Chapter VII (1)

THE WALAM OLUM: ITS ORIGIN, AUTHENTICITY AND CONTENTS.

Biographical Sketch of Rafinesque--Value of his Writings--His
Account of the WALAM OLUM.--Was it a Forgery?--Rafinesque's
Character--The Text pronounced Genuine by Native
Delawares--Conclusion Reached

Phonetic System of the WALAM OLUM--Metrical Form--Pictographic
System--Derivation and Precise Meaning of WALAM OLUM.--The
MS of the WALAM OLUM--General Synopsis of the WALAM
OLUM--Synopsis of its Parts.

_Rafinesque and his Writings._

Constantine Samuel Rafinesque-Schmaltz, to whom we owe the preservation and first translation of the WALAM OLUM, was born in Galata, a suburb of Constantinople, Oct. 22d, 1783, and died in Philadelphia, of cancer of the stomach, Sept. 18th, 1840.

His first visit to this country was in 1802. He remained until 1804, when he went to Sicily, where he commenced business. As the French were unpopular there, he added "Schmaltz" to his name, for "prudent considerations," that being the surname of his mother's family.

In 1815 he returned to America, but had the misfortune to be shipwrecked on the coast, losing his manuscripts and much of his property. On his arrival, he supported himself by teaching, occupying his leisure time in scientific pursuits and travel. In 1819 he was appointed "Professor of Historical and Natural Sciences," in Transylvania University, Kentucky. This position he was obliged to resign, for technical reasons, in 1826, when he returned to Philadelphia, which city he made his home during the rest of his life.

From his early youth he was an indefatigable student, collector and writer in various branches of knowledge, especially in natural history. On the title-page of the last work that he published, "The Good Book and Amenities of Nature" (Philadelphia, 1840), he claims to be the author of "220 books, pamphlets, essays and tracts." Including his contributions to periodicals, there is no reason to doubt the correctness of this estimate. They began when he was nineteen, and were composed in English, French, Italian and Latin, all of which he wrote with facility.

His earlier essays were principally on botanical subjects; later, he included zoölogy and conchology; and during the last fifteen years of his life the history and antiquities of America appear to have occupied his most earnest attention.

The value of his writings in these various branches has been canvassed by several eminent critics in their respective lines.

First in point of time was Prof. Asa Gray, who in the year following Rafinesque's death published in the "American Journal of Science and Arts," Vol. XI, an analysis of his botanical writings. He awards him considerable credit for his earlier investigations, but much less for his later ones. To quote Dr. Gray's words: "A gradual deterioration will be observed in Rafinesque's botanical writings from 1819 to 1830, when the passion for establishing new genera and species appears to have become a complete _monomania_."[246] But modern believers in the doctrine of the evolution of plant forms and the development of botanical species will incline to think that there was a method in this madness, when they read the passage from Rafinesque's writings, about 1836, which Dr. Gray quotes as conclusively proving that, in things botanical, Rafinesque had lost his wits. It is this: "But it is needless to dispute about new genera, species and varieties. Every variety is a deviation, which becomes a species as soon as it is permanent by reproduction. Deviations in essential organs may thus gradually become new genera." This is really an anticipation of Darwinianism in botany.

The next year, in the same journal, appeared a "Notice of the Zoölogical Writings of the late C. S. Rafinesque," by Prof. S. S. Haldeman. It is, on the whole, depreciatory, and convicts Rafinesque of errors of observation as well as of inference; at the same time, not denying his enthusiasm and his occasional quickness to appreciate zoölogical facts.

In 1864 the conchological writings of Rafinesque were collected and published, in Philadelphia, by A. G. Binney and Geo. W. Tryon, Jr., without comments. One of the editors informs me that they have positive merit, although the author was too credulous and too desirous of novelties.

The antiquarian productions of Rafinesque, which interest us most in this connection, were reviewed with caustic severity by Dr. S. F. Haven,[247] especially the "Ancient Annals of Kentucky", which was printed as an introduction to Marshall's History of that State, in 1824. It is, indeed, an absurd production, a reconstruction of alleged history on the flimsiest foundations; but, alas! not a whit more absurd than the laborious card houses of many a subsequent antiquary of renown.

His principal work in this branch appeared in Philadelphia in 1836, entitled: "The American Nations; or, Outlines of a National History; of the Ancient and Modern Nations of North and South America." It was printed for the author, and is in two parts. Others were announced but never appeared, nor did the maps and illustrations which the title page promised. Its pages are filled with extravagant theories and baseless analogies. In the first part he prints with notes his translation of the THE WALAM OLUM, and his explanation of its significance.

_History of the Walam Olum._

Rafinesque's account of the origin of the THE WALAM OLUM may be introduced by a passage in the last work he published, "The Good Book." In that erratic volume he tells us that he had long been collecting the signs and pictographs current among the North American Indians, and adds:--

"Of these I have now 60 used by the Southern or Floridian Tribes of Louisiana to Florida, based upon their language of Signs--40 used by the Osages and Arkanzas, based on the same--74 used by the Lenàpian (Delaware and akin) tribes in their THE WALAMOLUM or Records--besides 30 simple signs that can be traced out of the NEOBAGUN or Delineation of the Chipwas or Ninniwas, a branch of the last."[248]

In these lines Rafinesque makes an important statement, which has been amply verified by the investigations of Col. Garrick Mallery, Dr. W. J. Hoffman and Capt. W. P. Clark, within the last decade, and that is, that the Indian pictographic system was based on their gesture speech.

So far as I remember, he was the first to perceive this suggestive fact; and he had announced it some time before 1840. Already, in "The American Nations" (1836), he wrote, "the Graphic Signs correspond to these Manual Signs."[249]

Here he anticipates a leading result of the latest archaeological research; and I give his words the greater prominence, because they seem to have been overlooked by all the recent writers on Indian Gesture-speech and Sign-language.

The _Neobagun_, the Chipeway medicine song to which he alludes, is likewise spoken of in "The American Nations," where he says: "The Ninniwas or Chipiwas * * have such painted tales or annals, called Neobagun (male tool) by the former."[250] I suspect he derived his knowledge of this from the Shawnee "Song for Medicine Hunting," called "Nah-o-bah-e-gun-num," or, The Four Sticks, the words and figures of which were appended by Dr. James to Tanner's _Narrative_, published in 1830.[251]

_Discovery of the Walam Olum._

As for the Lenape records, he gives this not very clear account of his acquisition of them:--

"Having obtained, through the late Dr. Ward, of Indiana, some of the original Wallam-Olum (painted record) of the Linàpi Tribe of Wapihani or White River, the translation will be given of the songs annexed to each."[252]

On a later page he wrote:--[253]

"_Olum_ implies _a record, a notched stick_, an engraved piece of wood or bark. It comes from _ol_, hollow or graved record. * * * These actual _olum_ were at first obtained in 1820, as a reward for a medical cure, deemed a curiosity; and were unexplicable. In 1822 were obtained from another individual the songs annexed thereto in the original language; but no one could be found by me able to translate them. I had therefore to learn the language since, by the help of Zeisberger, Heckewelder and a manuscript dictionary, on purpose to translate them, which I only accomplished in 1833. The contents were totally unknown to me in 1824, when I published my 'Annals of Kentucky.'"

I have attempted to identify this "Dr. Ward, of Indiana;" but no such person is known in the early medical annals of that State. There is, however, an old and well-known Kentucky family of that name, who, about 1820, resided, and still do reside, in the neighborhood of Cynthiana. One of these, in 1824-25, was a friend of Rafinesque, invited him to his house, and shared his archaeological tastes, as Rafinesque mentions in his autobiography.[254] It was there, no doubt, that he copied the signs and the original text of the Walam Olum. My efforts to learn further about the originals from living members of the family have been unsuccessful. From a note in Rafinesque's handwriting, on the title page of his MS. of 1833, it would appear that he had at least seen the wooden tablets. This note reads:--

"This Mpt & the wooden original was (_sic_) procured in 1822 in Kentucky--but was inexplicable till a deep study of the Linapi enabled me to translate them with explanations. (Dr. Ward.)"

The name of Dr. Ward added in brackets is, I judge, merely a note, and is not intended to imply that the sentence is a quotation.

_Was it a Forgery?_

The crucial question arises: Was the WALAM OLUM a forgery by Rafinesque?

It is necessary to ask and to answer this question, though it seems, at first sight, an insult to the memory of the man to do so. No one has ever felt it requisite to propound such an inquiry about the pieces of the celebrated Mexican collection of the Chevalier Boturini, who, as an antiquary, was scarcely less visionary than Rafinesque.

But, unquestionably, an air of distrust and doubt shadowed Rafinesque's scientific reputation during his life, and he was not admitted on a favorable footing to the learned circles of the city where he spent the last fifteen years of his life. His articles were declined a hearing in its societies; and the learned linguist, Mr. Peter Stephen Duponceau, whose specialty was the Delaware language, wholly and deliberately ignored everything by the author of "The American Nations."

Why was this?

Rafinesque was poor, eccentric, negligent of his person, full of impractical schemes and extravagant theories, and manufactured and sold in a small way a secret nostrum which he called "pulmel," for the cure of consumption. All these were traits calculated to lower him in the respect of the citizens of Philadelphia, and the consequence was, that although a member of some scientific societies, he seems to have taken no part in their proceedings, and was looked upon as an undesirable acquaintance, and as a sort of scientific outcast.

As early as 1819 Prof. Benjamin Silliman declined to publish contributions from him in the "American Journal of Science,"[255] and returned him his MSS. Dr. Gray strongly intimates that Rafinesque's assertions on scientific matters were at times intentionally false, as when he said that he had seen Robin's collection of Louisiana plants in France, whereas that botanist never prepared dried specimens; and the like.

I felt early in this investigation that Rafinesque's assertions were, therefore, an insufficient warranty for the authenticity of this document.

As I failed in my efforts to substantiate them by local researches in Kentucky and Indiana, I saw that the evidence must come from the text itself. Nor would it be sufficient to prove that the words of the text were in the Lenape dialect. With Zeisberger and Heckewelder at hand, both of whose works had been years in print, it were easy to string together Lenape words.

But what Rafinesque certainly had not the ability to do, was to write a sentence in Lenape, to compose lines which an educated native would recognize as in the syntax of his own speech, though perhaps dialectically different.

This was the test that I determined to apply. I therefore communicated my doubts to my friend, the distinguished linguist, Mr. Horatio Hale, and asked him to state them to the Rev. Albert Anthony, a well educated native Delaware, equally conversant with his own tongue and with English.

Mr. Anthony considered the subject fully, and concluded by expressing the positive opinion that the text as given was a genuine _oral_ composition of a Delaware Indian. In many lines the etymology and syntax are correct; in others there are grammatical defects, which consist chiefly in the omission of terminal inflections.

The suggestion he offered to explain these defects is extremely natural. The person who wrote down this oral explanation of the signs, or, to speak more accurately, these chants which the signs were intended to keep in memory, was imperfectly acquainted with the native tongue, and did not always catch terminal sounds. The speaker also may have used here and there parts of that clipped language, or "white man's Indian," which I have before referred to as serving for the trading tongue between the two races.

This was also the opinion of the Moravian natives who examined the text. They all agreed that it impressed them as being of aboriginal origin, though the difference of the forms of words left them often in the dark as to the meaning.

This very obscurity is in fact a proof that Rafinesque did not manufacture it. Had he done so, he would have used the "Mission Delaware" words which he found in Zeisberger. But the text has quite a number not in that dialect, nor in any of the mission dictionaries.

Moreover, had he taken the words from such sources, he would in his translation have given their correct meanings; but in many instances he is absurdly far from their sense. Thus he writes: "The word for angels, _angelatawiwak_, is not borrowed, but real Linapi, and is the same as the Greek word _angelos_;"[256] whereas it is a verbal with a future sense from the very common Delaware verb _angeln_, to die. Many such examples will be noted in the vocabulary on a later page.

In several cases the figures or symbols appear to me to bear out the corrected translations which I have given of the lines, and not that of Rafinesque. This, it will be observed, is an evidence, not merely that he must have received this text from other hands, but the figures also, and weighs heavily in favor of the authentic character of both.

That it is a copy is also evident from some manifest mistakes in transcription, which Rafinesque preserves in his printed version, and endeavored to translate, not perceiving their erroneous form. Thus, in the fourth line of the first chant, he wrote _owak_, translating it "much air or clouds," when it is clearly a mere transposition for _woak_, the Unami form of the conjunction "and," as the sense requires. No such blunder would appear if he had forged the document. It is true that a goodly share of the words in the earlier chants occur in Zeisberger. Thus it seems, at first sight, suspicious to find the three or four superlatives in III, 5, all given under examples of the superlatives, in Zeisberger's _Grammar_, p. 105. It looks as if they had been bodily transferred into the song. So I thought; but afterwards I found these same superlatives in Heckewelder, who added specifically that "the Delawares had formed them to address or designate the Supreme being."[257]

If we assume that this song is genuine, then Zeisberger was undoubtedly familiar with some version of it; had learned it probably, and placed most of its words in his vocabulary.

Some other collateral evidences of authenticity I have referred to on previous pages (pp. 67, 89, 136).

From these considerations, and from a study of the text, the opinion I have formed of the WALAM OLUM is as follows:--

It is a genuine native production, which was repeated orally to some one indifferently conversant with the Delaware language, who wrote it down to the best of his ability. In its present form it can, as a whole, lay no claim either to antiquity, or to purity of linguistic form. Yet, as an authentic modern version, slightly colored by European teachings, of the ancient tribal traditions, it is well worth preservation, and will repay more study in the future than is given it in this volume. The narrator was probably one of the native chiefs or priests, who had spent his life in the Ohio and Indiana towns of the Lenape, and who, though with some knowledge of Christian instruction, preferred the pagan rites, legends and myths of his ancestors. Probably certain lines and passages were repeated in the archaic form in which they had been handed down for generations.

_Phonetic System._

The phonetic system adopted by the writer, whoever he was, is not that of the Moravian brethren. They employed the German alphabet, which does not obtain in the present text. On this point Rafinesque says: "The orthography of the Linapi names is reduced to the Spanish or French pronunciation, except _sh_, as in English; _u_, as in French; _w_, as in _how_."[258] A comparison of the words with their equivalents in Zeisberger's spelling shows that this is generally true.

It is obvious that the gutturals are few and soft, and that the process of synthesis is carried further than in the Minsi dialect. For this reason, from the introduction of peculiar words, and from the loss of certain grammatical terminations, the Minsi Delawares of to-day, to whom I have submitted it, are of the opinion that it belongs to one of the southern dialects of their nation; perhaps to the Unalachtgo, as suggested by Chief Gabriel Tobias, in his letter printed on a preceding page (p. 88).

_Metrical Form._

Even to an ear not acquainted with the language, the chants of the WALAM OLUM are obviously in metrical arrangement. The rhythm is syllabic and accentual, with frequent effort to select homophones (to which the correct form of the words is occasionally sacrificed), and sometimes alliteration. Iteration is also called in aid, and the metrical scheme is varied in the different chants.

All these rhythmical devices appear in the native American songs of many tribes, though I cannot point to any other strictly aboriginal production in Algonkin, where a tendency toward rhyme is as prominent as in the WALAM OLUM. It is well to remember, however, that our material for comparison is exceedingly scanty, and also that for nearly three fourths of a century before this song was obtained, the music-loving Moravian missionaries had made the Delawares familiar with numerous hymns in their own tongue, correctly framed and rhymed.

_Pictographic System_

The pictographic system which the WALAM OLUM presents is clearly that of the Western Algonkins, most familiar to us through examples from the Chipeways and Shawnees. It is quite likely, indeed, that it was the work of a Shawnee, as we know that they supplied such songs, with symbols, to the Chipeways, and were intimately associated with the Delawares.

At the time Rafinesque wrote, Tanner's _Narrative_ had been in print several years, and the numerous examples of Algonkin pictography it contains were before him. Yet it must be said that the pictographs of the WALAM OLUM have less resemblance to these than to those published by the Chipeway chief, George Copway, in 1850, and by Schoolcraft, in his "History and Statistics of the Indian Tribes." There is generally a distinct, obvious connection between the symbol and the sense of the text, sufficient to recall the latter to one who has made himself once thoroughly familiar with it. I have not undertaken a study of the symbols; but have confined myself to a careful reproduction of them, and the suggestion of their more obvious meanings, and their correspondences with the pictographs furnished by later writers. I shall leave it for others to determine to what extent they should be accepted as a pure specimen of Algonkin pictographic writing.

_Derivation of Walam Olum._

The derivation of the name WALAM OLUM has been largely anticipated on previous pages. I have shown that _wâlâm_ (in modern Minsi, _wâlumin_) means "painted," especially "painted _red_." This is a secondary meaning, as the root wuli conveys the idea of something pleasant, in this connection, pleasant to the eye, fine, pretty. (See ante p. 104.)

_Olum_ was the name of the scores, marks, or figures in use on the tally-sticks or record-boards. The native Delaware missionary, Mr. Albert Anthony says that the knowledge of these ancient signs has been lost, but that the word _olum_ is still preserved by the Delaware boys in their games when they keep the score by notches on a stick. These notches--not the sticks--are called to this day _olum_--an interesting example of the preservation of an archaic form in the language of children.

The name _Wâlâm Olum_ is therefore a highly appropriate one for the record, and may be translated "RED SCORE."

_The MS. of the_ WALAM OLUM.

The MS. from which I have printed the WALAM OLUM is a small quarto of forty unnumbered leaves, in the handwriting of Rafinesque. It is in two parts with separate titles. The first reads:--

WALAMOLUM

First Part of the painted-engraved ║ traditions of the Linni
linapi,&c ║ containing ║ the 3 original traditional poems ║ 1 on the
Creation and Ontogony, 24 verses ║ 2 on the Deluge, &c. 16 v ║ 3 on
the passage to America, 20 v ║ Signs and Verses, 60 ║ with the
original glyphs or signs ║ for each verse of the poems or songs
║ translated word for word ║ by C S Rafinesque ║ 1833

The title of the second part is:--

WALAM-OLUM

First and Second Parts of the ║ Painted and engraved
traditions ║ of the Linni linapi

II Part

Historical Chronicles or Annals ║ in two Chronicles

1 From arrival in America to settlement in Ohio, &c 4 chapters each of 16 verses, each of 4 words, 64 signs

2d From Ohio to Atlantic States and back to Missouri, a mere succession of names in 3 chapters of 20 verses--60 signs

Translated word for word by means of Zeisberger and Linapi Dictionary. With explanations, &c.

By C S Rafinesque 1833

When Rafinesque died, his MSS. were scattered and passed into various hands. Prof. Haldeman, in his notice above referred to (p. 150), stated that he and "Mr. Poulson of Philadelphia" had a large part of them.

This particular one, and also others descriptive of Rafinesque's archaeological explorations in the southwest, his surveys of the earthworks of Kentucky and the neighboring states, and the draft of a work on "The Ancient Monuments of North and South America," came into the possession of the Hon. Brantz Mayer, of Baltimore, distinguished as an able public man and writer on American subjects, from whose family I obtained them.

He loaned them all to Mr. E. G. Squier, who made extensive use of Rafinesque's surveys, in the "Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley," giving due credit.

In June, 1848, Mr. Squier read before the New York Historical Society a paper entitled, "Historical and Mythological Traditions of the Algonquins; with a translation of the 'Walum-Olum,' or Bark Record of the Linni-Lenape." This was published in the "American Review," February, 1849, and has been reprinted by Mr. W. W. Beach, in his "Indian Miscellany" (Albany, 1877), and in the fifteenth edition of Mr. S. G. Drake's "Aboriginal Races of North America."

This paper gave the symbols, original text and Rafinesque's translation of the first two songs, and a free translation only, of the remainder. The text was carelessly copied, whole words being omitted, and no attempt was made to examine the accuracy of the translation; the symbols were also imperfect, several being reversed. Hence, as material for a critical study of the document, Squier's essay is of little value.

At the close of the second part of the MS. there are four pages, closely written, with the title:--

"Fragment on the History of the Linapis since abt 1600 when the _Wallamolum_ closes translated from the Linapi by John Burns."

This was printed by Rafinesque and Squier, but as it has no original text, as nothing is known of "John Burns," and as the document itself, even if reasonably authentic, has no historic value, I omit it.

_General Synopsis of the Walam Olum._

The myths embodied in the earlier portion of the WALAM OLUM are perfectly familiar to one acquainted with Algonkin mythology. They are not of foreign origin, but are wholly within the cycle of the most ancient legends of that stock. Although they are not found elsewhere in the precise form here presented, all the figures and all the leading incidents recur in the native tales picked up by the Jesuit missionaries in the seventeenth century, and by Schoolcraft, McKinney, Tanner and others in later days.

In an earlier chapter I have collected the imperfect fragments of these which we hear of among the Delawares, and these are sufficient to show that they had substantially the same mythology as their western relatives.

The cosmogony describes the formation of the world by the Great Manito, and its subsequent despoliation by the spirit of the waters, under the form of a serpent. The happy days are depicted, when men lived without wars or sickness, and food was at all times abundant. Evil beings, of mysterious power, introduced cold and war and sickness and premature death. Then began strife and long wanderings.

However similar this general outline may be to European and Oriental myths, it is neither derived originally from them, nor was it acquired later by missionary influence. This similarity is due wholly to the identity of psychological action, the same ideas and fancies arising from similar impressions in New as well as Old World tribes. No sound ethnologist, no thorough student in comparative mythology, would seek to maintain a genealogical relation of cultures on the strength of such identities. They are proofs of the oneness of the human mind, and nothing more.

As to the historical portion of the document, it must be judged by such corroborative evidence as we can glean from other sources. I have quoted, in an earlier chapter, sufficient testimony to show that the Lenape had traditions similar to these, extending back for centuries, or at least believed by their narrators to reach that far. What trust can be reposed in them is for the archaeologist to judge.

Authentic history tells us nothing about the migrations of the Lenape before we find them in the valley of the Delaware. There is no positive evidence that they arrived there from the west; still less concerning their earlier wanderings.

Were I to reconstruct their ancient history from the WALAM OLUM, as I understand it, the result would read as follows:--

At some remote period their ancestors dwelt far to the northeast, on tide-water, probably at Labrador (Compare ante, p. 145). They journeyed south and west, till they reached a broad water, full of islands and abounding in fish, perhaps the St. Lawrence about the Thousand Isles. They crossed and dwelt for some generations in the pine and hemlock regions of New York, fighting more or less with the Snake people, and the Talega, agricultural nations, living in stationary villages to the southeast of them, in the area of Ohio and Indiana. They drove out the former, but the latter remained on the upper Ohio and its branches. The Lenape, now settled on the streams in Indiana, wished to remove to the East to join the Mohegans and other of their kin who had moved there directly from northern New York. They, therefore, united with the Hurons (Talamatans) to drive out the Talega (Tsalaki, Cherokees) from the upper Ohio. This they only succeeded in accomplishing finally in the historic period (see ante p. 17). But they did clear the road and reached the Delaware valley, though neither forgetting nor giving up their claims to their western territories (see ante p. 144).

In the sixteenth century the Iroquois tribes seized and occupied the whole of the Susquehanna valley, thus cutting off the eastern from the western Algonkins, and ended by driving many of the Lenape from the west to the east bank of the Delaware (ante p. 38,).

_Synopsis of the separate parts._

I.

The formation of the universe by the Great Manito is described. In the primal fog and watery waste he formed land and sky, and the heavens cleared. He then created men and animals. These lived in peace and joy until a certain evil manito came, and sowed discord and misery.

This canto is a version of the Delaware tradition mentioned in the Heckewelder MSS. which I have given previously, p. 135. The notion of the earth rising from the primal waters is strictly a part of the earliest Algonkin mythology, as I have amply shown in previous discussions of the subject. See my _Myths of the New World_, p. 213, and _American Hero Myths_, Chap. II.

II.

The Evil Manito, who now appears under the guise of a gigantic serpent, determines to destroy the human race, and for that purpose brings upon them a flood of water. Many perish, but a certain number escape to the turtle, that is, to solid land, and are there protected by Nanabush (Manibozho or Michabo). They pray to him for assistance, and he caused the water to disappear, and the great serpent to depart.

This canto is a brief reference to the conflict between the Algonkin hero god and the serpent of the waters, originally, doubtless, a meteorological myth. It is an ancient and authentic aboriginal legend, shared both by Iroquois and Algonkins, under slightly different forms. In one aspect, it is the Flood or Deluge Myth. For the general form of this myth, see my _Myths of the New World_, pp. 119, 143, 182, and _American Hero Myths_, p. 50, and authorities there quoted; also, E. G. Squier, "Manabozho and the Great Serpent; an Algonquin Tradition," in the _American Review_, Vol. II, Oct., 1848.

III.

The waters having disappeared, the home of the tribe is described as in a cold northern clime. This they concluded to leave in search of warmer lands. Having divided their people into a warrior and a peaceful class, they journeyed southward, toward what is called the "Snake land." They approached this land in winter, over a frozen river. Their number was large, but all had not joined in the expedition with equal willingness, their members at the west preferring their ancient seats in the north to the uncertainty of southern conquests. They, however, finally united with the other bands, and they all moved south to the land of spruce pines.

IV.

The first sixteen verses record the gradual conquest of most of the Snake land. It seems to have required the successive efforts of six or seven head chiefs, one after another, to bring this about, probably but a small portion at a time yielding to the attacks of these enemies. Its position is described as being to the southwest, and in the interior of the country. Here they first learned to cultivate maize.

The remainder of the canto is taken up with a long list of chiefs, and with the removal of the tribe, in separate bands and at different times, to the east. In this journey from the Snake land to the east, they encountered and had long wars with the Talega. These lived in strong towns, but by the aid of the Hurons (Talamatans), they overcame them and drove them to the south.

V.

Having conquered the Talegas, the Lenape possessed their land and that of the Snake people, and for a certain time enjoyed peace and abundance. Then occurred a division of their people, some, as Nanticokes and Shawnees, going to the south, others to the west, and later, the majority toward the east, arriving finally at the Salt sea, the Atlantic ocean. Thence a portion turned north and east, and encountered the Iroquois. Still later, the three sub-tribes of the Lenape settled themselves definitely along the Delaware river, and received the geographical names by which they were known, as Minsi, Unami and Unalachtgo (see ante, p. 36). They were often at war with the Iroquois, generally successfully. Rumors of the whites had reached them, and finally these strangers approached the river, both from the north (New York bay) and the south. Here the song closes.

FOOTNOTES:

[246] _American Journal of Science_, Vol. XL, p. 237.

[247] Samuel F. Haven, _Archaeology of the United States_, p. 40.

[248] _The Good Book; or the Amenities of Nature. Printed for the Eleutherium of Knowledge_. Philadelphia, 1840, pp. 77, 78. This "Eleutherium," so far as I can learn, consisted of nobody but Monsieur Rafinesque himself. Among his manifold projects was a "Divitial System", by which all interested could soon become large capitalists. He published a book on it (of course), which might be worth the attention of a financial economist. The solid men of Philadelphia, however, like its scholars, turned a deaf ear to the words of the eccentric foreigner.

[249] _The American Nations_, etc., p. 78.

[250] Ibid, p. 123.

[251] Tanner's _Narrative_, p. 359.

[252] _American Nations_, p. 122.

[253] Ibid, p. 151.

[254] "My friend, Mr. Ward, took me to Cynthiana in a gig, where I surveyed other ancient monuments." Rafinesque, _A Life of Travels and Researches_, p. 74. (Phila., 1836.)

[255] _American Journal of Science_, Vol. XL, p. 237, note.

[256] The American Nations, p. 151.

[257] _Correspondence between the Rev. John Heckewelder and Peter S Duponceau, Esq._, p. 410.

[258] _The American Nations_, p. 125.

THE WALUM OLUM
or
RED SCORE,
of the
LENÂPÉ.

I.

2. Hackung kwelik owanaku wak yutali Kitanitowit-essop.

3. Sayewis hallemiwis nolemiwi elemamik Kitanitowit-es-sop.

4. Sohalawak kwelik hakik owak[259] awasagamak.

5. Sohalawak gishuk nipahum alankwak.

6. Wemi-sohalawak yulik yuchaan.

7. Wich-owagan kshakan moshakwat[260] kwelik kshipe-helep.

8. Opeleken mani-menak delsin-epit.]

1. At first, in that place, at all times, above the earth,

2. On the earth, [was] an extended fog, and there the great Manito was.

3. At first, forever, lost in space, everywhere, the great Manito was.

4. He made the extended land and the sky.

5. He made the sun, the moon, the stars.

6. He made them all to move evenly.

7. Then the wind blew violently, and it cleared, and the water flowed off far and strong.

8. And groups of islands grew newly, and there remained

10. Owiniwak angelatawiwak chichankwak wemiwak.

11. Wtenk manito jinwis lennowak mukom.

12. Milap netami gaho owini gaho.

13. Namesik milap, tulpewik milap, awesik milap, cholensak milap.

14. Makimani shak sohalawak makowini nakowak amangamek.]

9. Anew spoke the great Manito, a manito to manitos,

10. To beings, mortals, souls and all,

11. And ever after he was a manito to men, and their grandfather.

12. He gave the first mother, the mother of beings.

13. He gave the fish, he gave the turtles, he gave the beasts, he gave the birds.

14. But an evil Manito made evil beings only, monsters,

16. Nitisak wemi owini w delsinewuap.

17. Kiwis, wunand wishimanitoak essopak

18. Nijini netami lennowak, ni goha netami okwewi nan tinewak.

19. Gattamin netami mitzi nijini nantine.

20. Wemi wingi-namenep, wemi ksin-elendamep, wemi wullatemanuwi.

21. Shukand eli-kimi mekenikink wakon powako init'ako.]

15. He made the flies, he made the gnats.

16. All beings were then friendly.

17. Truly the manitos were active and kindly

18. To those very first men, and to those first mothers; fetched them wives,

19. And fetched them food, when first they desired it.

20. All had cheerful knowledge, all had leisure, all thought in gladness.

21. But very secretly an evil being, a mighty magician, came on earth,

23. Maktapan payat, wihillan payat, mboagan payat.

24. Won wemi wiwunch kamik atak kitahikan netamaki epit.]

II.

2. Maskanako shingalusit nijini essopak shawelendamep eken shingalan.

3. Nishawi palliton, nishawi machiton, nishawi matta lungundowin.

4. Mattapewi wiki nihanlowit mekwazoan.]

22. And with him brought badness, quarreling, unhappiness,

23. Brought bad weather, brought sickness, brought death.

24. All this took place of old on the earth, beyond the great tide-water, at the first.

1. Long ago there was a mighty snake and beings evil to men.

2. This mighty snake hated those who were there (and) greatly disquieted those whom he hated.

3. They both did harm, they both injured each other, both were not in peace.

4. Driven from their homes they fought with this murderer.

6. Nakowa petonep, amangam petonep, akopehella petonep.

7. Pehella pehella, pohoka pohoka, eshohok eshohok, palliton palliton.

8. Tulapit menapit Nanaboush maskaboush owinimokom linowimokom.

9. Gishikin-pommixin tulagis-hatten-lohxin.

10. Owini linowi wemoltin, Pehella gahani pommixin, Nahiwi tatalli tulapin.]

5. The mighty snake firmly resolved to harm the men.

6. He brought three persons, he brought a monster, he brought a rushing water.

7. Between the hills the water rushed and rushed, dashing through and through, destroying much.

8. Nanabush, the Strong White One, grandfather of beings, grandfather of men, was on the Turtle Island.

9. There he was walking and creating, as he passed by and created the turtle.

10. Beings and men all go forth, they walk in the floods and shallow waters, down stream thither to the Turtle Island.

12. Manito-dasin mokol-wichemap, Palpal payat payat wemichemap.

13. Nanaboush Nanaboush wemimokom, Winimokom linnimokom tulamokom.

14. Linapi-ma tulapi-ma tulapewi tapitawi.

15. Wishanem tulpewi pataman tulpewi poniton wuliton.

16. Kshipehelen penkwihilen, Kwamipokho sitwalikho, Maskan wagan palliwi palliwi.]

III.

2. Topan-akpinep, wineu-akpinep, kshakan-akpinep, thupin akpinep.]

11. There were many monster fishes, which ate some of them.

12. The Manito daughter, coming, helped with her canoe, helped all, as they came and came.

13. [And also] Nanabush, Nanabush, the grandfather of all, the grandfather of beings, the grandfather of men, the grandfather of the turtle.

14. The men then were together on the turtle, like to turtles.

15. Frightened on the turtle, they prayed on the turtle that what was spoiled should be restored.

16. The water ran off, the earth dried, the lakes were at rest, all was silent, and the mighty snake departed.

1. After the rushing waters (had subsided) the Lenape of the turtle were close together, in hollow houses, living together there.

2. It freezes where they abode, it snows where they abode, it storms where they abode, it is cold where they abode.

4. Chintanes-sin powalessin peyachik wikhichik pokwihil.

5. Eluwi-chitanesit eluwi takau wesit, elowi chiksit, elowichik delsinewo.

6. Lowaniwi, wapaniwi shawaniwi, wunkeniwi, elowichik apakachik.

7. Lumowaki, lowanaki tulpenaki elowaki tulapiwi lina-piwi.

8. Wemiako yagawan tendki lakkawelendam nakopowa wemi owenluen atam.

9. Akhokink wapaneu wemoltin palliaal kitelendam aptelendam.]

3. At this northern place they speak favorably of mild, cool (lands), with many deer and buffaloes.

4. As they journeyed, some being strong, some rich, they separated into house-builders and hunters;

5. The strongest, the most united, the purest, were the hunters.

6. The hunters showed themselves at the north, at the east, at the south, at the west.

7. In that ancient country, in that northern country, in that turtle country, the best of the Lenape were the Turtle men.

8. All the cabin fires of that land were disquieted, and all said to their priest, "Let us go".

9. To the Snake land to the east they went forth, going away, earnestly grieving.

nungihillan lusasaki pikihil pokwihil akomenaki.

11. Nihillapewin komelendam lowaniwi wemiten chihillen winiaken.

12. Namesuagipek pokhapockhapek guneunga waplanewa ouken waptumewi ouken.

13. Amokolon nallahemen agunouken pawasinep wapasinep akomenep.[262]

14. Wihlamokkicholenluchundi, Wematam akomen luchundi.

15. Witehen wemiluen wemaken nihillen.

16. Nguttichin lowaniwi,
Nguttichin wapaniwi,
Agamunk topanpek
Wulliton epannek.

17. Wulelemil w'shakuppek,
Wemopannek hakhsinipek,
Kitahikan pokhakhopek.]

10. Split asunder, weak, trembling, their land burned, they went, torn and broken, to the Snake Island.

11. Those from the north being free, without care, went forth from the land of snow, in different directions.

12. The fathers of the Bald Eagle and the White Wolf remain along the sea, rich in fish and muscles.

13. Floating up the streams in their canoes, our fathers were rich, they were in the light, when they were at those islands.

14. Head Beaver and Big Bird said, "Let us go to Snake Island," they said.

15. All say they will go along to destroy all the land.

16. Those of the north agreed,
Those of the east agreed.
Over the water, the frozen sea,
They went to enjoy it.

17. On the wonderful, slippery water,
On the stone-hard water all went,
On the great Tidal Sea, the muscle-bearing sea.

19. Lowanapi, wapanapi, shawa-napi,
Lanewapi, tamakwapi, tume-wapi,
Elowapi, powatapi, wilawapi,
Okwisapi, danisapi, allumapi,

20. Wemipayat gunéunga shinaking,
Wunkenapi chanelendam payaking,
Allowelendam kowiyey tulpaking.]

IV.

2. Wapallanewa sittamaganat yukepechi wemima,

3. Akhomenis michihaki wellaki kundokanup.]

18. Ten thousand at night,
All in one night,
To the Snake Island, to the east, at night,
They walk and walk, all of them.

19. The men from the north, the east, the south,
The Eagle clan, the Beaver clan, the Wolf clan,
The best men, the rich men, the head men,
Those with wives, those with daughters, those with dogs,

20. They all come, they tarry at the land of the spruce pines;
Those from the west come with hesitation,
Esteeming highly their old home at the Turtle land.

1. Long ago the fathers of the Lenape were at the land of spruce pines.

2. Hitherto the Bald Eagle band had been the pipe bearer,

3. While they were searching for the Snake Island, that great and fine land.

5. Wemilo kolawil sakima lissilma.

6. Akhopayat kihillalend akhopokho askiwaal.

7. Showihilla akhowemi gandhaton mashkipokhing.

8. Wtenkolawil shinaking sakimanep wapagokhos.

9. Wtenk nekama sakimanep janotowi enolowin.

10. Wtenk nekama sakimanep chilili shawaniluen.]

4. They having died, the hunters, about to depart, met together.

5. All say to Beautiful Head, "Be thou chief."

6. "Coming to the Snakes, slaughter at that Snake hill, that they leave it."

7. All of the Snake tribe were weak, and hid themselves in the Swampy Vales.

8. After Beautiful Head, White Owl was chief at Spruce Pine land.

9. After him, Keeping-Guard was chief of that people.

10. After him, Snow Bird was chief, he spoke of the south,

12. Shawaniwaen chilili, wapaniwaen tamakwi.

13. Akolaki shawanaki, kitshinaki shabiyaki.

14. Wapanaki namesaki, pemapaki sisilaki.

15. Wtenk chilili sakimanep ayamek weminilluk.

16. Chikonapi akhonapi makatapi assinapi.

17. Wtenk ayamek tellen sakimak machi tonanup shawapama.]

11. That our fathers should possess it by scattering abroad.

12. Snow Bird went south, White Beaver went east.

13. The Snake land was at the south, the great Spruce Pine land was toward the shore;

14. To the east was the Fish land, toward the lakes was the buffalo land.

15. After Snow Bird, the Seizer was chief, and all were killed,

16. The robbers, the snakes, the evil men, the stone men.

* * * * *

17. After the Seizer there were ten chiefs, and there was much warfare south and east.

19. Wtenk nekama sakimanep tasukamend shakagapipi.

20. Wtenk nekama sakimanep pemaholend wuhtowin.

21. Sagimawtenk matemik, sagimawtenk pilsohalm.

22. Sagimawtenk gunokeni, sagimawtenk mangipitak.

23. Sagimawtenk olumapi, leksahowen sohalawak.

24. Sagimawtenk taguachi shawamwaen mmihaking.

25. Sakimawtenk huminiend mimgeman sohalgol.]

18. After them, the Peaceable was chief at Snake land.

19. After him, Not-Black was chief, who was a straight man.

20. After him, Much-Loved was chief, a good man.

21. After him, No-Blood was chief, who walked in cleanliness.

22. After him, Snow-Father was chief, he of the big teeth.

23. After him, Tally-Maker was chief, who made records.

24. After him, Shiverer-with-Cold was chief, who went south to the corn land.

25. After him, Corn-Breaker was chief, who brought about the planting of corn.

27. Sawkima tenk shiwapi, sakimatenk penkwonwi.

28. Attasokelan attaminin wapaniwaen italissipek.

29. Oligonunk sisilaking nallimetzin kolakwammg.

30. Wtenk penkwonwi wekwochella, wtenk nekama chingalsuwi.

31. Wtenk nekama kwitikwond, slangelendam attagatta,

32. Wundanuksm wapanickam[263] allendyachick kimimikwi.

33. Gunehunga wetatamowi wakaholend sakimalanop.]

26. After him, the Strong-Man was chief, who was useful to the chieftains.

27. After him, the Salt-Man was chief; after him the Little-One was chief.

28. There was no rain, and no corn, so they moved further seaward.

29. At the place of caves, in the buffalo land, they at last had food, on a pleasant plain.

30. After the Little-One (came) the Fatigued; after him, the Stiff-One.

31. After him, the Reprover; disliking him, and unwilling (to remain),

32. Being angry, some went off secretly, moving east.

33. The wise ones who remained made the Loving-One chief.

35. Weminitis tamenend sakimanep nekohatami.

36. Eluwiwulit matemenend wemi linapi nitis payat.

37. Wtenk wulitma maskansisil sakimanep w'tamaganat.

38. Machigokloos sakimanep, wapkicholen sakimanep.

39. Wingenund sakimanep powatanep gentikalanep.

40. Lapawin sakimanep, waliama sakimanep.

41. Waptipatit sakimanep, lappi mahuk lowashawa.]

34. They settled again on the Yellow river, and had much corn on stoneless soil.

35. All being friendly, the Affable was chief, the first of that name.

36. He was very good, this Affable, and came as a friend to all the Lenape.

37. After this good one, Strong-Buffalo was chief and pipe-bearer.

38. Big-Owl was chief; White-Bird was chief.

39. The Willing-One was chief and priest, he made festivals.

40. Rich-Again was chief, the Painted-One was chief.

41. White-Fowl was chief; again there was war, north and south.

43. Nitatonep wemi palliton maskansim nihillanep.

44. Messissuwi sakimanep akowmi pallitonep.

45. Chitanwulit sakimanep lowanuski pallitonep.

46. Alokuwi sakimanep towakon pallitonep.

47. Opekasit sakimanep sakhelendam pallitonepit.

48. Wapagishik yuknohokluen makeluhuk wapaneken.

49. Tsehepieken nemassipi[264] nolandowak gunehunga.]

42. The Wolf-wise-in-Counsel was chief.

43. He knew how to make war on all; he slew Strong-Stone.

44. The Always-Ready-One was chief; he fought against the Snakes.

45. The Strong-Good-One was chief; he fought against the northerners.

46. The Lean-One was chief; he fought against the Tawa people.

47. The Opossum-Like was chief; he fought in sadness,

48. And said, "They are many; let us go together to the east, to the sunrise."

49. They separated at Fish river; the lazy ones remained there.

51. Chitanitis sakimanep wapawaki gotatamen.

52. Wapallendi pomismep talegawil allendhilla.

53. Mayoksuwi wemilowi palliton palliton.

54. Talamatan nitilowan payatchik wemiten.

55. Kinehepend sakimanep tamaganat sipakgamen.

56. Wulatonwi makelima pallihilla talegawik.

57. Pimokhasuwi sakimanep wsamimaskan talegawik.

58. Tenchekentit sakimanep wemilat makelinik.]

50. Cabin-Man was chief; the Talligewi possessed the east.

51. Strong-Friend was chief; he desired the eastern land.

52. Some passed on east; the Talega ruler killed some of them.

53. All say, in unison, "War, war".

54. The Talamatan, friends from the north, come, and all go together.

55. The Sharp-One was chief; he was the pipe-bearer beyond the river.

56. They rejoiced greatly that they should fight and slay the Talega towns.

57. The Starrer was chief, the Talega towns were too strong.

58. The Fire-Builder was chief; they all gave to him many towns.

60. Hattan wulaton sakimanep, wingelendam wemi lennowak.

61. Shawanipekis gunehungind lowanipekis talamatanitis.

62. Attabchinitis gishelendam gunitakan sakimanep.

63. Linniwulamen sakimanep pallitonep talamatan.

64. Shakagapewi sakimanep nungiwi talamatan.]

V.

2. Tamaganend sakimanep wapalaneng.

3. Wapushuwi sakimanep kelitgeman.]

59. The Breaker-in-Pieces was chief; all the Talega go south.

60. He-has-Pleasure was chief; all the people rejoice.

61. They stay south of the lakes; the Talamatan friends north of the lakes.

62. When Long-and-Mild was chief, those who were not his friends conspired.

63. Truthful-Man was chief; the Talamatans made war.

64. Just-and-True was chief; the Talamatans trembled.

1. All were peaceful, long ago, there at the Talega land.

2. The Pipe-Bearer was chief at the White river.

3. White-Lynx was chief; much corn was planted.

5. Lekhihitin sakimanep wallamolumin.

6. Kolachuisen sakimanep makeliming.

7. Pematalli sakimanep makelinik.

8. Pepomahenem sakimanep makelaning.

9. Tankawon sakimanep makeleyachik.

10. Nentegowi shawanowi shawanaking.

11. Kichitamak sakimanep wapahoning.

12. Onowutok awolagan wunkenahep.

13. Wunpakitonis wunshawononis wunkiwikwotank.]

4. Good-and-Strong was chief, the people were many.

5. The Recorder was chief, he painted the records.

6. Pretty-Blue-Bird was chief, there was much fruit.

7. Always-There was chief, the towns were many.

8. Paddler-up-Stream was chief, he was much on the rivers.

9. Little-Cloud was chief, many departed,

10. The Nanticokes and the Shawnees going to the south.

11. Big-Beaver was chief, at the White Salt Lick.

12. The Seer, the praised one, went to the west.

13. He went to the west, to the southwest, to the western villages.

15. Lokwelend sakimanep makpalliton.

16. Lappi towako lappi sinako lappi lowako.

17. Mokolmokom sakimanep mokolakolin.

18. Winelowich sakimanep lowushkakiang.

19. Linkwekinuk sakimanep talegachukang.

20. Wapalawikwan sakimanep waptalegawing.

* * * * *

21. Amangaki amigaki wapakisinep.

22. Mattakohaki mapawaki mawulitenol.]

14. The Rich-Down-River-Man was chief, at Talega river.

15. The Walker was chief; there was much War.

16. Again with the Tawa people, again with the Stone people, again with the northern people.

17. Grandfather-of-Boats was chief, he went to lands in boats.

18. Snow-Hunter was chief; he went to the north land.

19. Look-About was chief; he went to the Talega mound-mountains.

20. East-Villager was chief; he was east of Talega.

* * * * *

21. A great land and a wide land was the east land,

22. A land without snakes, a rich land, a pleasant land.

24. Saskwihanang hanaholend sakimanep.

25. Gattawisi sakimanep winakaking.

26. Wemi lowichik gishikshawipek lappi kichipek.

27. Makhiawip sakimanep lapihaneng.

28. Wolomenap sakimanep maskekitong.

29. Wapanand tumewand waplowaan.

30. Wulitpallat sakimanep piskwilowan.

31. Mahongwi pungelika wemi nungwi.]

23. Great Fighter was chief, toward the north.

24. At the Straight river, River-Loving was chief.

25. Becoming-Fat was chief at Sassafras land.

26. All the hunters made wampum again at the great sea.

27. Red-Arrow was chief at the stream again.

28. The Painted-Man was chief at the Mighty Water.

29. The Easterners and the Wolves go northeast.

30. Good-Fighter was chief, and went to the north.

31. The Mengwe, the Lynxes, all trembled.

33. Wemi nitis wemi takwicken sakima kichwon.

36. Kichitamak sakimanep winakununda.

37. Wapahakey sakimanep sheybian.

38. Elangomel sakimanep makeliwulit.

39. Pitenumen sakimanep unchihillen.

40. Wonwihil wapekunchi wapsipayat.

* * * * *

41. Makelomush sakimanep wulatenamen.]

32. Again an Affable was chief, and made peace with all,

33. All were friends, all were united, under this great chief.

36. Great-Beaver was chief, remaining in Sassafras land.

37. White-Body was chief on the sea shore.

38. Peace-Maker was chief, friendly to all.

39. He-Makes-Mistakes was chief, hurriedly coming.

40. At this time whites came on the Eastern sea.

* * * * *

41. Much-Honored was chief; he was prosperous.

43. Otaliwako akowetako ashkipalliton.

44. Wapagamoshki sakimanep lamatanitis.

45. Wapashum sakimanep talegawunkik.

46. Mahiliniki mashawoniki makonowiki.

47. Nitispayat sakimanep kipemapekan,

48. Wemiamik weminitik kiwikhotan.

49. Pakimitzin sakimanep tawanitip.]

42. Well-Praised was chief; he fought at the south.

43. He fought in the land of the Talega and Koweta.

44. White-Otter was chief; a friend of the Talamatans.

45. White-Horn was chief; he went to the Talega,

46. To the Hilini, to the Shawnees, to the Kanawhas.

47. Coming-as-a-Friend was chief; he went to the Great Lakes,

48. Visiting all his children, all his friends.

49. Cranberry-Eater was chief, friend of the Ottawas.

51. Tashawinso sakimanep shayabing.

52. Nakhagatfamen nakhalissin wenchikit,

52. _bis._ Unamini minsimini chikimini.

53. Epallahchund sakimanep mahongwipallat.

54. Langomuwi sakimanep mahongwichamen.

55. Wangomend sakimanep ikalawit,

56. Otahwi wasiotowi shingalusit.]

50. North-Walker was chief; he made festivals.

51. Slow-Gatherer was chief at the shore.

52. As three were desired, three those were who grew forth,

52. _bis._ The Unami, the Minsi, the Chikini.

53. Man-Who-Fails was chief; he fought the Mengwe.

54. He-is-Friendly was chief; he scared the Mengwe.

55. Saluted was chief; thither,

56. Over there, on the Scioto, he had foes.

58. Ncnachihat sakimanep peklinkwekin.

59. Wonwihil lowashawa wapayachik.

60. Langomuwak kitohatewa ewenikiktit?]

57. White-Crab was chief, a friend of the shore.

58. Watcher was chief, he looked toward the sea.

59. At this time, from north and south, the whites came.

60. They are peaceful, they have great things, who are they?

FOOTNOTES:

[259] Read, _woak_.

[260] Var _moshalguat_.

[261] Var. _showoken_.

[262] Var. _menakinep_.

[263] Var _wapanahan_.

[264] Var _mixtisipi_.

NOTES

The references to authorities on Algonkin picture-writing are the Appendix to _Tanner's Narrative of Captivity and Adventures_, Copway's _Traditional History of the Ojibway Nation_, and Schoolcraft's _Synopsis of Indian Symbols_, in Vol. I of his _History and Statistics of the Indian Tribes_. I have not pursued an investigation of the symbols beyond the first chant.

1. Rafinesque translates _wemiguna_ "all sea water." The proper form is _wemmguna_, "at all times" (Anthony). The symbol is that of the sky and clouds above the earth. Compare Copway, p. 134; Schoolcraft, _Synopsis_, Fig. 17.

2. _Kwelik_, a dialectic form of _quenek_, Z. long, stretched out. _Kitanito_, a compound of _kehtan_, great, and _manito_, mysterious being, is rendered by Raf. as Creator; _wit_ is the substantive verbaffix.

Heckewelder (MSS.) distinguishes between the synthetic form, _ketanittowit_, which he translates "Majestic Being," and the analytic form, _kitschi manito_, which he renders "Supreme Wonder-doer." In the latter, the sense of _manito_ is brought out. In the Delaware and related dialects it conveys the idea of making, or doing (_maniton_, to make, Zeisberger, _Gram._, p. 222; _maranito taendo_, make a fire, Campamus; Chipeway, _win ma-nitawito_ he himself makes it, or, can make it).

The idea of making or creating is at the bottom of many native titles to supernatural powers, as the Shawnee _We-shellaqua_, "he that made us all." (Rev. David Jones, Journal of Two Visits, etc., p. 62.) See notes to line four. The Algonkin root, _etu_, he does, he acts, he makes, would therefore seem to be a radical of the word. (See Howse, _Gram. of the Cree Lang_., p. 160.)