose; and thus it would have been
inopportune had we at that time obtruded ourselves on the notice
of the government. But now, that the clouds which obscured the
political horizon have been dissipated, now, that a glorious war
is concluded, and peace sheds its blessings over Denmark, we can
no longer defer our just demand for compensation, lest our
silence should be construed into acquiescence with the act, by
which we have been despoiled of our property, or interpreted as
an abandonment of our claims. We had as good a title of property
to our negroes, as to our land, houses, or any other property we
possess; this right was established not only by law, but the
government had moreover ever encouraged the subjects to acquire
such property as being advantageous to the state. For this
purpose the government granted loans to the colonists upon
reduced interest from the so dominated "negro loan." The
government bought and sold such property, took it in mortgage,
levied duties upon their importation, and imposed a yearly
capitation tax, consequently not a shadow of doubt could exist of
the legality of such property; and if it was a fault to become
possessors of such property, it must be laid to the charge of the
government which had fostered and encouraged it. The highest
tribunal of the land, the King's High Court, acknowledged this
right in its fullest sense, so that a negro slave, even on the
free soil of Denmark, continued to be the property of his master
so thoroughly, that the latter in direct opposition to the
slave's will, could oblige him to return to the West Indies. That
the negro's ability to work, and personal qualities, enhanced his
value, is a fact too palpable to stand in need of proof; the
numberless legal appraisements upon oath, the sales which took
place daily between man and man, as well as the normal value,
which according to the Ordinance of the first of May, 1840, was
determined every year by the government, after a previous hearing
of the Burgher Council, and the respective authorities, render
this matter incontestable.

This ordinance admits the owner's right to full compensation, for
only on condition of paying the full value of the services which
the master could have from the slave, had the slave the right to
demand his freedom; but without such remuneration, his master
could not be deprived of him.

The forementioned ordinance, the common law, and in particular
the eighty-seventh section of the constitution, lay down as an
invariable rule, that no subject can be compelled to cede his
property, unless the general good of the commonwealth requires
it, and then only on receiving full compensation.

Those civilized nations in whose colonies slavery has been
abolished, have neither raised any question nor doubt as to the
legality of the principle of compensation. Thus England, France
and Sweden have granted compensation. The first £ 25 12 2
sterling at an average per head; the second 490 francs per head,
which is, however, considered but part of the whole sum; and the
third in the following manner: first class, under fifteen years,
$80 per head, second class, from fifteen to sixty years, $240 per
head; third class, over sixty years, $40 per head.

With regard to emancipation without compensation, the following
language was held to the King of Sweden: "Your most gracious
Majesty, in your high wisdom, will never allow such violation of
justice as emancipation without compensation would be; such a
thing has never anywhere occurred."

The Dutch government has declared that it will not abolish
slavery without indemnifying the owners, and for this reason it
has not given any formal sanction to the liberty which the Dutch
governor of St. Martin's (with the consent of the planters) found
himself compelled to concede to the negroes, when emancipation
was proclaimed in the French part of the same island, but left
matters in _statu quo_. Once, however, there existed an instance
of emancipation without compensation. The National Convention of
France, in the year 1793, did, disregarding the sacred rights of
property, proclaim the abolition of slavery; but ten years
afterwards, on the 28th of May, 1802, that act was declared by
the corps legislatif, to be an act of spoliation, and as such
illegal; consequently slavery was re-established by decree of the
First Consul, and continued for half a century, and would in all
probability be still in full vigor, at least for some time, had
it not been for the revolution of February. For us, we have the
most implicit reliance on the honor of the Danish Government, and
the Danish people, and we feel persuaded that they will not
follow the example of the National Convention. In Denmark, love
of justice and respect for the sacredness of the rights of
property are too deeply implanted in the soil to be easily rooted
out. The proverbial honesty of Denmark is as firm as the courage,
loyalty, and gallantry of which her sons have so lately given
such signal proof.

The Rigsdag of Denmark will not on account of the burden, shrink
from the demands of justice; it will not allow it to be said that
it refused to satisfy a claim, the justness of which has never
been doubted by any civilized nation, nor will it suffer a number
of its fellow citizens to be illegally bereft of their property
without compensation. The Rigsdag of Denmark will not leave it in
the power of the world to say, that it was liberal at the expense
of others, or that it denied compensation to the weak, because
they had only the right, but not the power to enforce it. In
reviewing the means that present themselves, the burden will not
be so considerable or so heavy, when we take into consideration
that the state possesses many plantations, in respect of which to
their former complement of slaves, there will of course be no
question of compensation, and that it also holds mortgages on
many properties, where the compensation can be written off,
without any real loss in many cases; on the other hand, the
realm, by fulfilling its duty in settling a lawful claim, will
gain by the disbursement of the compensation, which will as may
reasonably be expected, not alone increase the prosperity of the
colonies, but their inhabitants will attach themselves more
closely to Denmark.

We do not entertain any doubt but that the Rigsdag will grant us
the compensation to which we have the most incontestable right,
and which cannot be controverted by such futile arguments, as,
that the owners have lost nothing by the government depriving
them of their property, as the stock of labor is the same, and to
be had for an equitable hire. If it even in reality were the
case, that the expenses were not greater, and the work not less
than before the emancipation, while, alas! the contrary is the
case, it would, nevertheless, be a species of argument in itself
contrary to common sense, in a degree, that it would scarcely
require any refutation at the bar of the enlightened Rigsdag, as
it might with just as much reason be said, that all the rest of
the property of people could be taken away whenever the
government managed matters in such a way, that the properties
could be rented at so moderate a rate, that the expenses did not
exceed, what those of the keeping of the property yearly had
amounted to. It will be clearly evident that the owner
notwithstanding, loses his essential rights, for the property
would no longer be at his disposal, or under his control, he
would be dependent upon others not only as to renting of that
kind of property of which he had formerly been possessed, but he
would not be able to sell, mortgage, or dispose of it in any
manner whatever, either in favor of himself, his children, or
other heirs; in short, property would to him, entirely lose its
money value, and the capital vested in it would be sunk as is now
the case with us. Many a slave owner derived his living from the
yearly income which the hire of his slaves produced, but now the
state has bereft him of his property, and hurled him, widows and
orphans into the most abject poverty and misery, while that act,
as yet without compensation, has more or less generally affected
those who possessed that class of property, and in numberless
instances produced pecuniary embarrassment; while the slave
owners who are proprietors of plantations have not alone lost the
capital invested in their slaves, but the subversion of the
ancient normal order in the colonies, but in addition thereto,
they are exposed to the imminent risk of seeing their estates,
buildings, and fabrics eventually reduced to no value whatever.
Most assuredly the circumstances which precede the emancipation,
cannot be brought forward in support of the necessity thereof.
Such a delusion cannot hold good. It is notorious that the so
called insurrection which was begun in the jurisdiction of
Fredericksted, at St. Croix on the 3d of July, 1848, would have
been put down, if the forces, although reduced as they had been,
had been called out and made use of by the government of that
island. This is borne out by the sentence of 5th of February, in
this year, rendered against the governor-general by the
commission, which sentence expressly states that the declaration
of emancipation partly originated in a desire to procure the
treasury an exemption from compensation, or what is the same
thing, it was intended to serve as a means to deprive the
proprietors of their lawful rights. Furthermore, it is quite
evident, that even the most trifling commotion would not have
occurred, if the Captain-General of Puerto Rico's offer of
assistance on perceiving the impending dangers had been accepted.
Neither is it less certain that the normal order could have been
re-established subsequently. His Majesty's government by
presenting to royal assent the emancipation of the negro slaves,
which the governor-general had taken upon himself to grant, has
adopted the act as its own. It has also from the very beginning
been considered that the insurrection could not be viewed as
sufficient foundation for the act. This is clearly to be seen
from the wording of the royal mandate on which the emancipation
is made a concession "to the lively" wishes of the negroes. That
his late Majesty King Christian VIII., of glorious and blessed
memory, had by rescript of 28th July 1847, given freedom to all
children born of slaves in the Danish West India possessions, and
at the same time ordained that slavery should finally cease in
twelve years, cannot be pleaded as a reason that proprietors of
slaves are to sustain loss and receive no compensation, for the
question remained open, and had been only glanced at by said
rescript. It is much to be lamented that the emancipation in the
manner it took place, and with the circumstances with which it
was accompanied, induced the slave population, although
erroneously, to believe that they had overawed the government,
and to receive the emancipation not as boon, but rather as a
trophy. The bad impression which such a management of matters has
caused, will ever remain, and render the march of administration
difficult, for defiance has taken the place which only should
have been ceded to gratitude. It ought here to be observed that a
succession of ordinances had gradually loosed the ties which
existed between the master and the slave. What heretofore had
been esteemed as a favor on the master's part, was by law
converted into an obligation, and the slave was not only
rendered more and more independent of his master, but his
sentiments of attachment to him were destroyed. Thus the law made
it obligatory on the master to cede a negro his freedom when he
could pay his full value; a favor which hardly any one had
thought of refusing; thus the law bound the master to give his
slaves certain little extras for Christmas, a favor which no one
had thought of denying, and thus the law compelled the planter to
give his negroes the Saturday free; a boon, which hitherto
frequently had been granted as a recompense for diligent work
during the week. But from the moment that the law converted into
an obligation, that which hitherto had been received as a favor,
indifference usurped the place of gratitude. Thus, by consecutive
innovations, the state of things became precarious, the relations
insecure, impatience sprung up, and the seeds of the tumultuous
scenes which ensued and served as a pretext for emancipation,
were sown. Here we must observe, that though it were admitted
that the pretended insurrection at St. Croix rendered
emancipation an act of necessity, it cannot, at all events, in
any manner be cited with regard to St. Thomas or St. John, where
no kind of disturbance existed among the slave population, Thus,
entertaining the intimate conviction that our right to
compensation is as conformable to reason, as it ought to be
sacred and inviolable, and in solemnly protesting against our
being bereft of our property without full compensation, we submit
this our representation to the Rigsdag of Denmark, with the most
unlimited confidence in its justice. We have the consoling hope
and encouraging persuasion that the representatives of a people
who, by the bill of indemnity of 30th June, 1850, have gone ahead
of, and set a brilliant example to other nations, by the
acknowledgment of the principle of equity, that "all citizens
ought equally to share the losses which the scourge of war had
brought upon individuals," will not deny a principle of justice,
which every European nation has hitherto not neglected to comply
with towards its colonies.

ST. THOMAS AND ST. JOHN, June, 1851.
To the Rigsdag of Denmark.

AN EXTRACT FROM THE WILL OF ROBERT PLEASANTS DATED FEBRUARY 6, 1800, AND ADMITTED TO PROBATE IN HENRICO COUNTY, VIRGINIA, APRIL 6, 1801

"From a full conviction that slavery is an evil of great
magnitude and no less repugnant to the Divine command of doing to
others as we would they should do unto us that it is inconsistent
with the true interest and prosperity of my country, I did
confirm freedom to all the Negroes that by law, I had property in
by a Deed of Emancipation bearing date the first of the 8th
month, 1782, duly acknowledged and admitted to record in the
Clerk's office of Henrico County, three boys excepted names
Moses, Nat and James, who at that time lived with their mothers
in Goochland County and were forgotten but have since been
emancipated, but as it is still necessary that those who are
ancient and incapable of getting a living (being over forty-five
years of age at the time of emancipation) should be supported, I
now desire and direct it to be done and that the young ones may
have learning sufficient to enable them to transact the common
affairs of life for that purpose I have had a Schoolhouse put on
my land called Gravely hills tract containing by estimation 350
acres the use and profits whereof I give for that purpose
forever, or so long as the Monthly Meeting of Friends in this
County may think it necessary for the benefit of the children and
descendants of those who have been emancipated by me, or other
black children whom they may think proper to admit; reserving
only to my heirs hereafter named the priviledge of cutting timber
occasionally for building, of which there appears to be more than
perhaps may ever be necessary for the use of the School and the
Tenants who are now on it, or hereafter may settle thereon and
reserving also a privilege for my old servant Philip and his Wife
Dilcy to settle on and occupy such part thereof as they may
choose (not interfering with the school) during their natural
lives, they not committing Waste or taking others to work the
land under colour of this gift except it should be necessary for
their support reserving also to the women Effee, Sarah, Dilcy and
Elcy to continue or live on rent free during their natural lives
on the same conditions or restrictions expressed in my grant to
Philip and Dilcy and I further direct that in case those of my
heirs who may claim a right to the service of the young blacks
under this will should neglect or refuse to give them learning
either at the above mentioned School or by some other way or
means, I hereby declare them free one year before their time of
servitude expires and to be sent to school at the expense of my
estate for that time. And Whereas a suit was instituted several
years ago in my name as the Heir at Law of my Father and only
acting executor to him and my Brother Jonathan Pleasants for the
relief of a number of Negroes by them directed to be free at a
certain age, but wrongfully held in Bondage which suit was lately
determined in their favor, but considering that many of them have
been brought up in ignorance and may need the care, advice and
perhaps assistance too of friends I do request my beloved friends
to be nominated Executors by this _Will_ to extend such care
towards them as the nature of the case may call for or require."

PROCEEDINGS OF A RECONSTRUCTION MEETING[531]

On April 19, 1867, a general meeting of the citizens of Mobile
was held relative to the new measures of reconstruction. Among
the vice-presidents were men of all classes and color--as civil
judges, bishops, clergy, physicians, citizens, etc., etc., of
whom five were colored men. The only colored speaker on the
occasion said:

"_Fellow-Citizens_: I feel my incapacity to-night to speak, after
hearing the eloquence of those preceding me. I received an
invitation from the white citizens of Mobile to speak for the
purpose of reconciling our races--the black to the white--to
extend the hand of fellowship. You have heard the resolutions.
You are with us, and I believe are sincere in what they promise.
It is my duty to accept the offer of reconstruction when it is
extended in behalf of peace to our common country. Let us remove
the past from our bosoms, and reconcile ourselves and positions
together. I am certain that my race cannot be satisfied unless
granted all the rights allowed by the law and by that flag. The
resolutions read to you to-night guarantee every thing. Can you
expect any more? If you do, I would like to know where you are
going to get it. I am delighted in placing myself upon this
platform, and in doing this I am doing my duty to my God and my
country. We want to do what is right. We believe white men will
also do what is right."

The next speaker was a late Confederate officer during the war.
He said:

"It is the first time for seven long years that we sit--and at
first we sat with diffidence--under the 'old flag' and I connot
deny that my feelings are rather of a strange nature. Looking
back to the past, I remembered the day (the 10th day of January,
1861) when I hauled down that flag from its proud staff in Fort
St. Philip, and thought then that another flag would soon spread
its ample folds over the Southern soil.

"But that flag is no more. It has gone down in a cloud of
glory--no more to float even over the deserted graves of our
departed heroes--one more of the bright constellations in the
broad canopy of that firmament where great warriors are made
demigods.

"But I did not come here to-night to tell you, men of Alabama,
that my heart was with you--for you well know that as far as that
heart can go, it never will cease beating for what is held dear
and sacred to you. But I came here to speak to those of our new
fellow-citizens, who are not seeking the light of truth.

"It is said that two races now stand in open antagonism to each
other--that the colored man is the natural enemy of the white
man, and, hereafter, no communion of interests, feelings and past
associations, can fill the gulf which divides them.

"But who is it that says so? Is it the Federal soldier who fought
for the freedom of that race? Is it even the political leader
whose eloquence stirred up the North and West to the rescue of
that race? No; it is none of these. It is not even the
intelligent and educated men of that class, for I now stand on
the very spot where one of them, Mr. Trenier, disclaimed those
disorganizing principles, and eloquently vindicated the cause of
truth and reason.

"Why, then, should there be any strife between us? Why should not
our gods be their gods--our happiness be their happiness? Has
anything happened which should break up concert of action,
harmony, and concord in the great--the main objects of life--the
pursuit of happiness?

"Where can that happiness spring from? Is it from the midst of a
community divided against itself, or from one blessed with peace
and harmony?

"In what particular have our relations changed? In what case have
our interests in the general welfare been divided? Is not today
the colored man as essential to our prosperity as he was before?

"Is not our soil calling for the energetic efforts of his sinewy
arms? Can we, in fact, live without him? But while we want his
labor he wants our lands, our capital, our industry, our
influence in the commerce and finances of the world.

"And if, coming down from those higher functions in society, we
descend to our domestic relations, where do we find that those
relations are changed?

"Does not the intelligent freedman know that neither he nor we
are accountable to God for the condition in which we were
respectively born?

"Does he not know that, for generations past, the institution of
slavery had been forced upon us by the avarice, the love of power
of the North? Does he not know that to-day we have in him the
same implicit faith and reliance we had before?"[532]

FOOTNOTES:

[513] _Boston Evening Post_, Aug. 3, 1761. This issue carries an advertisement for such Negroes.

[514] Ford, "Washington's Writing," II, 211.

[515] _Ibid._, VI, 349.

[516] Ford, "Washington's Writings," VII, 371.

[517] _Ibid._, X, 48.

[518] Ford, "Washington's Writings," IX, 392-393.

[519] _Ibid._, X, 200.