Chapter I: Part 1
Oriental Translation Fund.
New Series.
II.
The
KADAMBARI OF BANA.
Translated, with Occasional Omissions,
And Accompanied by a
Full Abstract of the Continuation of the Romance
by the Author's Son Bhushanabhatta,
By
C. M. RIDDING,
Formerly Scholar of Girton College, Cambridge.
Printed and published under the patronage of
The Royal Asiatic Society,
And sold at
22, Albemarle Street, London.
1896.
To
MRS. COWELL,
WHO FIRST TOLD ME
THE STORY OF KADAMBARI,
THIS TRANSLATION
IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED.
'Anenakaranavishkritavatsalyena caritena
kasya na bandhutvam adhyaropayasi.'
INTRODUCTION. [1]
The story of Kadambari is interesting for several reasons. It is a standard example of classical prose; it has enjoyed a long popularity as a romance; and it is one of the comparatively few Sanskrit works which can be assigned to a certain date, and so it can serve as a landmark in the history of Indian literature and Indian thought.
THE AUTHOR.
Banabhatta, its author, lived in the reign of Harshavardhana of Thaneçar, the great king mentioned in many inscriptions, [2] who extended his rule over the whole of Northern India, and from whose reign (A.D. 606) dates the Harsha era, used in Nepal. Bana, as he tells us, both in the 'Harsha-Carita' and in the introductory verses of 'Kadambari,' was a Vatsyayana Brahman. His mother died while he was yet young, and his father's tender care of him, recorded in the 'Harsha-Carita,' [3] was doubtless in his memory as he recorded the unselfish love of Vaiçampayana's father in 'Kadambari' (p. 22). In his youth he travelled much, and for a time 'came into reproach,' by reason of his unsettled life; but the experience gained in foreign lands turned his thoughts homewards, and he returned to his kin, and lived a life of quiet study in their midst. From this he was summoned to the court of King Harsha, who at first received him coldly, but afterwards attached him to his service; and Bana in the 'Harsha-Carita' relates his own life as a prelude to that of his master.
The other works attributed to him are the 'Candikaçataka,' [4] or verses in honour of Candika; a drama, 'The Parvatiparinaya'; and another, called 'Mukutataditaka,' the existence of which is inferred from Gunavinayagani's commentary on the 'Nalacampu.' Professor Peterson also mentions that a verse of Bana's ('Subhashitavali,' 1087) is quoted by Kshemendra in his 'Aucityavicaracarca,' with a statement that it is part of a description of Kadambari's sorrow in the absence of Candrapida, whence, he adds, 'it would seem that Bana wrote the story of Kadambari in verse as well as in prose,' and he gives some verses which may have come from such a work.
Bana himself died, leaving 'Kadambari' unfinished, and his son Bhushanabhatta took it up in the midst of a speech in which Kadambari's sorrows are told, and continued the speech without a break, save for a few introductory verses in honour of his father, and in apology for his having undertaken the task, 'as its unfinished state was a grief to the good.' He continued the story on the same plan, and with careful, and, indeed, exaggerated, imitation of his father's style.
THE PLOT OF KADAMBARI.
The story of 'Kadambari' is a very complex one, dealing as it does with the lives of two heroes, each of whom is reborn twice on earth.
(1-47) A learned parrot, named Vaiçampayana, was brought by a Candala maiden to King Çudraka, and told him how it was carried from its birthplace in the Vindhya Forest to the hermitage of the sage Jabali, from whom it learnt the story of its former life.
(47-95) Jabali's story was as follows: Tarapida, King of Ujjayini, won by penance a son, Candrapida, who was brought up with Vaiçampayana, son of his minister, Çukanasa. In due time Candrapida was anointed as Crown Prince, and started on an expedition of world-conquest. At the end of it he reached Kailasa, and, while resting there, was led one day in a vain chase of a pair of kinnaras to the shores of the Acchoda Lake. (95-141) There he beheld a young ascetic maiden, Mahaçveta, who told him how she, being a Gandharva princess, had seen and loved a young Brahman Pundarika; how he, returning her feeling, had died from the torments of a love at variance with his vow; how a divine being had carried his body to the sky, and bidden her not to die, for she should be reunited with him; and how she awaited that time in a life of penance. (141-188) But her friend Kadambari, another Gandharva princess, had vowed not to marry while Mahaçveta was in sorrow, and Mahaçveta invited the prince to come to help her in dissuading Kadambari from the rash vow. Love sprang up between the prince and Kadambari at first sight; but a sudden summons from his father took him to Ujjayini without farewell, while Kadambari, thinking herself deserted, almost died of grief.
(188-195) Meanwhile news came that his friend Vaiçampayana, whom he had left in command of the army, had been strangely affected by the sight of the Acchoda Lake, and refused to leave it. The prince set out to find him, but in vain; and proceeding to the hermitage of Mahaçveta, he found her in despair, because, in invoking on a young Brahman, who had rashly approached her, a curse to the effect that he should become a parrot, she learnt that she had slain Vaiçampayana. At her words the prince fell dead from grief, and at that moment Kadambari came to the hermitage.
(195-202) Her resolve to follow him in death was broken by the promise of a voice from the sky that she and Mahaçveta should both be reunited with their lovers, and she stayed to tend the prince's body, from which a divine radiance proceeded; while King Tarapida gave up his kingdom, and lived as a hermit near his son.
(202 to end) Such was Jabali's tale; and the parrot went on to say how, hearing it, the memory of its former love for Mahaçveta was reawakened, and, though bidden to stay in the hermitage, it flew away, only to be caught and taken to the Candala princess. It was now brought by her to King Çudraka, but knew no more. The Candala maiden thereupon declared to Çudraka that she was the goddess Lakshmi, mother of Pundarika or Vaiçampayana, and announced that the curse for him and Çudraka was now over. Then Çudraka suddenly remembered his love for Kadambari, and wasted away in longing for her, while a sudden touch of Kadambari restored to life the Moon concealed in the body of Candrapida, the form that he still kept, because in it he had won her love. Now the Moon, as Candrapida and Çudraka, and Pundarika, in the human and parrot shape of Vaiçampayana, having both fulfilled the curse of an unsuccessful love in two births on earth, were at last set free, and, receiving respectively the hands of Kadambari and Mahaçveta, lived happily ever afterwards.
The plot is involved, and consists of stories within each other after the fashion long familiar to Europeans in the 'Arabian Nights'; but the author's skill in construction is shown by the fact that each of the minor stories is essential to the development of the plot, and it is not till quite the end that we see that Çudraka himself, the hearer of the story, is really the hero, and that his hearing the story is necessary to reawaken his love for Kadambari, and so at the same time fulfil the terms of the curse that he should love in vain during two lives, and bring the second life to an end by his longing for reunion. It may help to make the plot clear if the threads of it are disentangled. The author in person tells all that happens to Çudraka (pp. 3-16 and pp. 205 to end). The parrot's tale (pp. 16-205) includes that of Jabali (pp. 47-202) concerning Candrapida, and Vaiçampayana the Brahman, with the story told by Mahaçveta (pp. 101-136) of her love for Pundarika.
THE STORY AS TOLD IN THE KATHA-SARIT-SAGARA.
The story as told in the Katha-Sarit-Sagara of Somadeva [5] differs in some respects from this. There a Nishada princess brought to King Sumanas a learned parrot, which told its life in the forest, ended by a hunt in which its father was killed, and the story of its past life narrated by the hermit Agastya. In this story a prince, Somaprabha, after an early life resembling that of Candrapida, was led in his pursuit of kinnaras to an ascetic maiden, Manorathaprabha, whose story is that of Mahaçveta, and she took him, at his own request, to see the maiden Makarandika, who had vowed not to marry while her friend was unwed. He was borne through the air by a Vidyadhara, and beheld Makarandika. They loved each other, and a marriage was arranged between them. The prince, however, was suddenly recalled by his father, and Makarandika's wild grief brought on her from her parents a curse that she should be born as a Nishada. Too late they repented, and died of grief; and her father became a parrot, keeping from a former birth as a sage his memory of the Çastras, while her mother became a sow. Pulastya added that the curse would be over when the story was told in a king's court.
The parrot's tale reminded King Sumanas of his former birth, and on the arrival of the ascetic maiden, sent by Çiva, 'who is merciful to all his worshippers,' he again became the young hermit she had loved. Somaprabha, too, at Çiva's bidding, went to the king's court, and at the sight of him the Nishada regained the shape of Makarandika, and became his wife; while the parrot 'left the body of a bird, and went to the home earned by his asceticism.' 'Thus,' the story ends, 'the appointed union of human beings certainly takes place in this world, though vast spaces intervene.'
The main difference between the stories is in the persons affected by the curse; and here the artistic superiority of Bana is shown in his not attaching the degrading forms of birth to Kadambari or her parents. The horse is given as a present to the hero by Indra, who sends him a message, saying: 'You are a Vidyadhara, and I give you the horse in memory of our former friendship. When you mount it you will be invincible.' The hero's marriage is arranged before his sudden departure, so that the grief of the heroine is due only to their separation, and not to the doubts on which Bana dwells so long. It appears possible that both this story and 'Kadambari' are taken from a common original now lost, which may be the Brihatkatha of Gunadhya. [6] In that case the greater refinement of Bana's tale would be the result of genius giving grace to a story already familiar in a humbler guise.
REFERENCES TO KADAMBARI IN THE SAHITYA-DARPANA AND ELSEWHERE.
The author of the Sahitya-Darpana [7] speaks of the Katha as follows: 'In the Katha (tale), which is one of the species of poetical composition in prose, a poetical matter is represented in verse, and sometimes the Arya, and sometimes the Vaktra and Apavaktraka are the metres employed in it. It begins with stanzas in salutation to some divinity, as also descriptive of the behaviour of bad men and others.' To this the commentary adds: 'The "Kadambari" of Banabhatta is an example.' Professor Peterson corrects the translation of the words 'Kathayam sarasam vastu padyair eva vinirmitam,' giving as their sense, 'A narration in prose, with here and there a stray verse or two, of matter already existing in a metrical form.' [8] According to his rendering, the Katha is in its essence a story claiming to be based on previous works in verse, whether in this case the original were Bana's own metrical version of 'Kadambari,' [9] or the work which was also the original of the Katha-Sarit-Sagara story.
The story of Pundarika and Mahaçveta receives mention, firstly, for the introduction of death, contrary to the canon; secondly, for the determination of the nature of their sorrow, and its poetic quality, and consequent appeal to the feelings of the reader. Firstly: (§ 215) 'Death, which is a condition to which one may be brought by love, is not described in poetry and the drama, where the other conditions, such as anxiety, etc., are constantly described, because it, instead of enhancing, causes the destruction of "Flavour." [10] But it may be spoken of (1) as having nearly taken place, or (2) as being mentally wished for; and it is with propriety described (3) if there is to be, at no distant date, a restoration to life.' The commentary takes the story of Pundarika as an example of the third condition, and describes it as a 'case of pathetic separation.' Secondly: (§ 224) 'Either of two young lovers being dead, and being yet to be regained through some supernatural interposition, when the one left behind is sorrowful, then let it be called the separation of tender sadness' (karunavipralamhha). The commentary gives Mahaçveta as the instance, and continues: 'But if the lost one be not regainable, or regainable only after transmigration in another body, the flavour is called the "Pathetic" simply, there being in this case no room for any admixture of the "Erotic"; but in the case just mentioned--of Pundarika and Mahaçveta--immediately on Sarasvati's declaration from the sky that the lovers should be reunited, there is the "Erotic in its form of tender sadness," for desire arises on the expectation of reunion, but PREVIOUSLY to Sarasvati's promise there was the "Pathetic"; such is the opinion of the competent authorities. And as for what some say in regard to the case of Pundarika and Mahaçveta, that "moreover AFTER the expectation of reunion, excited by Sarasvati's promise to that effect, there is merely your honour's variety of "love in absence," (§ 222) the one which you call "being abroad" (§ 221)--others hold it to be distinct, because of the presence of that distinction, DEATH, which is something else than merely being abroad.' These are the passages in which direct mention is made of 'Kadambari,' and in § 735, which defines special mention (parisamkhya) as taking place 'when something is affirmed for the denial, expressed or understood, of something else similar to it,' the commentary adds: 'When founded upon a Paronomasia, it is peculiarly striking, e.g., "When that king, the conqueror of the world, was protecting the earth, the mixture of colours (or castes) was in painting, etc.,"--a passage from the description of Çudraka in "Kadambari" (P. 5).'
References to Bana in other works are given by Professor Peterson, so that three only need be mentioned here. The first I owe to the kindness of Professor C. Bendall. In a collection of manuscripts at the British Museum (Or., 445-447) 'consisting chiefly of law-books transcribed (perhaps for some European) on European paper in the Telugu-Canarese character,' one, Or., 446 c., the Kamandakiya-Niti-Çastra, contains on folios 128-131 a passage from 'Kadambari' (pp. 76-84, infra) [11] on the consecration of a crown-prince, and the duties and dangers of a king. It forms part of an introduction to the Kamandakiya-Niti-Çastra and occurs without any hint of its being a quotation from another work. The author of the Nalacampu not only writes a verse in honour of Bana, [12] but models his whole style upon him. A curious instance of the long popularity of 'Kadambari' is that in the 'Durgeçanandini' by Chattaji, an historical novel, published in 1871, and treating of the time of Akbar, the heroine is represented as reading in her boudoir the romance of 'Kadambari.' [13]
THE INTEREST OF 'KADAMBARI.'
It may be asked What is the value of 'Kadambari' for European readers? and to different persons the answer will doubtless be different. Historical interest, so far as that depends on the narration of historical facts, appears to be entirely lacking, though it may be that at some future time our knowledge from other sources may be so increased that we may recognise portraits and allusions in what seems now purely a work of romance. But in the wider sense in which history claims to deal with the social ideas that belong to any epoch, 'Kadambari' will always have value as representing the ways of thinking and feeling which were either customary or welcome at its own time, and which have continued to charm Indian readers. It is indeed true that it probably in many ways does not give a picture of contemporary manners, just as a mediæval illuminated manuscript often represents the dress and surroundings prior to the time of the illuminator, so as to gain the grace of remoteness bestowed by reverence for the past. In India, where change works but slowly, the description of the court and city life, where all the subjects show by outward tokens their sympathy with the joys and sorrows of their ruler, as in a Greek chorus, is vivid in its fidelity. [14] The quiet yet busy life of the hermits in the forest, where the day is spent in worship and in peaceful toils, where at eve the sunbeams 'linger like birds on the crest of hill and tree,' and where night 'darkens all save the hearts of the hermits,' is full of charm. [15]
The coronation of the crown prince, the penances performed by the queen to win a son, the reverence paid to Mahakala, also belong to our picture of the time. The description of Ujjayini, surrounded by the Sipra, is too general in its terms to give a vivid notion of what it then was. The site of the temple of Mahakala is still shown outside the ruins of the old town. A point of special interest is the argument against the custom of suicide on the death of a friend. Candrapida consoles Mahaçveta that she has not followed her lover in death by saying that one who kills himself at his friend's death makes that friend a sharer in the guilt, and can do no more for him in another world, whereas by living he can give help by sacrifices and offerings. Those, too, who die may not be reunited for thousands of births. In the 'Katha-Koça' [16] a prince is dissuaded from following his wife to death because 'Even the idea of union with your beloved will be impossible when you are dead'; but the occurrence of the idea in a romance is more noteworthy than in a work which illustrates Jain doctrines. The question of food as affected by caste is touched on also (p. 205), when the Candala maiden tells the parrot that a Brahman may, in case of need, receive food of any kind, and that water poured on the ground, and fruit, are pure even when brought by the lowest. Another point to be remarked is the mention of followers of many sects as being present at court. Çiva, especially under the name of Mahakala at Ujjayini, receives special worship, and Agni and the Matrikas (p. 14) also receive reverence. The zenanas include aged ascetic women (p. 217); followers of the Arhat, Krishna, Viçravasa, Avalokiteçvara, and Viriñca (p. 162); and the courtyard of Çukanasa has Çaivas and followers of Çakyamuni (p. 217), also Kshapanakas (explained by the Commentary as Digambaras). The king, [17] however, is described as having an urna (the hair meeting between the brows), which is one of Buddha's marks; but the Commentary describes the urna as cakravartiprabhritinam eva nanyasya, so probably it only belongs to Buddha as cakravarti, or universal ruler. This shows that the reign of Harsha was one of religious tolerance. Hiouen Thsang, indeed, claims him as a Buddhist at heart, and mentions his building Buddhist stupas, [18] but he describes himself as a Çaiva in the Madhuban grant, [19] and the preeminence yielded in 'Kadambari' to Çiva certainly shows that his was then the popular worship.
Another source of interest in 'Kadambari' lies in its contribution to folklore. It may perhaps contain nothing not found elsewhere, but the fact of its having a date gives it a value. The love of snakes for the breeze and for sandal-trees, the truth of dreams at the end of night, the magic circles, bathing in snake-ponds to gain a son, the mustard-seed and ghi put in a baby's mouth, may all be familiar ideas, but we have a date at which they were known and not despised. Does the appeal to the truth of her heart by Mahaçveta in invoking the curse (p. 193) rest on the idea that fidelity to a husband confers supernatural power, [20] or is it like the 'act of truth' by which Buddha often performs miracles in the 'Jataka'?
THE STYLE OF 'KADAMBARI.'
The unsettled chronology of Indian literature makes it impossible to work out at present Bana's relations with other Sanskrit writers. Professor Peterson, [21] indeed, makes some interesting conjectures as to his connection with other authors of his own country, and also suggests, from similarity of phrase, that he may have fallen indirectly under the influence of Alexandrian literature. Be that as it may, he has been for many centuries a model of style, and it is therefore worth while to consider briefly the characteristics of his style compared with European standards. The first thing that strikes the reader is that the sense of proportion, the very foundation of style as we know it, is entirely absent. No topic is let go till the author can squeeze no more from it. In descriptions every possible minor detail is given in all its fulness; then follows a series of similes, and then a firework of puns. In speeches, be they lamentations or exhortations, grief is not assuaged, nor advice ended, till the same thing has been uttered with every existing variety of synonym. This defect, though it springs from the author's richness of resource and readiness of wit, makes the task of rendering in English the merit of the Sanskrit style an impossible one. It gives also a false impression; for to us a long description, if good, gives the effect of 'sweetness long drawn out,' and, if bad, brings drowsiness; whereas in Sanskrit the unending compounds suggest the impetuous rush of a torrent, and the similes and puns are like the play of light and shade on its waters. Bana, according to Professor Weber, [22] 'passes for the special representative of the Pañcali style,' [23] which Bhoja, quoted in the commentary of the 'Sahitya-Darpana,' defines as 'a sweet and soft style characterized by force (ojas) and elegance (kanti), containing compounds of five or six words.' But style, which is to poetic charm as the body to the soul, varies with the sense to be expressed, and Bana in many of his speeches is perfectly simple and direct. Owing to the peacefulness of 'Kadambari,' there is little opportunity for observing the rule that in the 'Katha' letters 'ought not to be too rough, even when the flavour is furious.' [24] Of the alliteration of initial consonants, the only long passage is in the description of Çukanasa (p. 50), but in its subtler forms it constantly occurs. Of shorter passages there are several examples--e.g., Candra Candala (infra, p. 127); Candrapida Candalo (Sanskrit text, p. 416); Utkantham sotkantham kanthe jagraha (Ibid., p. 367); Kamam sakamam kuryam (Ibid., p. 350); Candrapida pidanaya (Ibid., p. 370). The ornament of çlesha, or paronomasia, which seems to arise from the untrained philological instinct of mankind seeking the fundamental identity of like sounds with apparently unlike meaning, and which lends dramatic intensity when, as sometimes in Shakespeare, [25] a flash of passionate feeling reveals to the speaker an original sameness of meaning in words seemingly far apart, is by Bana used purely as an adornment. He speaks of pleasant stories interwoven with puns 'as jasmine garlands with campak buds,' and they abound in his descriptions. The rasanopama, [26] or girdle of similes, is exemplified (p. 115), 'As youth to beauty, love to youth, spring to love' so was Kapiñjala to Pundarika. Vishamam (incongruity) is the figure used in 'the brightness of his glory, free from heat, consumed his foes; constant, ever roamed' (p. 48). It can scarcely be separated from virodha (contradiction)--often used, as in 'I will allay on the funeral pyre the fever which the moon, sandal, and all cool things have increased' (p. 195)--or from vicitram [27] (strangeness), where an act is contrary to its apparent purpose: 'There lives not the man whom the virtues of the most courteous lady Kadambari do not discourteously enslave' (p. 159). Arthapatti [28] (a fortiori conclusion) is exemplified in 'Even the senseless trees, robed in bark, seem like fellow-ascetics of this holy man. How much more, then, living beings endowed with sense!' (p. 43). Time and space would alike fail for analysis of Bana's similes according to the rules of the 'Sahitya-Darpana.' [29] The author of the 'Raghavapandaviya' considers Subandhu and Bana as his only equals in vakrokti, or crooked speech, and the fault of a 'meaning to be guessed out' ('Sahitya-Darpana,' § 574) is not rare. The 'Kavya-Prakaça,' in addition to the references given by Professor Peterson, quotes a stanza describing a horse in the 'Harsha-Carita' (chap. iii.) as an example of svabhavokti.
The hero belongs to the division described as the high-spirited, but temperate and firm ('Sahitya-Darpana,' § 64), i.e., he who is 'not given to boasting, placable, very profound, with great self-command, resolute, whose self-esteem is concealed, and faithful to his engagements,' and who has the 'eight manly qualities' of 'brilliancy, vivacity, sweetness of temper, depth of character, steadfastness, keen sense of honour, gallantry, and magnanimity' (Ibid., § 89). Kadambari is the type of the youthful heroine who feels love for the first time, is shy, and gentle even in indignation (Ibid., § 98). The companions of each are also those declared in the books of rhetoric to be appropriate.
LITERARY PARALLELS.
The work which most invites comparison with 'Kadambari' is one far removed from it in place and time--Spenser's 'Faerie Queene.' Both have in great measure the same faults and the same virtues. The lack of proportion,--due partly to too large a plan, partly to an imagination wandering at will--the absence of visualization--which in Spenser produces sometimes a line like
'A lovely Ladie rode him faire beside
Upon a lowly Asse more white then snow,
Yet she much whiter,'
and in Bana many a description like that of Mahaçveta's fairness (pp. 95-97)--the undiscriminating praise bestowed on those whom they would fain honour, the shadowy nature of many of their personages, and the intricacies in which the story loses itself, are faults common to both. Both, too, by a strange coincidence, died with their work unfinished. But if they have the same faults, they have also many of the same virtues. The love of what is beautiful and pure both in character and the world around, tenderness of heart, a gentle spirit troubled by the disquiet of life, [30] grace and sweetness of style, and idyllic simplicity, are common to both. Though, however, Candrapida may have the chivalry and reverence of the Red Cross Knight, and Una share with Kadambari or Rohini 'nobility, tenderness, loftiness of soul, devotion and charm,' [31] the English hero and heroine are more real and more strenuous. We are, indeed, told in one hurried sentence of the heroic deeds of Candrapida in his world-conquest, and his self-control and firmness are often insisted on; but as he appears throughout the book, his self-control is constantly broken down by affection or grief, and his firmness destroyed by a timid balancing of conflicting duties, while his real virtue is his unfailing gentleness and courtesy. Nor could Kadambari, like Una, bid him, in any conflict, 'Add faith unto your force, and be not faint.' She is, perhaps, in youth and entire self-surrender, more like Shakespeare's Juliet, but she lacks her courage and resolve.
THE PURPOSE OF 'KADAMBARI.'
The likeness of spirit between these two leads to the question, Had Bana, like Spenser, any purpose, ethical or political, underlying his story? On the surface it is pure romance, and it is hard to believe that he had any motive but the simple delight of self-expression and love for the children of his own imagination. He only claims to tell a story 'tender with the charm of gracious speech, that comes of itself, like a bride, to the possession of its lord'; [32] but it may be that he gladly gathered up in old age the fruits of his life's experience, and that his own memory of his father's tenderness to his childhood, of the temptations of youth, and of the dangers of prosperity and flattery that assail the heart of kings, was not used only to adorn a tale, but to be a guide to others on the perilous path of life. Be that as it may, the interest of 'Kadambari,' like that of the 'Faerie Queene,' does not depend for us now on any underlying purpose, but on the picture it presents in itself of the life and thought of a world removed in time, but not in sympathy, from our own; on the fresh understanding it gives of those who are in the widest sense our fellow-countrymen; and on the charm, to quote the beautiful words of Professor Peterson, 'of a story of human sorrow and divine consolation, of death and the passionate longing for a union after death, that goes straight from the heart of one who had himself felt the pang, and nursed the hope, to us who are of like frame with him ... the story which from the beginning of time mortal ears have yearned to hear, but which mortal lips have never spoken.'
THE PLAN OF THE TRANSLATION.
The translation of Bana presents much difficulty from the elaboration of his style, and it has been a specially hard task, and sometimes an impossible one, to give any rendering of the constant play on words in which he delights. I have sometimes endeavoured to give what might be an English equivalent, and in such cases I have added in a note the literal meaning of both alternatives; perhaps too much freedom may have been used, and sometimes also the best alternative may not have been chosen to place in the text; but those who have most experience will know how hard it is to do otherwise than fail. Some long descriptions have been omitted, such, e.g., as a passage of several pages describing how the dust rose under the feet of Candrapida's army, and others where there seemed no special interest or variety to redeem their tediousness. A list of these omissions [33] is given at the end, together with an appendix, in which a few passages, chiefly interesting as mentioning religious sects, are added. I have acted on Professor Cowell's advice as to the principle on which omissions are made, as also in giving only a full abstract, and not a translation, of the continuation of 'Kadambari' by Bhushana. It is so entirely an imitation of his father's work in style, with all his faults, and without the originality that redeems them, that it would not reward translation. In my abstract I have kept the direct narration as more simple, but even when passages are given rather fully, it does not profess in any case to be more than a very free rendering; sometimes only the sense of a whole passage is summed up. I regret that the system of transliteration approved by the Royal Asiatic Society came too late for adoption here.
The edition of 'Kadambari' to which the references in the text are given is that of the Nirnaya-Sagara Press (Bombay, 1890), which the full commentary makes indispensable, but I have also throughout made use of Professor Peterson's edition (Bombay Sanskrit Series, No. xxiv.). For the last half of the Second Part [34] I have referred to an anonymous literal translation, published by the New Britannia Press Depository, 78, Amherst Street, Calcutta.
I have now to offer my grateful thanks to the Secretary of State for India, without whose kind help the volume could not have been published. I have also to thank Miss C. M. Duff for allowing me to use the MS. of her 'Indian Chronology'; Miss E. Dale, of Girton College, for botanical notes, which I regret that want of space prevented my printing in full; Mr. C. Tawney, librarian of the Indian Office, for information as to the sources of Indian fiction; Mr. F. F. Arbuthnot and Professor Rhys-Davids, for valuable advice; Professor C. Bendall, for his description of the Kamandakiya-Niti-Çastra, and his constant kindness about my work; Mr. F. W. Thomas, of Trinity College, for letting me see the proof-sheets of the translation of the 'Harsha Carita'; and others for suggested renderings of difficult phrases, and for help of various kinds.
But especially my thanks are due to Professor Cowell [35] for a generosity and unwearied helpfulness which all his pupils know, and which perhaps few but they could imagine. I read through with him the whole of the First Part before translating it myself, so that mistakes in the translation, many as they may be, can arise only from misunderstanding on my part, from too great freedom of rendering, or from failing to have recourse to the knowledge he so freely gives.
'Vrihatsahayah karyantam kshodiyanapi gacchati;
Sambhuyambodhim abhyeti mahanadya nagapaga.'
KADAMBARI.
(1) Hail to the Birthless, the cause of creation, continuance, and destruction, triple [36] in form and quality, who shows activity in the birth of things, goodness in their continuance, and darkness in their destruction.
(2) Glory to the dust of Tryambaka's feet, caressed by the diadem of the demon Bana [37]; even that dust that kisses the circle of Ravana's ten crest-gems, that rests on the crests of the lords of gods and demons, and that destroys our transitory life.
(3) Glory to Vishnu, who, resolving to strike from afar, with but a moment's glance from his wrath-inflamed eye stained the breast of his enemy, as if it had burst of itself in terror.
I salute the lotus feet of Bhatsu, [38] honoured by crowned Maukharis: the feet which have their tawny toes rubbed on a footstool made by the united crowns of neighbouring kings.
Who is there that fears not the wicked, pitiless in causeless enmity; in whose mouth calumny hard to bear is always ready as the poison of a serpent?
The wicked, like fetters, echo harshly, wound deeply, and leave a scar; while the good, like jewelled anklets, ever charm the mind with sweet sounds.
(4) In a bad man gentle words sink no deeper than the throat, like nectar swallowed by Rahu. The good man bears them constantly on his heart, as Hari his pure gem.
A story tender with the charm of gracious speech, creates in the heart joy full of fresh interest [39]; and it comes of itself, with native feeling, to its lord's possession, like a fresh bride. [40]
Who is not carried captive by tales fashioned in freshness of speech, all alight with similes, and the lamps of glowing words [41]: pleasant tales interwoven with many a contrast of words, [42] as jasmine garlands with campak buds?
There was once a Brahman, Kuvera by name, sprung from the race of Vatsyayana, sung throughout the world for his virtue, a leader of the good: his lotus feet were worshipped by many a Gupta, and he seemed a very portion of Brahma.
(5) On his mouth Sarasvati ever dwelt: for in it all evil was stilled by the Veda; it had lips purified by sacrificial cake, and a palate bitter with soma, and it was pleasant with smriti and çastra.
In his house frightened boys, as they repeated verses of the Yajur and Sama Veda, were chidden at every word by caged parrots and mainas, who were thoroughly versed in everything belonging to words.
From him was born Arthapati, a lord of the twice-born, as Hiranyagarbha from the world-egg, the moon from the Milky Ocean, or Garuda from Vinata.
As he unfolded his spreading discourse day by day at dawn, new troops of pupils, intent on listening, [43] gave him a new glory, like fresh sandal-shoots fixed on the ear.
(6) With countless sacrifices adorned with gifts duly offered, [44] having glowing Mahavira fires in their midst, [45] and raising the sacrificial posts as their hands, [46] he won easily, as if with a troop of elephants, the abode of the gods.
He in due course obtained a son, Citrabhanu, who amongst his other noble and glorious sons, all versed in çruti and çastra, shone as crystal, like Kailasa among mountains.
The virtues of that noble man, reaching far and gleaming bright as a digit of the moon, yet without its spot, pierced deep even into the hearts of his foes, like the budding claws of Nrisimha (Vishnu).
The dark smoke of many a sacrifice rose like curls on the brow of the goddesses of the sky; or like shoots of tamala on the ear of the bride, the Threefold Veda, and only made his own glory shine more bright.
From him was born a son, Bana, when the drops that rose from the fatigue of the soma sacrifice were wiped from his brow by the folded lotus hands of Sarasvati, and when the seven worlds had been illuminated by the rays of his glory.
(7) By that Brahman, albeit with a mind keeping even in his unspoken words its original dullness blinded by the darkness of its own utter folly, and simple from having never gained the charm of ready wit, this tale, surpassing the other two, [47] was fashioned, even Kadambari.
There was once upon a time a king named Çudraka. Like a second Indra, he had his commands honoured by the bent heads of all kings; he was lord of the earth girt in by the four oceans; he had an army of neighbouring chiefs bowed down in loyalty to his majesty; he had the signs of a universal emperor; (8) like Vishnu, his lotus-hand bore the sign of the conch and the quoit; like Çiva, he had overcome Love; like Kartikeya, he was unconquerable in might [48]; like Brahma, he had the circle of great kings humbled [49]; like the ocean, he was the source of Lakshmi; like the stream of Ganges, he followed in the course of the pious king Bhagiratha; like the sun, he rose daily in fresh splendour; like Meru, the brightness of his foot was honoured by all the world; like the elephant of the quarters, [50] he constantly poured forth a stream of generosity. He was a worker of wonders, an offerer of sacrifices, a mirror of moral law, a source of the arts, a native home of virtue; a spring of the ambrosial sweetness of poetry, a mountain of sunrise to all his friends, [51] and a direful comet to all his foes. (9) He was, moreover, a founder of literary societies, a refuge for men of taste, a rejecter of haughty bowholders, a leader among the bold, a chief among the wise. He was a cause of gladness to the humble, as Vainateya [52] was to Vinata. He rooted up with the point of his bow the boundary-mountains of his foes as Prithuraja did the noble mountains. He mocked Krishna, also, for while the latter made his boast of his man-lion form, he himself smote down the hearts of his foes by his very name, and while Krishna wearied the universe with his three steps, he subdued the whole world by one heroic effort. Glory long dwelt on the watered edge of his sword, as if to wash off the stain of contact with a thousand base chieftains, which had clung to her too long.
By the indwelling of Dharma in his mind, Yama in his wrath, Kuvera in his kindness, Agni in his splendour, Earth in his arm, Lakshmi in his glance, Sarasvati in his eloquence, (10) the Moon in his face, the Wind in his might, Brihaspati in his knowledge, Love in his beauty, the Sun in his glory, he resembled holy Narayana, whose nature manifests every form, and who is the very essence of deity. Royal glory came to him once for all, like a woman coming to meet her lover, on the nights of battle stormy with the showers of ichor from the elephants' temples, and stood by him in the midst of the darkness of thousands of coats of mail, loosened from the doors of the breasts of warriors. She seemed to be drawn irresistibly by his sword, which was uneven in its edge, by reason of the drops of water forced out by the pressure of his strong hand, and which was decked with large pearls clinging to it when he clove the frontal bones of wild elephants. The flame of his majesty burnt day and night, as if it were a fire within his foes' fair wives, albeit reft of their lords, as if he would destroy the husbands now only enshrined in their hearts.
(11) While he, having subdued the earth, was guardian of the world, the only mixing of colour [53] was in painting; the only pulling of hair in caresses; the only strict fetters in the laws of poetry; the only care was concerning moral law; the only deception was in dreams; the only golden rods [54] were in umbrellas. Banners alone trembled; songs alone showed variations [55]; elephants alone were rampant; [56] bows alone had severed cords; [57] lattice windows alone had ensnaring network; lovers' disputes alone caused sending of messengers; dice and chessmen alone left empty squares; and his subjects had no deserted homes. Under him, too, there was only fear of the next world, only twisting in the curls of the zenana women, only loquacity in anklets, only taking the hand [58] in marriage, only shedding of tears from the smoke of ceaseless sacrificial fires; the only sound of the lash was for horses, while the only twang of the bow was Love's.
(15) When the thousand-rayed sun, bursting open the young lotus-buds, had not long risen, though it had lost somewhat of the pinkness of dawn, a portress approached the king in his hall of audience, and humbly addressed him. Her form was lovely, yet awe-inspiring, and with the scimitar (a weapon rarely worn by women) hanging at her left side, was like a sandal-tree girt by a snake. Her bosom glistened with rich sandal ointment like the heavenly Ganges when the frontal-bone of Airavata rises from its waters. (16) The chiefs bent before her seemed, by her reflection on their crests, to bear her on their foreheads as a royal command in human form. Like autumn, [59] she was robed in the whiteness of hamsas; like the blade of Paraçurama she held the circle of kings in submission; like the forest land of the Vindhyas, she bore her wand, [60] and she seemed the very guardian-goddess of the realm. Placing on the ground her lotus hand and knee, she thus spake: 'Sire, there stands at the gate a Candala maiden from the South, a royal glory of the race of that Triçamku [61] who climbed the sky, but fell from it at the murmur of wrathful Indra. She bears a parrot in a cage, and bids me thus hail your majesty: "Sire, thou, like the ocean, art alone worthy to receive the treasures of the whole earth. In the thought that this bird is a marvel, and the treasure of the whole earth, I bring it to lay at thy feet, and desire to behold thee." (17) Thou, 0 king, hast heard her message, and must decide!' So saying, she ended her speech. The king, whose curiosity was aroused, looked at the chiefs around him, and with the words 'Why not? Bid her enter?' gave his permission.
Then the portress, immediately on the king's order, ushered in the Candala maiden. And she entered and beheld the king in the midst of a thousand chiefs, like golden-peaked Meru in the midst of the noble mountains crouching together in fear of Indra's thunderbolt; or, in that the brightness of the jewels scattered on his dress almost concealed his form, like a day of storm, whereon the eight quarters of the globe are covered by Indra's thousand bows. He was sitting on a couch studded with moon-stones, beneath a small silken canopy, white as the foam of the rivers of heaven, with its four jewel-encrusted pillars joined by golden chains, and enwreathed with a rope of large pearls. Many cowries with golden handles waved around him; (18) his left foot rested on a footstool of crystal that was like the moon bent in humiliation before the flashing beauty of his countenance, and was adorned by the brightness of his feet, which yet were tinged with blue from the light rays of the sapphire pavement, as though darkened by the sighs of his conquered foes. His breast, crimsoned by the rubies which shone on his throne, recalled Krishna, red with blood from the fresh slaughter of Madhukaitabha; his two silken garments, white as the foam of ambrosia, with pairs of hamsas painted in yellow on their hem, waved in the wind raised by the cowries; the fragrant sandal unguent with which his chest was whitened, besprinkled with saffron ointment, was like snowy Kailasa with the early sunshine upon it; his face was encircled by pearls like stars mistaking it for the moon; the sapphire bracelets that clasped his arms were as a threat of chains to bind fickle fortune, or as snakes attracted by the smell of sandal-wood; (19) the lotus in his ear hung down slightly; his nose was aquiline, his eyes were like lotuses in full blossom, the hair grew in a circle between his brows, and was purified by the waters that inaugurated his possession of universal rule; his forehead was like a piece of the eighth-day moon made into a block of pure gold, garlanded with sweet jasmine, like the Western Mountain in the dawn with the stars growing pale on its brow. He was like the God of Love when struck by Çiva's fire, for his body was tawny from the colour of his ornaments. His hand-maidens surrounded him, as if they were the goddesses of the quarters of the globe come to worship him; the earth bore him, as on her heart, through loyalty, in the reflection of his image in her clear mosaic pavement; fortune seemed his alone, though by him she was given to all to enjoy. (20) He was without a second, though his followers were without number; he trusted only to his own sword, though he had countless elephants and horses in his retinue; he filled the whole earth, though he stood in a small space of ground; he rested only on his bow, and yet was seated on his throne; he shone with the flame of majesty, though all the fuel of his enemies was uprooted; he had large eyes, and yet saw the smallest things; he was the home of all virtues, and yet was overreaching; [62] he was beloved of his wives, and yet was a despotic lord; he was free from intoxication, though he had an unfailing stream of bounty; he was fair in nature, yet in conduct a Krishna; [63] he laid no heavy hand [64] on his subjects, and yet the whole world rested in his grasp.
Such was this king. And she yet afar beholding him, with a hand soft as the petal of a red lotus, and surrounded by a tinkling bracelet, and clasping the bamboo with its end jagged, (21) struck once on the mosaic floor to arouse the king; and at the sound, in a moment the whole assemblage of chiefs turned their eyes from the king to her, like a herd of wild elephants at the falling of the cocoanut. Then the king, with the words, 'Look yonder,' to his suite, gazed steadily upon the Candala maiden, as she was pointed out by the portress. Before her went a man, whose hair was hoary with age, whose eyes were the colour of the red lotus, whose joints, despite the loss of youth, were firm from incessant labour, whose form, though that of a Matanga, was not to be despised, and who wore the white raiment meet for a court. Behind her went a Candala boy, with locks falling on either shoulder, bearing a cage, the bars of which, though of gold, shone like emerald from the reflection of the parrot's plumage. (22) She herself seemed by the darkness of her hue to imitate Krishna when he guilefully assumed a woman's attire to take away the amrita seized by the demons. She was, as it were, a doll of sapphire walking alone; and over the blue garment, which reached to her ankle, there fell a veil of red silk, like evening sunshine falling on blue lotuses. The circle of her cheek was whitened by the earring that hung from one ear, like the face of night inlaid with the rays of the rising moon; she had a tawny tilaka of gorocana, as if it were a third eye, like Parvati in mountaineer's attire, after the fashion of the garb of Çiva.
She was like Çri, darkened by the sapphire glory of Narayana reflected on the robe on her breast; or like Rati, stained by smoke which rose as Madana was burnt by the fire of wrathful Çiva; or like Yamuna, fleeing in fear of being drawn along by the ploughshare of wild Balarama; or, from the rich lac that turned her lotus feet into budding shoots, like Durga, with her feet crimsoned by the blood of the Asura Mahisha she had just trampled upon.
(23) Her nails were rosy from the pink glow of her fingers; the mosaic pavement seemed too hard for her touch, and she came forward, placing her feet like tender twigs upon the ground.
The rays of her anklets, rising in flame-colour, seemed to encircle her as with the arms of Agni, as though, by his love for her beauty, he would purify the stain of her birth, and so set the Creator at naught.
Her girdle was like the stars wreathed on the brow of the elephant of Love; and her necklace was a rope of large bright pearls, like the stream of Ganga just tinged by Yamuna.
Like autumn, she opened her lotus eyes; like the rainy season, she had cloudy tresses; like the circle of the Malaya Hills, she was wreathed with sandal; (24) like the zodiac, she was decked with starry gems; [65] like Çri, she had the fairness of a lotus in her hand; like a swoon, she entranced the heart; like a forest, she was endowed with living [66] beauty; like the child of a goddess, she was claimed by no tribe; [67] like sleep, she charmed the eyes; as a lotus-pool in a wood is troubled by elephants, so was she dimmed by her Matanga [68] birth; like a spirit, she might not be touched; like a letter, she gladdened the eyes alone; like the blossoms of spring, she lacked the jati flower; [69] her slender waist, like the line of Love's bow, could be spanned by the hands; with her curly hair, she was like the Lakshmi of the Yaksha king in Alaka. [70] She had but reached the flower of her youth, and was beautiful exceedingly. And the king was amazed; and the thought arose in his mind, (25) 'Ill-placed was the labour of the Creator in producing this beauty! For if she has been created as though in mockery of her Candala form, such that all the world's wealth of loveliness is laughed to scorn by her own, why was she born in a race with which none can mate? Surely by thought alone did Prajapati create her, fearing the penalties of contact with the Matanga race, else whence this unsullied radiance, a grace that belongs not to limbs sullied by touch? Moreover, though fair in form, by the baseness of her birth, whereby she, like a Lakshmi of the lower world, is a perpetual reproach to the gods, [71] she, lovely as she is, causes fear in Brahma, the maker of so strange a union.' While the king was thus thinking the maiden, garlanded with flowers, that fell over her ears, bowed herself before him with a confidence beyond her years. And when she had made her reverence and stepped on to the mosaic floor, her attendant, taking the parrot, which had just entered the cage, advanced a few steps, and, showing it to the king, said: 'Sire, this parrot, by name Vaiçampayana, knows the meaning of all the çastras, is expert in the practice of royal policy, (26) skilled in tales, history, and Puranas, and acquainted with songs and with musical intervals. He recites, and himself composes graceful and incomparable modern romances, love-stories, plays, and poems, and the like; he is versed in witticisms, and is an unrivalled disciple of the vina, flute, and drum. He is skilled in displaying the different movements of dancing, dextrous in painting, very bold in play, ready in resources to calm a maiden angered in a lover's quarrel, and familiar with the characteristics of elephants, horses, men, and women. He is the gem of the whole earth; and in the thought that treasures belong to thee, as pearls to the ocean, the daughter of my lord has brought him hither to thy feet, O king! Let him be accepted as thine.'
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The Kādambarī of BāṇaChapter I: Part 1
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