Chapter XVII: Part III: The Mounds and Palace-Portico at Sakje-Geuzi (3)

The disintegration of the Hittite empire introduces a new phase of their history. With it was involved the downfall of the Hatti rulers, indicated by the failure of the archives of Boghaz-Keui after the reign of Arnuandas, two generations after the time of Hattusil, and hence probably about 1200 B.C. In the great combine of land and sea powers against Egypt, which Rameses III. resisted and dispersed,[909] the Hittites again figure among the confederates, but this time no longer as leaders; and subsequently they appear no more in Egyptian history. They had held sway over Asia Minor for about two centuries, a lengthy period for an oriental dynasty, and now they were submerged by historical movements, of which the details are wanting so far as it affected them, though the development of events may be traced in outline. As often in the history of Asia Minor, the tide of immigration that had formerly set westward had now turned, and, sweeping irresistibly from Europe southward and eastward over the Greek world and the Ægean Islands, traversed also the peninsula.[910] The wave which Rameses III. turned away from the Egyptian frontier had swept away the Hatti power, and it may be thought that their part in the movement, like that of others, was migratory rather than warlike, pressed onwards by newcomers from beyond.

In the redistribution of power that followed the dispersal of these peoples, the dominant position in Asia Minor seems to have been held by the Muski,[911] whom we presume to be a European people, akin to the Phrygian conquerors of later times.[912] With these newcomers at any rate the Assyrian kings were occupied for half a century. By 1170 B.C., it would appear, they had traversed Asia Minor and descended upon Kummukh, the Hittite state lying around Samsat, between Carchemish and Malatia, upon the Assyrian frontier; and it was not until 1120 that they were driven back by the valorous expeditions of Tiglath-Pileser I. It is possible that the Assyrian king followed up his victories as far as the Black Sea;[913] but in any case the power of the Muski would seem to have been broken and to have gradually declined until reinforced by the Thracian immigrants of the ninth and eighth centuries B.C.[914] In the meanwhile the Hittite states found the opportunity for a remarkable revival. The readiness of these peoples, though no longer politically united, to combine against a common enemy is well shown by the experiences of the Assyrian king, who had no sooner crossed the frontier at Malatia, than he was assailed on his right flank by twenty-three chieftains,[915] while in front lay sixty others whose domains extended to the Upper Sea. Though possibly this expedition lay eastward of the boundary of the Hittite lands, the central Hittite states did not escape from the ambitious raids of the Assyrian king, who crossing the Euphrates on rafts of skin, this time nearer to Carchemish, put Mount Bishri[916] to the sword, and advancing northwards, devastated the frontier lands (Muzri), which lay now, as we have seen, beyond Kummukh, nearer to the kingdom of Malatia. The Kumani, dwelling probably in the mountainous region round Comana (Shahr), seem to have gone out to the assistance of their kinsfolk, harassing the Assyrian probably on his left flank. But their native fastnesses and walled cities did not protect them from the vengeance of the Assyrian. Their advanced troops were overcome and imprisoned in the fortress of Arinni; while the remainder of their fighting men, some 20,000 strong, who lay entrenched on Mount Tala, were driven out and pursued as far as the range of Kharusa, on the frontiers.[917] Kibshuna, the capital of the Kumani, surrendered. The states of Syria were the next to fall to the Assyrian conqueror, for a fresh expedition passing up the Orontes seems to have crossed the Lebanon and reached the Mediterranean coast northward from Beyrout.[918]

Though the expeditions of Tiglath-Pileser I. were far-reaching, they do not seem to have established anything like a permanent hold over the Hittite states of Syria. Carchemish, upon the frontier, does not seem to have lost any of its independence, and it may be suspected that after the decline of the Hatti, this state remained the chief centre of the Hittite power.[919] There is indeed a suggestion that its kings were descended from, or early related to, the Hatti rulers,[920] and that at one time, perhaps in the eleventh century, they held sway as far as Gurun,[921] in the valley of the Tochma Su, indicating a kingdom which embraced all the central Hittite states. However that may be, some names of the early kings of Carchemish have been handed down among the archives of the Hatti,[922] under whom it seems clearly to have been already a state of major importance; and its independence was maintained, in name at least, as late as any of which the history is known.

The apparent independence of Carchemish throughout the reign of Tiglath-Pileser is not only a testimony to its own military resources, but an indication that the Assyrian conquests were not secured. The time of the great Assyrian empire was not yet, and as the Assyrian power gradually weakened for a while, so did that of the Hittite states revive. For something like a century and a half, until about 950 B.C., some semblance of Assyrian authority may still be traced on the near side of the Euphrates,[923] but in view of the history of these times it may be said that during the tenth century B.C., until the renewal of Assyrian invasions (about 850 B.C.), the Hittite states of Syria were free, and their works illustrate to us their latent vitality and the revival of their traditions.

It was not only in Syria that this opportunity was afforded, for a parallel development of circumstances upon the plateau of Asia Minor seems to have encouraged the revival of the chief states also by the removal of their embarrassments. The Assyrian invasions had broken the strength of the Muski, who had for some time threatened to overwhelm and submerge the Hittite peoples; and now the gradual withdrawal of both enemies was marked by a cycle of Hittite works which proved how deep-rooted was their civilisation, and later history shows how radical must be the changes that would supplant it in their mountain homes. At Boghaz-Keui a new palace, unadorned, however, with sculptures, sprang up on the site of that of the Great Kings, which was now completely ruined. It is possible that the great walls of the citadel as they are now seen were the product also of this age.[924] They would seem to have been furnished, now or within a few generations, with the great arched gateways decorated with sculptures[925] which are one of their most striking features. Incidentally there is disclosed in the representation of a female warrior upon one of the great jambs[926] the development of, or union with, the Amazons,[927] whose fame lived in Greek history and tradition while the deeds of the old Hatti kings were already buried in oblivion. At Eyuk we have seen there is indication of a corresponding phase of local buildings, involving details of architecture and sculpture peculiarly Hittite.

It would seem, however, that it was not in the old centre of administration that the dominant Hittite spirit most revealed itself. The sculptures of Bor[928] and Ivrîz,[929] and the related inscriptions of Bulghar-Madên[930] and Karaburna,[931] with others on the Kara Dagh and at Bogche, as well as numerous minor works, are all indications of a considerable area united as a single kingdom, the centre of which was Tyana. The Assyrian records of later times tell indeed of a powerful tribe or people named by them the Khilakku, whose geographical disposition seems to correspond with this area. These two facts in association recall the tradition of a great ‘Cilician’ empire, mentioned by Solinus,[932] which was said to have embraced within its sway most of the great states of Asia Minor and of Syria that had formerly acknowledged the rule or suzerainty of the Hatti kings.[933]

Though this renaissance of the Hittite kingdoms may have been short-lived,[934] it was none the less real and general, as the peculiar features and relationship of the monuments of this age testify. Practically nothing is known, however, of the history of this period: their own inscriptions seem to be mostly theocratic or religious, while Egypt and Assyria were too much engaged with home affairs to send expeditions into Hittite-Syria, the records of whose adventures might otherwise have enabled us to penetrate into the obscurity which hides this brilliant epoch from our view. The period falls, however, within the first pale glimmer of Greek tradition, which enables us at any rate to interpret more clearly some aspects of the local monuments of these times. The map of the Hittite world[935] in the tenth century B.C., deduced from the disposition of their monuments, and from the records of the Assyrians when they came again into contact, is also instructive, and seems to us to indicate the home-lands or settling-places of the real Hittite peoples more clearly even than a map of the Hittite empire, based as that would necessarily be on the whole range of Hittite works[936] and the uncertain identification of Egyptian names. Eastward of the Khilakku,[937] the kingdom known by the Assyrians as Tabal seems for part of the time to have embraced most of the cities of the Anti-Taurus from Fraktin to Comana, extending northwards possibly as far as Ekrek and Mazaca (Cæsarea). It included numerous small states,[938] some of which at various times became separately prominent, among which Kammanu seems to be recognisable in Komana (identified with the modern Shahr), while the principality of Shinukhta and the city of Tynne[939] lay nearer to Tyana. On the Tochma Su, Guriania was the name of a minor kingdom seated at Gurun, while lower down old Malatia was the chief town of the kingdom of Milid (Miliddu), which still retained its great importance.[940] Gurgum lay seemingly around Marash, then known as Marghasi, to which we refer below, while Kummukh[941] extended, as we have seen, north-eastward up the near bank of the Euphrates. Several states lay in the valley between the Kurt Dagh and the Giaour Dagh,[942] like Mikhri, bordering on the Pyramus; Iaudi, with its centre (Kullani) possibly at Sakje-Geuzi or at Killiz; and Samalla, farther south, with its capital at Sinjerli; while lower down on the Kara Su was Unki,[943] which probably included Kurts-oghlu and the site of the classical Gindarus. The boundaries of the small states and larger kingdoms alike cannot be fixed, and probably varied continually with the ascendency of this chief or the other. The region last mentioned, for example, seems at one time to have been mostly subject to Samalla,[944] while at other times it was divided between Gurgum and the Hattina, or subject to one or other of these powers. The latter, as their name implies, were a Hittite folk, whose numerous principalities[945] lay in the valley of the Orontes,[946] with Hamath doubtless as their capital. Lastly, the Hatti themselves seem to be represented by the powerful kingdom of Carchemish on the Euphrates,[947] the boundaries of which were indefinite, but reached at any rate to the Khabour River on the south.

On the outskirts of the Hittite kingdoms there were already present most of the elements of the powers that later were to submerge them. In the immediate West we place the Muski-Phrygians, but the mutual boundary is indefinable and probably varied constantly.[948] East of the Euphrates, Mitanni was no more, and Assyria was recruiting; while from the south and south-east there had already begun the steady infiltration of Aramæan peoples, who now occupied most of the tongue of land between the Orontes and the Euphrates.[949] Damascus was their centre, and within the Hittite-Assyrian sphere they had already planted strong settlements in the plains westward of the Euphrates. Even the kings of Samalla are early found with Semitic names,[950] a fact which corresponds with the character of a whole series of its monuments.[951] We may suspect from the name in like manner the Aramæan extraction of the dynasty of Bit Adini, which ruled over a broad and numerously peopled Hittite tract extending from south of Carchemish even across the Euphrates, including probably the site of Tell-Ahmar. Shugab lay also on both banks of the river, somewhat further north. In the north-east a new and formidable power akin to the earlier Hittites was gathering strength in the vicinity of Lake Van, by name Urartu; but the Cimmerian hordes had not as yet appeared in the north.

Many of the surface monuments of the Hittites seem to belong to this period of revival: they are linked by various common features in detail, and illustrate at the same time the development of new motives in art. The increasing power of the priest-king is reflected in the prominence now given to his portrait as a chief subject for the sculptures.[952] His dress has now assumed a magnificence of embroidery and tapestry unknown in earlier times, though clearly derived, as regards the close cap, long robe, mantle, and shoes, from the priestly dress of the bygone age. On the rock carving of Ivrîz he pays his devotions to a god of agriculture, who presents so many new features that he might at first sight be taken for an entirely new conception, notwithstanding that his dress is obviously a direct modification only of the time-honoured and sacred costume of the Hatti gods. Yet he is a descendant of the Son-god of Boghaz-Keui,[953] and his new virtues are a product of the Hittite lands. Now he has become the peasant’s god, the patron of agriculture, himself rewarding toil with fruit and corn. In Babylonia, where the grain grew wild, and the harvest was a gift of nature varying only in degree, the function of the consort to the earth-goddess, as the fertiliser, had been a secondary consideration. In the prominence of manhood under the Hatti kings, the god had received his separate local attributes and sanctuary. Now he appears, alone, in a third phase clearly developed upon a soil where the goddess was benign only to those who toiled. Here the clearing of the ground, irrigation, ploughing, sowing, and constant tending were necessary before the harvest could be won; and in this attribution the god is worshipped. The Greeks, when they arrived upon the scene, saw in him their own Hercules as the god of toil. His dress, however, as we have mentioned, betokens his Hittite origin. The tunic and turned-up shoes, though more elaborate, remain essentially the same as of old. The national hat, however, has lost its height, and is also broader; and the same difference may be noted in the newly found Amazon figure at Boghaz-Keui. This change, indeed, may be traced back to the later years of the Hatti period, if reliance may be placed on the Egyptian representation[954] of the Hittite monarch who visited Rameses II. The pigtail, moreover, has disappeared, and from the source last quoted and other considerations we are inclined to believe that even in the Hatti period it was already antiquated, surviving only in religious representations as sanctified by time. For civil purposes it may even then have been replaced by the new style, which at any rate is characteristic of the monuments of the age we are considering, in which the hair is gathered in a thick bunch curling backward behind the neck.[955]

The range of these changes in detail on both sides of the Taurus is another indication of close bonds between the various branches of the Hittite peoples. In the architecture of these times there appears a new and striking motive, equally wide in its distribution, in the lion corner-stone.[956] The lion itself we have seen to have been early introduced into Hittite symbolism, but the earliest examples in the round seem to be the product of this age. The carvings of Sakje-Geuzi, which show the Hittite style just tinged with Assyrian or Aramaic (Semitic) influence, can be assigned with some certainty to the period 900-850 B.C. At Sinjerli the great lions seem to be of earlier date,[957] but in any case there is a remarkable coherence in design and method of employment between all the recorded specimens; as well as a correspondence in treatment of detail with the lions which decorate the chief gateway and the tank at Boghaz-Keui.[958]

One of the lions of Marash is covered with an inscription, the nature of which seems to conform entirely with the dominant theocratic ideals of the age.[959] The monuments and ruins of this place are in themselves evidence of a city of remarkable strength and of conspicuous importance in the Hittite world,[960] of which it was one of the last surviving members. Unhappily for history we must still wait here as elsewhere for the evidences which the excavator’s spade alone can satisfactorily bring to light. The bare references in the Assyrian annals to the capture of this or that city, or to the various desperate coalitions of the Hittite states against the power that threatened their independence, if not their existence, tell us little but the date and manner of their downfall. If one could but penetrate the gloom that enshrouds the story of the Hittites in these stirring times, how many Iliads could be written to delight their readers!

We pass then to the last phase, which covers the period 850-700 B.C., during which the Hittite states were one by one submerged by the various powers that encircled them, and finally the Cimmerians blotted out from Asia Minor the memory of the past. The story is soon told; for we have only the record of the Assyrian[961] and Vannic[962] inscriptions to help in filling the outline of the Hittite story of these last centuries which was sketched in an earlier chapter. These records also are usually either brief and formal, or expressed in terms obviously exaggerated and partial; and the operations of which they tell were for the most part confined to the eastern Hittite states. Such as they are, however, they are welcome.

The story opens about 884 or 885 B.C., with the loss of Tul Barsip, a chief stronghold of the Bit Adini. This was, as it were, the warning of a long series of incursions by the Assyrian forces under Assur-nazir-pal and his successor, Shalmaneser II. The Euphrates was crossed by them on rafts of skin as aforetime. Shangara, King of Carchemish, was awed into sending a handsome tribute to secure the safety of his crown and life. Among his gifts were a royal chariot, objects of gold, silver, copper and iron, bulls of bronze, decorated cups and carvings in ivory. The route of the Assyrian leader lay by way of the Orontes valley, and for a brief moment, Lubarna, who at that time was head of the principalities of the Hattina, seems to have contemplated resistance. Realising, however, the inutility of such a course, he followed the example of Shangara, and paved with presents the way of the Assyrian king, who, with the route now open, passed onwards beyond the Lebanon. But the Hittite leaders were not yet conquered. Somewhere about 860 B.C. nearly all the Hittite states of Syria, including Carchemish, Bit Adini, Gurgum, Samalla, Quë, and the Hattina, leagued themselves in a determined effort to resist, if not to rid themselves of, the Assyrian menace. Taking advantage of the absence of Shalmaneser’s army in the north, where he was assailing the fastnesses of the Urartu, they even crossed the frontier and made considerable inroads upon the Assyrian lands. The vengeance of the Assyrian was swift. The towns of Bit Adini were taken by storm, and the Euphrates was crossed. Gurgum, one of the states first open to attack, seceded from the confederates and submitted. The combined army of Adini, Samalla, and the Hattina was next defeated, and the Assyrian forces pressed once more up the valley of the Orontes, this time in pursuit of the King of the Hattina, Shapalulme, who had escaped. Seizing the opportunity, the King of Samalla collected his troops, and being joined by the King of Carchemish, with reinforcements also from Quë and further west, he prepared to defend his country against the invader. The effort, however, was vain. The fortress of Shapalulme was burnt. It is even possible that the Assyrian passed over the Amanus into Cilicia,[963] being only stopped on the frontiers of the chief Hittite state by ambassadors and presents.[964] Hittite prisoners graced this triumph of the Assyrian conqueror, in his capital, being distinguished by their long robes and cumbrous hats.[965]

Though in the following year Bit Adini once more rebelled, with the result that two hundred villages and six fortresses were taken or destroyed, and Tell Barsip was garrisoned by Assyrian troops, it would seem that five years later the states of Carchemish, Kummukh, Milid, Samalla, Hattina and Gurgum[966] still acknowledged, however unwillingly, the suzerainty of their all-powerful neighbour, and their respective kings attended a conference at his bidding. Aleppo alone stood aloof, and was persuaded accordingly by force of arms. Satisfied apparently with their submission and attitude, the Assyrian king determined to try conclusions with the Aramæan power seated at Damascus. The Hittites of Hamath, Quë, and the Taurus fought against him in the great battle which ensued at Qarqar.[967] The issue was indecisive, but the Assyrian, as the attacker, lost prestige by his lack of success. Carchemish and other vassal states promptly refused to renew their tribute. Shalmaneser was a whole year suppressing this rebellion, and thereafter found it desirable to send an expedition to the frontier each year to maintain his authority.

Thus far, it is clear, the incursions of the Assyrians into the Hittite territory had been rather of the nature of raids for booty and the exaction of tribute; no serious effort had been made as yet to bring the states within the direct government of Assyria, and the operations had been confined practically to the north of Syria. There is a record of 850 B.C. from which it may be thought that a first blow was now aimed at the central Hittite states.[968] In the next year, however, after the Assyrian forces had passed Carchemish and reached the Amanus, and then turning southward had held Hattina to ransom, a league of twelve Hittite kings in the vicinity of Hamath seems to have barred their further progress. These kings are no more mentioned, and possibly their territory was absorbed by Damascus, which had obviously gained influence after the battle of Qarqar. The King of Hamath, however, paid homage to the Assyrian when he once more entered the valley of the Orontes in 842 B.C.

Turning for a moment from the affairs of Syria, the kingdom of Tabal was for the first time invaded in 838 B.C., and the Assyrian claims to have reduced twenty-four of its chieftains to subjection. In Quë the king, Kati, was dethroned and replaced by another named Kirri; while further west Tarsus also fell into the Assyrian hands. At this stage Shalmaneser gave up his military command; for a while the Hittite states had respite, and some of them, like the Hattina, resumed an attitude of independence.

Meanwhile, however, the Vannic kings had been steadily gaining strength and now found themselves powerful enough to more than hold their own. Erelong they began to cause the Assyrians considerable inquietude on their northern frontier, and about 804 B.C. Menuas drove back the Assyrians and attacked the Hittites. Crossing the Euphrates the Urartians exacted tribute from Malatia.[969] The events of the next generation are obscure; but in 776 the Hittite tribes of Syria, notably those under the Amanus, took advantage of the discomfiture of the Assyrians at the hands of the new Urartian king, Argistis of Ararat, to throw off their allegiance; and within a few years most of them were free of the Assyrian yoke. But their freedom was transient. Argistis looms in the history of these times as a great conqueror, and the Hittite states on his immediate frontier, including not only Malatia and Kummukh, but possibly a great part of Tabal, yielded to his authority. After a temporary withdrawal, it would seem, the whole of northern Syria was swiftly brought within the domain of the new power. In 758 B.C. the kingdom of Malatia, which under Khite-ruadas had regained a momentary independence, was invaded once more by the hardy mountaineers: the capital, as well as fourteen castles and a hundred towns, fell into their hands.[970] By 756 B.C. Marash also had probably fallen, for the conquests of the Vannic power extended as far south as had the Assyrian, and the Hittite states of northern Syria were all forced into allegiance. Previous to the year 744 B.C. at any rate, when the Assyrian king, Tiglath-Pileser III., with a reinvigorated army, prepared to repel the invaders, Carchemish, Gurgum, Kummukh, Unki and Quë all acknowledged the suzerainty of Sharduris.[971]

The details of the struggle for Syria between two foreign powers can hardly be regarded as Hittite history. The Hittite strength was already gone; their kingdoms in Syria and the Taurus had been broken, ravaged, and weakened by the scourge of constant wars; while in Asia Minor a similar but more vital struggle, all unknown to history, was being waged between the advancing Phrygians and the chief Hittite kingdoms of the interior. All hope of general union was at an end. Yet in the records of the Syrian side of these affairs, it is wonderful to see how the spirit of independence lived on in the old Hittite centres, ready at any time to break out in open rebellion. No ordinary military punishments seemed able to crush it. In 743, Tiglath-Pileser met and routed the great confederate army of Sharduris, with whom fought the Hittite contingents from Agusi, Gurgum, Kummukh, and Malatia.[972] The issue was decisive and momentous. Both kings led their armies in person, and the Assyrian record[973] states that 73,000 of the enemy were slain in battle. Yet undismayed, Matîlu of Agusi, the centre of which was Arpad, seems to have asserted his freedom and to have resisted the Assyrian for nearly three years, when he was overcome and slain in 740 B.C. The downfall of Arpad and the death of its king were not without a reactive effect upon the other states, so that the kings of Kummukh, Gurgum, Carchemish, and Quë came to the victors to humbly tender their formal submission. The Hattina still held out, but the Assyrian moved on their capital, Kinalua, which was carried by assault; and in order to avoid further disturbance in these rebellious quarters, both Agusi and Unki were hereafter administered by Assyrian officers and garrisoned by Assyrian troops. The policy thus initiated, coupled with that of deportation of the natives in large numbers, proved more fateful to the Hittites than the long series of punitive expeditions sent against them.

Samalla was next in arms. Profiting by the absence of the Assyrian forces on their own north-eastern frontiers, Azriyahu, who appears to have been a native prince, laid claim to the throne, though it was occupied by Panammu II.,[974] a Semitic ruler who had been set up by the Assyrian king. Tiglath-Pileser hastened back to restore order, laying waste Kullani[975] on his way. He then passed southwards up the valley of the Orontes, ravaging as he went. Hamath yielded, and the kings of Carchemish, Malatia, and Tabal, with others, were convinced by these exploits that it was their best policy to tender their complete submission and to send their tribute. The Assyrian supremacy was now complete, and it was demonstrated by an arduous expedition which penetrated to the walls of the Urartian capital, in the mountains of the north. The Vannic power was broken, and thereafter its warriors only appear like those of the Hittites, in a series of vain struggles against the greater power that was steadily overwhelming them. In 732 B.C. the fall of Damascus at last laid open the way to the founding of the greatest Assyrian empire.

Our tale is nearly told; the inevitable issue is traceable in a bare statement of the chief events of a dozen years. A last combine in 720 B.C. of the Hittites of Tabal and Carchemish, reinforced by the Urartians, only tended to precipitate the end. In 718 the troops of Sargon passed northwards through the Cilician gates,[976] beyond which Tyana no longer represented the chief Hittite centre, but was now a frontier stronghold of the Phrygian Midas.[977] This monarch was obviously perplexed by the Assyrian advance, and made overtures to Pisiris of Carchemish, who openly revolted. But Midas failed him: his kingdom became an Assyrian colony, and the greatest Hittite stronghold of Syria, that had so long retained a semblance of real independence amid the submergence of the states around, was now garrisoned with Assyrian soldiers.[978] The Tabal were again in arms in 713 B.C., though the rebel leader was a protégé of Assyria.[979] He was duly punished, and his fief was annexed to the Cilician province. Following an incursion led by Tarkhunazi of Malatia, the eastern portion of the Tabal, around Comana, was in 712 B.C. fortified as an Assyrian frontier state, with five forts on the Urartian side, two towards the north, and three as protection against the Phrygians. The kingdom of Malatia itself was in 710 put under the rule of Mutallu of Kummukh, and the whole mountain region was renamed Tulgarimme. Gurgum, with its stout fortress of Marash, was the last to succumb. For something like thirty years its last king, Tarkhulara, had retained his throne by diplomatic presents and submission first to the Urartian, and then to the Assyrian. Upon the outbreak of local hostilities, however, in 709, this state also was created an Assyrian province, and with that event the last element of Hittite freedom disappeared.

In the mountains of Taurus, in the kingdom of Tabal, the smouldering fire might still burst from time to time[980] into a flame. But the Cimmerian hordes put out that spark, as they had done for the Urartu, and did in due time for the Muski; and before they could be driven back the course of history was changed. The story of the Hittites was ended; ‘Meshech and Tubal’[981] were destroyed, and ‘the Land of the Hittites’ became a memory of the past.[982]

EPOCHS OF HITTITE HISTORY

2000 B.C.[983] Settlements in southern Syria; overthrow of the
1st Dynasty of Babylon (p. 323). Horse and chariot used in Asia
Minor (p. 320).

1400 B.C.[983] Hatti kings established at Boghaz-Keui (p. 326).

1380 B.C.[983] Subbi-luliuma annexes N. Syria (p. 330) and
invades Mesopotamia (p. 331).

1370 B.C.[983] Amorite vassalage (p. 336); Treaty with Egypt
(p. 337); Mitanni a protectorate (p. 338).

Empire in Asia Minor and N. Syria.

Palace[984] on Beuyuk-Kaleh at Boghaz-Keui;
local palaces at Eyuk and Malatia; sculptures
of Fraktin and (?) Sipylus (p. 339).

1350 B.C.[983] Reign of Arandas. 1340 B.C.[983] Accession of
Mursil (p. 341).

1330 B.C.[984] Lower palace at Boghaz-Keui constructed (p. 342).

1320 B.C.[983] Assyria takes Mesopotamia and Malatia (p. 342).

1310 B.C.[983] Egypt reconquers N. Syria (p. 343).

1295 B.C.[984] Accession of Mutallu (p. 343).

1288 B.C.,[983] Battle of Kadesh (p. 343).

1271 B.C. Hattusil concludes treaty with Egypt (p. 347).
Diplomatic relations with Babylonia (p. 350). [984]Sculptures
of Iasily Kaya, Giaour-Kalesi, and Kara-Bel (p. 366). [?
Fortifications of Boghaz-Keui constructed] Hittite cities at
Hamath, Aleppo, Carchemish, Sinjerli, Sakje-Geuzi, Marash,
Malatia, Comana; confederate states in western and southern
Asia Minor.

1258 B.C. Hittite king (? Dudkhalia) visits the Pharaoh (p.
351).

1220 B.C.[983] Arnuanta, cadastral survey (p. 352).

1200 B.C.[983] Invasions by the Muski-Phrygians; fall of the
Hatti and (?) Boghaz-Keui (p. 368).

1170 B.C.[983] Muski reach the Assyrian frontier; 1120,
repelled (p. 368).

1120 B.C. _et seqq._ Assyrian invasions of N. Syria and Taurus
(p. 369).

1000 B.C.[983] to 900 B.C. Revival of the Hittite kingdoms.
[984]Sculptures of Bor, Ivrîz, Eyuk, Malatia, Marash, Sinjerli,
Sakje-Geuzi; inscriptions of Bulghar-Madên and Karaburna (p.
373). Road opened through Cilician Gates (p. 366). Palace
reconstructed at Boghaz-Keui; Amazon sculpture (p. 372).

885 B.C. Invasions by Assyria as far as (838) Tabal and Tarsus
(p. 384).

750 B.C.[983] N. Syria and Taurus subject to the Vannic kings
(p. 386). [984]Plateau of Asia Minor subject to Phrygia.

743 B.C. Assyrian supremacy re-established (p. 387).

718 B.C. Fall of Carchemish; Assyrian troops enter Asia Minor
(p. 388).

712 B.C. Tabal (Taurus) conquered; 709, fall of Marash (p. 389).

FOOTNOTES

[1] We regard, however, the sculptures of Mount Sipylus (Pl. LIII.) and of Kara-Bel (Pl. LIV.) as witnesses to the possession of inland passes leading to the Lydian coast.

[2] In particular the Lycians (Lukki), who appear among the Hittite allies in the time of Rameses II., and later with the sea-peoples in the reign of Merenptah.

[3] There is no evidence to enable us to include the ‘Vannic’ monuments. Cf. Sayce’s _Herodotus_ (London, 1883), App. iv. p. 424 and below, pp. 54, 385; we exclude also as capable of other interpretation isolated discoveries of moveable monuments, like those at Kedabeg (Messerschmidt, _Corpus Inscrip. Hettiticarum, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1900, Pt. v. No. 1.), at Babylon (_op. cit._, Nos. 3, 4, 5), and Nineveh (_ibid._, Pl. XXXIX. Nos. 2-9), etc. The inscribed stone reported as found near Erzerum, now in the museum at Constantinople, No. 1193, is of doubtful provenance (_op. cit._, 1906, Pt. v. pp. 7, 8).

[4] These Hittite sites are shown on the map, to face p. 390.

[5] Mr. Hogarth, writing in the _Recueil de Travaux_, xvii., records that during his journeyings up through the valley he never saw nor heard of any pre-Hellenic monuments on the north side of the river.

[6] For these routes see Hogarth, _Recueil de Travaux_, XV. p. 29, and in Macan’s _Herodotus_ (1895), App. XIII. § 9; also Ramsay, _Historical Geography_, pp. 35, 46 ff.

[7] For the modern condition and ancient importance of this region, see further: Layard, _Nineveh and Babylon_, p. 94; Peters, _Nippur_, i. p. 81; Maspero, _The Struggle of the Nations_ (London, 1896), pp. 144 and ff.; and _The Passing of Empires_ (1900), p. 35, with an illustration.

[8] Here also the Euphrates is still our eastern boundary; for Tell-Ahmar, the scene of Mr. Hogarth’s recent discoveries (p. 129), though on the further side, is on the water’s edge; and the few monuments found further east, like the seal from Urfa (Messerschmidt, _op. cit._, _C.I.H._ 1900, Pl. XLI. No. 3), and the palace sculptures of Tell-Halaf (Von Oppenheim, _Der alte Orient_, 1908, Heft 1), which owe something to Hittite influence, are not definite enough to imply Hittite occupation. That the river separated the land of Mitanni from the Hatti is substantiated by the archives of Boghaz-Keui (Winckler, _Mitteilungen der D. Orient._-Ges. 1907, No. 35). On the relation of Mitanni to Hittite see below, pp. 58, note 1, 324, note 2.

[9] Pronounced _Afreen_.

[10] See Plates XXXV., XLIII.

[11] We noticed this effect especially at Karadinek, August 1907.

[12] Pl. LXXXIV. (i), p. 320. This is clearly the old Amorite-Hittite type as represented on the Egyptian temple sculptures, _temp._ Rameses II., then apparently most prevailing in the Lebanon region. See Petrie, _Racial Types_, No. 147, and Maspero, _The Struggle of the Nations_, p. 147 and fig.; cf. also W. Max Müller, _Asien und Europa_, pp. 229, 233, and the Book of Joshua, x. 6, and xi. 3. The type is now more widely dispersed, as seen from this example and Pls. XV. (ii), LXXXVI. below.

[13] A local tradition says that 120,000 men were drawn from this region in the time of Alexander.

[14] Von Luschan, _Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli_, i.; and _Liverpool Annals of Archæology_, i. p. 99.

[15] Including the kingdoms of Unki, Samalla, and Jaudi: see the map, p. 375.

[16] Cf. Plate LXXIV.

[17] The coast route to Alexandretta was in course of reconstruction in 1907. Formerly the rocky promontory known as _Pylæ Syriæ et Ciliciæ_ presented a formidable obstacle, over which carts could pass only with great difficulty; while for travellers on horseback the easiest passage was by wading in the sea at the foot of the cliffs. The Bogche route is that contemplated for the new section of the railway heading for Baghdad.

[18] A silvered copper seal, cylindrical in shape, is recorded as from Haifa (_C.I.H._ 1900, Pl. XLI. 2), but no argument can be based thereon. Other small objects from this region are a seal and archaic bronze figure from Latakia (_C.I.H._ _loc. cit._ No. 6, and Peiser, _Die Bronze-figur von Schernen_, aus _Sitzungsber. der Altertumsges. Prussia_, Heft 22, p. 428), and a similar archaic bronze from Homs, said to have been found in the Orontes (Peiser, _op. cit._).

[19] See Plate LXXXIV. (ii), reproduced from a sketch by Mr. Horst Schliephack. The subject was an Arab-speaking carriage driver, resident in Hamath, who said that his birthplace was Urfa. Cf. the types Pls. LXXV., LXXVII.

[20] Ramsay, _Journ. Roy. Asiatic Soc._, xv. p. 100.

[21] Cf. Livy, Bk. xxxviii. 18, etc., for the contrast between Phrygia and the plains.

[22] This feature also is historic. Cf. Strabo XII. viii. 8.

[23] For the general geographical conditions affecting life on the plateau, cf. Hogarth, _The Nearer East_ (London, 1902), pp. 246 ff.

[24] For mineral and other resources consult _inter alia_, Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor_ (London, 1842), vol. i. chs. xvi., xx., xxiii.; likewise Van Lennep, _Travels in ... Asia Minor_ (London, 1870).

[25] It is of interest in this connection to notice that one of the earliest historical references to the Hittites occurs in the Babylonian chronicles (King, _Chronicles of the Early Babylonian Kings_, London, 1907, pp. 72 and 148).

[26] Witness the group of monuments in the Kara Dagh, p. 90.

[27] A barrier, that is, to general migration in ancient times. As a political boundary its importance is clear from the fact that it divided the Median and Lydian empires (Herodotus, i. 72).

[28] _Loc. cit._, Strabo (XII. iii. 9) speaks of ‘the “Leuco-Syrians” whom we call Cappadocians.’ See also p. 92; and Ramsay, _Historical Geography_, pp. 32, 33.

[29] Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor_, vol. ii. ch. xliii.

[30] _Liverpool Annals of Archæology_, i. (1908), p. 6, Pls. VIII., IX.

[31] It is noteworthy that Strabo (XII. ii. 7), describes Mazaca (then the capital of the Cilician province) as being in a ruinous state without walls, while its land remained unfertile and uncultivated.

[32] See Pl. IX.

[33] See Pl. LXXXVI.

[34] Professor Ramsay (_Historical Geography_, p. 35) already argued the necessary antiquity of such a route before the Hittite monument on the mountain pass was brought to light.

[35] See below, pp. 45, 366, note 2; and cf. Macan’s _Herodotus_, App. XIII. §§ 7, 8, 9.

[36] _Liv. Annals of Arch._, i. (1908), p. 11.

[37] Cf. Pl. XXIV. (i).

[38] See below, Pl. XXV. (iii); and _Liverpool Annals of Arch._, i. pp. 10, 13.

[39] At Andaval, _C.I.H._ (1900), Pl. XXXI.; and at Bor, _ibid._ (1906), Pl. XXXIII. See below, p. 91.

[40] See p. 233.

[41] See pp. 33, 38.

[42] See p. 143.

[43] See Pl. II. (ii).

[44] Cf. Strabo, XII. xi. 8.

[45] We noticed in passing an aged pair working together in their small garden of vegetables. It was summer-time, and their sleeping-place was a bower of branches and twigs covered entirely with pink roses.

[46] To be distinguished from the Bogche, which gives its name to the pass over the Giaour Dagh (p. 14).

[47] Herodotus, i. 75, and v. 52; Ramsay, _Historical Geography_, p. 29; but see below, p. 38, note 1.

[48] Cf. Pls. XII., XIII. (ii). We are alluding to the poorer classes. There is a considerable degree of refinement and simple luxury among the more prosperous Turkomans. See, for example, Davis, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_, pp. 223-4.

[49] Pl. XVII.

[50] Cf. Pls. XIV., XVIII.

[51] The Yazîr Daresi.

[52] The Beuyuk Kayanin Daresi. See Pl. LIX.

[53] Herodotus, i. 76, says that Crœsus enslaved the inhabitants, and took also the adjacent places, expelling the population.

[54] We do not attempt to distinguish any but the types that recall the various Hittite representations in contemporary sculptures, particularly those which decorate the walls of Egyptian temples. Such resemblance may be accidental, but it is of interest. In the deeper inquiry, there is a wonderful field of material for a trained ethnographist. Probably no ‘nation’ on earth to-day is composed of so many and varying elements as is that of the Turks. A walk through any market town, where the people are brought together, or even a glance out of the carriage window at the people on the platform of a busy railway station, will bring forth visions of Tartars and Mongols, Greeks and Jews, even occasionally Hindoos and Arabs, as well as the dominant Turkoman, Circassian and Armenian types, all of which under Nature’s gentle and wonderful influence seem to blend quite fittingly together. There is nothing, moreover, that astonishes the reason; for this country was not only the battlefield of nations, but the natural pathway between two continents. Cf. Pls. XV., LXXXV.-LXXXVII.

[55] Cf. Pls. LXXXIV., LXXXVI. (i). On the subject of surviving types, cf. Wilson (Sir Charles) in the _Quart. Statement Pal. Expl. Fd._, Jan. 1884.

[56] And thence in ancient times to Sinope. Ramsay, _Hist. Geog._, p. 28; see also Curtius, _Griech. Gesch._, ed. 5, i. 408, and Herodotus, i. 76, in reference to which cf. Perrot and Chipiez, _History of Art in Sardinia ... Syria and Asia Minor_ (Engl. ed. 1890), ii. p. 103.

[57] _E.g._ Herodotus, ix. 27; and Strabo, XI. ch. v. 4.

[58] See Pl. L.

[59] Ramsay, _Historical Geography_, p. 31, and _Jour. Roy. As. Soc._, XV. pp. 100-112; also Crowfoot, _Jour. Hell. Stud._, XIX., i. p. 50.

[60] Herodotus, i. 72. But cf. also Homer, _Iliad_, iii. 187, and xvi. 719.

[61] Ramsay, _Historical Geography_, pp. 29, 30. See Pl. XXIV. (i).

[62] Herodotus, i. 75, quotes a general doubt (in which, however, he does not share) that the Halys was not yet bridged in the time of Crœsus. There are, however, suitable fords northward from Cheshme Keupru still freely used for the summer routes leading from Angora across the river eastward; and that the bridge was in use in Persian times seems to be clear (_ibid._, v. 52).

[63] _Vide_ Ramsay, _Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire_ (Aberdeen, 1906), pp. 177-180.

[64] The Hittite horses were called by the Egyptians _abari_, strong or vigorous (_Anastasi Pap._, iv., Pl. XVII., ll. 8-9), but we may suspect that the reference here and elsewhere is to the breeds of Syria (vide _Annals of Thothmes_ III.); Maspero (_Struggle of the Nations_, p. 215, note 4, and p. 352, note 4) seems divided in his view, referring the passage in one place to Cappadocia and in the other to Syria. Cf. also his _Passing of Empires_ (1900), p. 205. There was a special breed in Cilicia, it would appear, in Persian times, from the reference in Herodotus, iii. 90.

[65] It is, however, full of interests, as any student of Professor Ramsay’s researches will know.

[66] Professor Ramsay’s _Luke the Physician_, pp. 129 ff., tells of numberless neglected irrigation works in the desert and on the slopes of Taurus. The country must, at one time, have presented quite a different appearance.

[67] See below, p. 56, and Pl. XXV. (iii).

[68] Cf. Ramsay and Hogarth, _Recueil de Travaux_, xiv. (1893), pp. 74 and ff.

[69] See Pl. LV.

[70] Locally called the _Bozanti Su_ or _Ak Su_, from the names of important points along the route; it is a main tributary of the Sarus, which it joins after uniting with the Korkun as it nears the plain.

[71] See frontispiece.

[72] It is stated, however, by Aucher-Eloy, _Relations de Voyages en Orient de 1830 à 1838_, i. p. 160, that a rock sculpture (of uncertain character) which he had seen in the Cilician Gates was destroyed in 1834.

[73] We may reasonably suspect that this dates from the revival of the Hittite state with Tyana as its centre, in the tenth century B.C. (See above, p. 24, and below, p. 373.) On this question see Ramsay, _The Cities of St. Paul_ (London, 1907), pp. 114 and ff., also _Pauline and other Studies_ (London, 1906), ch. xi.; cf. also, for a description of the route, Davis, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_ (London, 1879), ch. viii.

[74] Roadside rest-houses. Cf. Pls. XIII., XX.

[75] Built or rebuilt it would seem by Ibrahim Pasha.

[76] We cannot accept as Hittite, from the evidence before us, the doorway and carved lintel from Lamas near Aseli-Keui; Langlois, _Voyage en Cilicie_, p. 169; Perrot and Chipiez, _Art in ... Asia Minor_, ii. p. 57; Messerschmidt, _C.I.H._ (1900), Pl. XXXIII. B.

[77] Among works readily accessible, we may refer the reader to Mr. Hogarth’s summary in the introduction to Murray’s _Handbook_; to the articles by Winckler and Brandis in vols. iii. and iv. of _The World’s History_, Ed. Helmolt (London, 1902); and for the materials to Ramsay, _Historical Geography of Asia Minor_ (London, 1890).

[78] For a detailed account, with the sources, see below, Chapter VI.

[79] The identification of Mita of Muski with Midas of Phrygia was first pointed out by Winckler, _Ostorientalische Forschungen_, ii. 71 ff. Our inference is that the Muski of the Assyrian Annals, the Moschoi of Herodotus (iii. 94), were really akin to the Phrygians of later history.

[80] About 1170 B.C.

[81] Fifty years later, in the reign of Tiglath Pileser I.

[82] See the Maps accompanying Chap. VI. pp. 375, 385.

[83] Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor_, i. p. 383; Ramsay, _Jour. Roy. As. Soc._, XV. p. 123.

[84] See Pl. XXV. (iii), from _Liv. Annals_, i. Pl. XIII. The name of Midas in this inscription was first recognised by Prof. Myres, _op. cit._, p. 13.

[85] Cf. Maspero, _The Struggle of the Nations_, pp. 591, 643.

[86] In the reign of Assur-Nazir-Pal; cf. Maspero, _The Passing of Empires_, p. 16.

[87] Regarding, that is, the successive appearance of the Mitanni, the Hittites, and the Urartu (the Vannic power) as analogous movements. Cf. Winckler, _Mitteil. d. Deut. Orient-Ges._, December 1907, pp. 47 ff.; and in _The World’s History_, vol. iii. p. 113 etc.

[88] See especially Ramsay, ‘A Study of Phrygian Art,’ in the _Jour. Hell. Stud._, ix. (1887-8), pp. 350-352, and an earlier article in vol. iii. pp. 1-32; and Maspero, _The Passing of Empires_, pp. 328-335.

[89] Cf. Homer, _Iliad_, iii. 187; xvi. 719.

[90] On this point, see Ramsay, _Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_ (Oxford, 1895), i. p. 7.

[91] Ramsay, _loc. cit._ Cf. the central group of Hittite sculptures at Iasily Kaya, Pl. LXV., where, however, the Father-god, the consort of the Mother-goddess, is seemingly derived from Babylonian origins. So, too, the Storm-god of the Hittites has clearly a Babylonian prototype in Hadad. On the subject of the Hittite deities, see below, pp. 356 ff.

[92] Herodotus, ii. 2.

[93] Homer, _Hymn. Aphr._ 111 and ff.

[94] Φρυγίης εὐτειχήτοιο. Cf. Ramsay, _loc. cit_.

[95] In this opinion we may appear to differ from Hogarth, _Ionia and the East_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 70, but the standpoints are different.

[96] In addition to the Phrygian inscriptions at Eyuk, cited above, the story of Daskylos, the fugitive Lydian prince (B.C. 720), indicates close political relation between the two sides of the Halys at this time; for when fearful of remaining in Phrygia at the accession of Myrsos to the Lydian throne, for greater security he crossed the Halys and took refuge with the ‘White Syrians.’ Cf. Nicholas of Damascus, _Fragm. Hist. Grec._ (ed. Müller-Didot), No. 49. On the relationship with Pteria and the Chalybes see also Radet, _La Lydie et le Monde Grec_, pp. 63, 111.

[97] Pls. XXIV., XXV.

[98] Cf. Pls. LX., LXXVIII.

[99] Pl. XXIV. (ii); cf. pp. 121, 265, 289.

[100] Our newest authority for this period is Olmstead, _Western Asia in the Days of Sargon_ (New York, 1908).

[101] If the _Tuna_ of the Assyrians be really _Tyana_, there is clear evidence of Phrygian supremacy there in 714, in the fact that Matti of Tuna disclaimed his allegiance to Assyria and turned to Midas. If, however, Tuna is to be located somewhat further east (cf. the _Tynna_ of Ptolemy V., 6, 22, and Maspero, _The Passing of Empires_, p. 239, note 2), or south-east at Faustinopolis (Ramsay, _Hist. Geog._, p. 68), then the inference is equally clear that the Phrygian sphere reached at least to Tyana, if not beyond. This evidence is supplementary to that of the inscription already mentioned (Pl. XXV.).

[102] Herodotus, iv. 11, 12. We follow the story as worked out by Maspero, _op. cit._, p. 345.

[103] Strabo, XIV. i. 40.

[104] Cf. Maspero, _op. cit._, p. 336; also Sayce, _Empires of the East_, i. p. 427.

[105] Herodotus, i. 7. On the way in which the date is derived, see Schubert, _Gesch. der Könige von Lydien_, p. 8.

[106] For the character of the early names and their relation to the Hittite see Sayce, _loc. cit._; cf. also Hall on _Mursil_ and _Myrtillos_, _Jour. Hell. Stud._, xxix. (1909), pp. 19-22; and on the same point, Winckler in the _Orientalistische Litteratur-Zeitung_, Dec. 1906.

[107] Gelzer, _Das Zeitalter des Gyges_, Rheins. Mus., vol. xxxv. (1880), pp. 520-524; cf. Radet, _La Lydie et le Monde Grec_, etc., pp. 90, 91.

[108] Cf. the position of the Hatti kings, pp. 340, 361 ff.; and of the kings of Comana, of Pontus, and other states (Strabo, Bk. XII. ch. iii. sec. 32). On this subject see also Ramsay, in _Recueil de Travaux_, vol. xiv. pp. 78 ff., on ‘The Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia.’

[109] For the double axe in Hittite symbolism, see Pl. LXV.; and for the relation of the God-of-the-double-axe to Hercules, see pp. 195, 240.

[110] On this question, and on the whole subject of Hittite influence surviving in the civilisations of the western coast, see the brilliant survey by Hogarth, _Ionia and the East_, especially pp. 74 ff. and 101-2.

[111] _Op. cit._, pp. 101-2.

[112] _Excavations at Ephesus_: I. _The Archaic Artemisia_ p. 173.

[113] Above, p. 37; see also below, p. 338, and Pls. LIII., LIV.

[114] Herodotus, i. 76.

[115] On this subject see Mommsen, _The Provinces of the Roman Empire_ (London, 1909), pp. 120, 123.

[116] Pl. LV.

[117] Pl. XXVII.

[118] This place was visited by Drummond, _Travels ... in Parts of Asia to the Euphrates_ (London, 1874), who gives a sketch plan (No. 9 to f. p. 201). Theodoret in his _Ecclesiastical History_ mentions three inscriptions over the gate, as well as a castle, a ‘very superb’ Theatre, a Basilica, Temple, and other buildings; cf. also Maundrell, _A Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem_ (ed. 1799), p. 158.

[119] For these see a paper by the Rev. W. M. Linton Smith, in the _Liv. Annals of Arch._, 1910.

[120] Pl. XXVIII. Cf. the _Mausolée Pyramidal de Maktar_, published by Gauckler, _Les travaux d’Art ... en Tunisie_, in _Revue Générale des Sciences_ (Paris, November 30, 1896), p. 971, fig. 15. Also tombs at Arles and in Algeria, published by Gsell in _Les Monuments Antiques d’Algérie_ (Paris, 1901). For these references we are indebted to Professor Bosanquet.

[121] Pls. XXIX., XXX.

[122] The old Aramæan name for Heliopolis; it is really just south of the historic Hittite frontier in the Lebanon.

[123] For photographs of the ruins and city of Tarsus see Pl. XXII., XXIII.; cf. also Ramsay, _Cities of St. Paul_, Part II., with Pls. II.-V.

[124] See Pl. XXXIV. (ii).

[125] Pls. XXXII., XXXIII.

[126] On the importance of this aspect of study, cf. Frazer, _Adonis, Attis, and Osiris_, in the Preface; and Hogarth in _Authority and Archæology_, 2nd ed. (London, 1899), Preface, vii.

[127] Sayce, _The Hittites_ (London, 1888), 3rd ed., 1902, p. 67.

[128] As well as other sculptured and inscribed stones; see Winckler: Preliminary Report of Excavations at Boghaz Keui, 1907. (_Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft_, No. 35, Dec. 1907), figs. 6, 7, pp. 57, 58.

[129] Hist. Relations of Phrygia and Cappadocia (_Jour. Roy. Asiatic Soc._, xv., Pl. I.), p. 124.

[130] Perrot and Chipiez, _Art in ... Asia Minor_, ii. etc., pp. 214 and ff.; also Hamilton, _Researches_, etc., ii., pp. 350, 351; and _Revue Arch._, 3, v. pp. 257-264, and Pls. XI., XII.