Chapter III: The Redemption of Africa

Early in his life Paul Cuffe became interested in the redemption of Africa. "The travail of my soul," said he, "is that Africa's inhabitants may be favored with reformation." The following letter to James Pemberton not only illustrates Cuffe's style and manifests his spirit but shows the redemption of Africa as the main interest of his life:

WESTPORT 9th mo 14th 1808

_Worthy friend_

In Reply to thine of the 8-6 mo.

I desire ever to humble myself before my Maker who hath I trust
favored me to the notice of my friends. I desire that God will
Bless all Our friends who hath been made willing to Rise to our
assistance. Without hope of a providential hand we must ever been
miserabal.

As to poor me I feel very feebel and all most worn out in hard
service and uncapable of doing much for my brethren the African
Race but blessed be God I am what I am and all that I can conceive
that God pleases to lay upon me to make me an instrument for that
service I desire ever to be submissive that his will may be done
and I shall not loose sight of the above but endeavor to wright
thou again on the subject if thee will wright me if any further
information can be given it would be kindly excepted by one who
wishes well to all mankind &c.

PAUL CUFFE.

In this cause, however, Paul Cuffe was not struggling alone. The question of ameliorating the condition of the Negro in Africa was, at the opening of the nineteenth century, a matter of general concern. Men with a philanthropic spirit both in Denmark and Sweden had by this time investigated the problem. In France, in addition to individual activity, the society, Les Amis des Noirs, was organized. In England, interest was more pronounced than in any other European country. The African Institution, the Saint George's Bay Company, better known as the Sierra Leone Company, and the British African Colonization Society, directed efforts toward the western coast. The foundation of the Sierra Leone was laid by these societies. This same interest in advancing the civilization of Africa was found among distinguished Americans like Samuel D. Hopkins, pastor of the First Congregational Church in Newport, Rhode Island, Ezra Stiles, sometime president of Yale, and William Thornton, head of the United States Patent Office.[17]

In 1808, when expressions from Cuffe showing his interest in Africa appeared, considerable progress had been made by the English philanthropists. In the first place, they had carried on successful propaganda. They were in touch with the Americans and had the support of the Quakers. In a pamphlet specifically printed to call the attention of Parliament to the "case of their fellow creatures" the Quakers asserted that "Africa, so populous, and so rich in vegetable and mineral productions, instead of affording all the advantages of a well regulated commerce, is scarcely known but as a mart for slaves, and as the source of violent barbarities, perpetuated in order to secure them, by men professing the Christian religion."[18] The leading men in the African Institution, Thomas Clarkson, William Wilberforce, and Granville Sharp, exerted much influence both through personal activity and the agency of the African Institution.

In the second place, the Englishmen, as stated above, had actually established a settlement on the Guinea coast known as Sierra Leone. Many Negroes from London and vicinity, the black American Loyalists, and the Jamaica Maroons, settled in Nova Scotia, and the "Willyfoss" Negroes were transported to the Africa coast. The commendable intentions of the promoters of this settlement on the west coast of Africa were conveyed to Cuffe by his Philadelphia friend, James Pemberton, who was in touch with the activities of the African Institution. In September, 1808, he wrote:

I perceive they are earnestly attentive to pursue the laudable
object of promoting the civilization of the Blacks in their own
country with a view to draw them off from the wild habits of life
to which they have been accustomed, by instructing them in the
arts of agriculture, mechanic labor, and domestic industry, by
which means they hope to be instrumental in preparing the minds of
those uninstructed people gradually to become qualified to receive
religious instruction.

Pemberton also called attention to the fact that the leaders of the African Institution were distinguished men and he especially noted that the president was the Duke of Gloucester, a nephew of the King. Moreover, he likened the plan for benefiting the African to the one which the Friends were using to civilize the American Indian. In the concluding paragraph of the letter, Pemberton sounds a personal call to Cuffe:

Thou wilt be sensible that the undertaking is very important and
those concerned to promote it are anxious to receive all the
assistance and encouragement they can from the friends of humanity
at home and in America. Now if thy concern for the good of the
poor untutored people continues and finds thy mind impressed
with a sense that any portion of the work is allotted for thee
to perform, I hope and trust thou wilt give it thy most serious
consideration, and should it ripen to such a degree as to bring
thee under an apprehension of religious duty to perform it in such
a way as that wisdom which is superior to human may point out, a
consultation with thy friends on the occasion may be reasonably
useful, tending to thy strength and encouragement.[19]

Already assurance had come from Zachariah Macaulay, Governor of Sierra Leone, that if Cuffe should make a voyage to Africa he would receive every encouragement from him. As a director of the African Institution he felt that its views would be advanced if any free blacks from America of good conduct and religious principles should be induced to offer their personal assistance. In June, 1810, therefore, Cuffe, as an "ever well wishing Friend," wrote to Friends in Philadelphia that he planned to make a visit to Africa in the fall. He hoped that some solid Friend would feel called on to accompany him as an adviser. In September he laid his plans for the voyage before a large committee of Westport Friends. He was authorized by this committee to pursue his prospects and was given a letter of recommendation.

In this letter his neighbors stated that Cuffe "had lately been received a member of their religious society, that he was highly respected by Friends in Philadelphia, and that he felt a religious concern to assist, as far as in his power, the views of the African Institution. His intention was, provided he met with sufficient encouragement here, to sail from America to Sierra Leone, with a cargo likely to be suitable for the place, and, when there, make such observations as would enable him to judge whether he should do right to encourage some sober families of black people in America to settle among the Africans, and if so, he intended to convey them in his own vessel." They also reported Cuffe as the owner of a vessel and worth five thousand pounds.[20]

The lively interest that Cuffe had had in the people of color at Sierra Leone, his wish that they might become established in the truth, and his desire that they might then do missionary work among the African brethren, influenced him to visit his friends on the Guinea coast. He rented his farm and commended his family to his brother John. The latter wrote his sister Freelove in New York that Paul would be gone for a year, possibly two, and that he went for a "religious visit amongst the inhabitants of that land, our own nation."[21]

When everything was ready the _Traveller_ sailed out of Westport for Sierra Leone via Philadelphia. Nine Negroes composed the crew. The story of the voyage from Philadelphia is interestingly told by Cuffe himself in his journal:[22]

1810. 12mo. 4. I called on Friends in Philadelphia. They appointed
a time at Arch Street meeting-house, and after a feeling
conference, they expressed satisfaction and left me at liberty.
Hence it fell under the head of my former advisers, John James and
Alexander Wilson, I called on them: John professed that he could
not see any other way, better, than to take a load of corn that
he had long held, and take it to Portugal or Cadiz. I then had to
tell him the said John James, that was not my business; it rather
appeared to me that it was not for the profit or gain that I had
undertaken this voyage; but I had about four thousand dollars
property, and would wish to proceed as far as that would carry me;
and it appeared that if this opportunity was neglected, I might
never expect to have the opportunity again. John then gave up the
prospect of shipping his corn, and he and I left Alexander, and he
told me he believed my concern was real, and that he would assist
me in fitting out for the voyage and make no charges. I told him
It then felt pleasant to me.

1mo. 20th. 19 days out from Philadelphia to Sierra Leone.

Our minds were collected together to wait on the Lord
notwithstanding we were on the great deep.

2mo. 2. At three A. M. wind and sea struck us down on our beam
ends, washed John Masters overboard, but by the help of some loose
rigging he regained the ship again.

2mo. 21st. The dust of Africa lodged on our rigging. We judged
that land to be about twenty-five leagues off.

2mo. 24th. At 10 A. M. sounded and got bottom for the first ground
that we got on the coast of Africa. Sixty-five fathoms.

3mo. 1st. We came to Sierra Leone road.

[As the directors of the African Institution said, "It must
have been a strange and animating spectacle to see this free and
enlightened African entering as an independent trader, with his
black crew into that port which was so lately the Nidus of the
slave trade."]

3mo. 4th. An invitation was given me this day to dine with the
Governor, at whose table an extensive observation took place of
the slave trade and the unsuccessfulness of the colony of Sierra
Leone.

3mo. 5th. Visited the school of 30 girls, which is a pleasing
prospect in Sierra Leone.

3mo. 10th. First day. Attended a Methodist meeting in the forenoon.

3mo. 13th. King Thomas came on board to see me. He was an old
man, gray headed, appeared to be sober and grave. I treated him
with civility, and made him a present of a bible, a history of
Elizabeth Webb, a Quaker, and a book of essays on War: together
with several other small pamphlets accompanied with a letter of
advise from myself, such as appeared to be good to hand to the
King for the use and encouragement of the nations of Africa. He
and retinue were thirteen in number. I served him with victuals,
but it appeared that there was _rum_ wanting, _but none was given_.

3mo. 14. King George from Bullion Shore sent his messenger on
board, with a present of three chickens and invited me over to see
him.

3mo. 17. This day being the first day of the week we went on shore
to the church, and in the afternoon to the new Methodist.

3mo. 18. This day I went to Bullion Shore in order to visit the
King George, King of Bullion, who received and treated us very
cordially. I presented the King with a bible, a testament, a
treatise of Benjamin Holmes, a history of Elizabeth Webb, and an
epistle from the yearly meeting, and a history, or called a short
history of a long travel from Babel to Bethel.

3mo. 19. Visiting families on Sierra Leone, found many of them
without bibles, and others who had bibles with out the living
substance of the spirit.

3mo. 28. I breakfasted with the Governor Columbine and after
breakfast had conference with him on the subject of the country,
and settling in it--to good satisfaction.

3mo. 31. Attended the church. The Mendingo men have the Scriptures
in their tongue, viz the old testament, but deny the new
testament. They own Mahomet a prophet.

1811. 4mo. 3. Thomas Wainer is much put out, and is exceeding
wroth for giving him what I call good advice: but time will make
manifest. God alone knows the hearts of men. I desire to have him
be my preserver.