Chapter XIII: Part 13

It is clear that the Swiss were regarded by the Saxons as radical stormers, unprincipled innovators, who, amid their mountains and their republican affairs had forgotten all respect for law and order. "I am sick;" wrote Melanchton to one friend, "an indescribable anguish of soul torments me; I can scarcely breathe. Thou knowest wherefore. The Elbe has fearfully overflowed its banks. Even in Hesse I saw a great stone torn out of the side-walk of a church by the might of the floods, as though done by the contrivances of art. Still other signs happen. Christ defend us!" and to another: "Rather would I die, than live to see this Zwinglian affair pollute our just cause." Luther spoke thus against the _landgrave_ himself: "I know well what the devil is after. God grant I may be no prophet; for if it were not a false trick, but a real purpose among them to seek peace, they would not attempt it in such a glorious fashion through great and mighty princes; for we, by God's grace, are not so savage and wild, that they could not long ago have tendered to us, as they yet can, the humble endeavors for peace, of which they boast; but I know that I will not basely give way to them. I cannot; because I am so fully persuaded that they err, and are themselves, moreover, unsettled in their opinions." At last, Melanchton made the proposal to invite some Papists to the Conference as witnesses, though in fact rather to pave the way for their final consent; and for a long while yet, both he and Luther wished to have [OE]colampadius as an opponent, and protested against the appearance of Zwingli.

But such spectres were not visible to the _landgrave_ Philip. He was one of those princes, who, conscious of their own power and of love to their people, by whom in turn they are beloved, can look without fear even on republican affairs; a man in whom faith lived, and who without hesitation, therefore, suffered the spirit to live; and, acting thus, hoped, with youthful assurance, to calm down the violent combatants by his influence, if he could only get a personal interview with them. This appears best from his own words: "Dear Master Erhard," so he wrote some years after this period, to another of the zealots in the Eucharistic controversy, the Wuertemberg preacher, Erhard Schnepf, "I hear that you will not leave Blarer (preacher at Constance) unmolested in the confession, with which Luther and Philip (Melanchton) are still satisfied, but press upon him with sophistical language, and have made many persons anxious lest you would break down more than you build up, which I myself do not yet accuse you of, but should it happen, it will grieve many a pious man. Hence, it is my prayer, that you will proceed gently; be no disputer of words, but a promoter of faith, love and good works, and not, as the old proverb says, 'raise a spoon and break a bowl;' for you might have a zeal, when you have reached a sure understanding, to press it upon others and yet not reach the heart; and besides, to speak humanly, do great injury to the Gospel; as, for example, many pious people might be brought thereby to persecution and ruin, when the matter was not even worth talking about. Therefore proceed wisely, that you may not become a partaker of such blood and such destruction. It will not do to plunge thus into matters. The Apostles acted prudently; they did not thus reject people for trifling errors. I point this out to you, as one, who heartily desires you to treat of things, that will promote the cause of the Gospel, unity, and love also. Understand yourself, and do not go further than God allows. Let not the old Adam lord it over the new. You have not been preaching long. It is needful to exhort you. Adieu."

Guided by such a noble endeavor to restore harmony among the Protestants, he pursued his mark with unwearied zeal, and obtained the consent of the Elector of Saxony, (who now required his learned men to attend the Conference), and at length that also of Luther and Melanchton, who, under date of July 8th, 1529, wrote to him as follows: "Since Your Princely Grace has received our two letters, and still insist upon our coming to Marburg, in the confident hope that concord will result from it, we wish with a cheerful and ready mind to contribute our part thereto, and by God's grace, if sound and well, will appear at Marburg on the day appointed. The Father of all mercy and unity grant His spirit that we may come together not in vain--for profit and not injury. Amen. Christ be Your Princely Grace's Governor and Guide!"

Zwingli also, when Philip had repeated the invitation to Marburg and pledged himself for the security of the journey, set out. He ventured to say nothing to the government; had even entreated the _landgrave_ to confine his request to the Privy Council. On the first day after his departure, he began a letter to the Council, in which he apologises for not communicating the request to them, and says in addition: "It was not done with any intention to slight your Worships, but in order to discharge my duties with greater fidelity to you, since I foresaw you would not grant me permission, because of the interest you take in my welfare; for the distance by the route we go is 60 miles,[7] and the place strange to us on account of its religion, though secure enough, being in the territory of the _landgrave_, and the learned there all hostile to us, and our number is only three. So also friends, in whom we could confide, are few, from Zurich until very far down the Rhine. Yet it would not be right for me to remain away, since by this the whole plan would be frustrated, and many excellent men of the opposition brought thither on a fruitless journey. Then it would be interpreted, as if we were afraid of a friendly conference. Therefore, I pray your Worships, in the most humble manner, not to take my going off amiss, for I was loth to hear others despise you; and remember too that my staying away might result in injury to the truth and the disparagement of your good name. Otherwise you may hope in God, that we, by His aid, will give a faithful, undaunted support to the truth and bring no scandal on our church." He then apologized likewise for the departure of Collin, the professor of the Greek language, whom he had taken with him asked, since Basel had granted a member of the Council to [OE]colampadius, that the same might be done for his assistance; and nominated the treasurer, Ulric Funk, on account of his cleverness and knowledge of the Latin language, who, as soon as he had received permission, hastened to join him. Immediately after his departure from Zurich, his enemies crept out of their hiding-places. Nonsensical reports were circulated. "He has run away with a party of rogues," said some; the "Devil has carried him off," said others. In Basel they met [OE]colampadius and the deputy of the Council, Rudolph Frei. The plan was, that from thence he should proceed along with [OE]colampadius by water to Strassburg. He asked for a moderate advance of money; because riding "on a hired horse cost a great deal," he would be obliged to buy one at Strassburg, which would leave him little for the expenses of the journey, and then, being compelled to borrow, would "become a laughing-stock." "To my wife," he concluded, "let Master Stall tell as much of the matter as a woman ought to know, for when I left her, I said no more than that I was going to Basel on business." In Basel, where he tarried nearly two weeks, he preached to a great concourse of people. The time was also employed by him in political negotiation. This imperial city desired then admission into the Christian _Buergerrecht_ on the same terms as Constance. The mayor, Sturm, likewise invited to the Conference by the _landgrave_, along with Bucer and Hedio, was an experienced statesman, and not without influence at the Imperial Diet. He had connections in France. Reports had been received concerning the reconciliation of the Emperor with the Pope, against whom he had been carrying on war, and his arrival in Italy and the general sweeping measures toward the Protestants, to be apprehended from this combination of spiritual and temporal power. They were communicated confidentially to the Zurichers. Some of them Zwingli wrote down. The most important he sent to the Privy Council with the postscript: "This comes from the real cabinet of art." "Were it not wicked," he again wrote from Strassburg, "we might encourage the Venetians to withstand them so boldly, that the Emperor would be finished in Italy, and not able to escape over the mountains." On the 18th of September they left the city and, by a circuitous route, which they had to choose for safety, reached Marburg on the 29th. The day after, the Saxon scholars, Luther, Melanchton, Justus Jonas, from Wittemberg, and several others, made their appearance. From Nuremberg, came Andrew Osiander; from Swabian Halle, John Brenz; from Augsburg, Stephen Agricola; all likewise invited by the _landgrave_. In an humble letter, signed "Your Princely Grace's obedient servant and poor little worm," Carlstadt also begged for admission, but received a polite refusal. The entire company was lodged in the castle. A Latin poem written by Professor Curicius conjured them to begin the Conference with such calmness, and prosecute it with such dignity, that the world may know the Spirit of God had presided over it.

Strangers from various countries had arrived in considerable numbers; but no one received admittance, except those who were invited; the Duke of Wuertemberg, the Count of Fuerstenberg, several courtiers, the professors of the University and the Hessian preachers. Zwingli's request, that the proceedings should be written down by secretaries under oath, and the Latin language used, was declined by the _landgrave_; likewise the wish of Luther and Melanchton, for the aid of respectable Papists. Immediately after his arrival, Luther had received a visit of courtesy from [OE]colampadius, Bucer and Hedio; Zwingli remained without a greeting from the side of his opponents. Justus Jonas studied physiognomy and manners. He pretended "to see in Zwingli a certain tincture of rustic arrogance; in [OE]colampadius a wonderfully mild nature; in Hedio, no less humanity and liberal culture; in Bucer, under the mantle of sagacity and penetration, fox-like cunning."

On the 20th of September, the _landgrave_ first joined his guests at the supper-table. Here he expressed the wish that on the following morning Luther would hold a special conversation with [OE]colampadius and Zwingli with Melanchton. He hoped by thus placing a vehement character over against a gentle one in each case, to render the after approach of the chief combatants more easy perhaps. The Saxons were the complainants. They accused the Swiss of errors in various points. But everything soon gave way to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. For three hours Luther tried his fortune with [OE]colampadius, and Melanchton with Zwingli for six. Agreement continued impossible. Yet Luther sent the news in a letter, that the conflict had been carried on in separate chambers, in a friendly tone.

On the morning of the 2d of October, at six o'clock, the discussion began in the presence of from 50 to 60 persons, invited or admitted, in the Hall of the Knights. At a special table, opposite to Zwingli and [OE]colampadius, sat Luther and Melanchton; in their immediate neighborhood, the _landgrave_, surrounded by his courtiers; the others rather behind. Feige, the chancellor of state, opened the Conference in the name of the Prince, with an address. After unfolding the pure, successful, grand beginning of the Reformation, he then continued: "but now, some of the leaders themselves, animated by a schismatic spirit, have hurried on too rashly, and been so far misled, that they, who were bound ever to remain faithful at the head of the cause, and, by their common power and mutual support, sweep away every vestige of error, have now not only deserted their post, but even attacked each other, to the great joy and delight of the enemy. Therefore, if they cannot find sufficient reasons for concord in the Gospel itself, and their duty to promote the welfare of the Church they ought not to give their bitterest enemies occasion to rejoice and exhibit so sad a spectacle of disunion. His Princely Grace wishes to prescribe neither aim nor measure to this Conference; but would remind the members, that wherever similar transactions have taken place, men of true learning, even if they had written somewhat roughly and severely against each other before, had then laid aside wrath and bitterness, so the unlearned might the better perceive, that they sought truth and love more than a mere defence of their own opinions with sharp and quick words. Those who now take this course, cannot fail to win praise and thanks, whilst the others, who do not like unity, but obstinately persist in a delusion once embraced, from which all heresies spring, will thereby give an undoubted proof, that the Holy Spirit does not reign in their hearts, and has never been among them with his gifts. His Princely Grace hopes that the present Conference will have a happier termination, and closes with the gracious desire, that the very learned Masters will understand and receive all this in the best spirit." On their side thanks were now given to the _landgrave_ for his trouble, and a promise made, to carry on the discussion without any bitterness, in a respectful and friendly manner; but, although unity should be sought with the most ardent zeal, this at the same time could not be effected at the expense of divine and revealed truth, and Christ's words would be preferred before all others.

After this, the discussion was commenced by Luther's writing on the table with chalk, these words in the Latin language: "_Hoc est corpus meum_" (This is my body). With great mildness and learning [OE]colampadius now unfolded his view, which Luther, however, in spite of every challenge, refused to contradict, falling back always upon the verbal expression. "Beloved sirs," said he, "as long as these words stand, I cannot really get over them, but must confess and believe, that the body of Christ is there."--Springing up, Zwingli asked: "Is He indeed _there_, Doctor, corporeally there? _There_ also in the sacrament, is He daily broken anew? In what then do you differ from the Papists?" The scene became more lively; Luther's replies more bitter. He complained that Zwingli wished to trip him, to give his words wantonly another meaning than he had intended. The latter controlled himself somewhat, brought up passages of Scripture for explanation, came forward with remarks on the grammar, with interpretations of the Church Fathers and carried the discussion even into the sphere of philosophy and physics. In no way did Luther permit himself to be caught; turned back always to the letter, and declared, that he would do it; that we durst not in this case deviate therefrom, because the Lord had so expressed himself; and unconditional faith must transcend all doubt; and "if the Lord God placed crab-apples before me and commanded me to take and eat, I durst not ask, wherefore?" "God commands us to eat neither dirt nor crab-apples," said Zwingli.--When it came to such sharp words, the _landgrave_ interposed somewhat, or one of the others present, [OE]colampadius occasionally relieving his friend, and Melanchthon Luther. For two whole days the discussion lasted, with a diminishing prospect of agreement. The Saxons were evidently irritated by Zwingli's unconstrained behavior and bold language. He gave them plainly to understand, that he feared in Luther a sort of new Pope. "I will not have it," once dropped from the lips of the latter, "Must you then have everything just as you wish?" asked Zwingli.

It had become clear to the _landgrave_ that a mutual understanding was impossible, and still more clear, when the Mayor of Strassburg rose up with a complaint, that Luther had also charged the preachers of his city with teaching error. This accusation should not be permitted to lie against them; he could not return home with such news. Bucer and Hedio themselves desired Luther to speak out decidedly, and prove wherein they taught falsely; but he would not do it, nor testify that they were true pastors. "I am," said he, "neither your lord nor your judge; you wish neither me nor my doctrines; our spirit and yours do not accord; therefore I will give you no testimonial. You also do not need it, for you boast everywhere, you have learned nothing from us. This, moreover, every man can see for himself, and we would not have such disciples."

"No!" exclaimed the _landgrave_ with warmth, "you shall not separate in such a fashion, my Lords. You must draw up certain points, acceptable to both, and give them your common signature, so that an evidence, at least, of your external agreement is at hand, if that which is internal cannot be reached. Confer among yourselves how and as long as you please; but before this I cannot suffer you to depart." The theologians came together, and on the 4th of October produced fifteen articles on the chief doctrines, which were signed by Luther, Melanchton, Jonas, Osiander, Brenz, and Agricola, on the one side, and [OE]colampadius, Zwingli, Bucer and Hedio on the other. The last words of it ran thus: "and although we have not been able now to agree, as to whether the true body and blood of Christ are corporeally present in the bread and wine, yet one party ought to exercise Christian charity toward the other, as far as each conscience can possible allow it, and both parties ought to beseech Almighty God fervently, to lead us by His Spirit to a right understanding. Amen."

In conclusion, the _landgrave_ exhorted them to part as brethren. "Then Zwingli said," as Bullinger narrates, "there were no people on earth, with whom he would rather be united than the Wittenbergers, and he would cheerfully acknowledge Luther and his friends as brethren. [OE]colampadius, Bucer and Hedio had also the same feeling; but Luther was by no means willing to acknowledge them as brethren in return, and said: It took him by surprise, that they would call him brother, whose doctrine on the sacrament they esteemed false; they could not themselves think much of their own." In regard to the same event, he wrote to Jacob Probst of Bremen: "They promised with many words, they would yield this much to us, that the person of Christ was really, though spiritually, present in the Holy Supper, if we would only esteem them worthy of the name of brother, and in this way feign a reconciliation. Zwingli begged it with tears in his eyes before the _landgrave_ and all present, whilst he added: 'There are no men with whom I would rather be united than with the Wittenbergers.' With the greatest zeal and as urgently as possible they endeavored to appear in harmony with us and never could endure my saying: 'You have another spirit than we.' As often as they heard it they were inflamed. Finally, we granted so much, that it might stand at the conclusion of the article, not indeed that we were brethren, but that we would not withdraw from them our love, which is due even to an enemy. So now, the shame rests on them, that they would not receive the name of brother and must separate as heretics; meanwhile we agreed, in our controversial writings, no more to make war on each other, in the hope that the Lord would open their hearts. Thou canst tell this confidentially. As a preacher of Christ, who is the Truth, I write the truth. By it thou canst quietly oppose all liars and disturbers. They behaved toward us with incredible humanity and compliance. But, as it now appears, all was show, in order to bring about a hypocritical concord and make us the partners of their errors. O how cunning Satan is! But Christ is still wiser. He has preserved us. I am no longer surprised, if they lie shamelessly. I see that they could not do otherwise, and am glad of it; for they have reached this point under the guidance of Satan, that they betray themselves not merely by their secret intrigues, but openly before all the world."

Sad of heart, the _landgrave_ left Marburg before Luther and Melanchton. Since concord was not to be restored among the theologians, it became so much the more necessary to secure a closer connection of the governments. He held various consultations on this subject with Zwingli, Sturm and several of their associates. The political consequences flowing from the Conference, will be detailed in the next chapter; concerning those of a religious and scientific nature, this much may be yet said:

The enemies of the combatants alone derived gain from it. Their hatred against the Reformation appeared now to be wholly justified. "Here you have," said they, "the effects, when children tear loose from the Everlasting Mother. They now turn against themselves the intellectual weapons, so highly bepraised, which they have used against us. What others are left for them against us, save those of iron?" Now, to these neither Luther nor Melanchton would have recourse. But Zwingli tried it, and--fell. The Reformation seemed about to go backward. Paralyzing formulas took the place of the living Gospel: first, the Augsburg Confession; then, the Helvetic, and for others again, the XXXIX Articles of the Episcopal Church of England. Protestant Popes rose up beside the Catholic, who, from this time forth, wore his triple crown with greater security. It is true, indeed, that Zwingli also handed in a confession of faith at the Imperial Diet, but only in defence, not to force it upon others. He expressly said, in the letter to the Emperor, which accompanied it: "I _alone_ deliver it, without encroaching on the rights of my people." According to his view the Gospel only is unassailable. Whatever of true or false man adds to the interpretation of the Divine law, he does it on his own responsibility. With this view tolerance and love, as well as progressive science, are possible; all others lead to stiffness and intolerance, and such was the result then on all sides. Or is it perchance an evangelical spirit, which breathes in Calvin's article: "That the heretic should be punished with death," and in the funeral pile of Servetus? Were the rack-chambers of Queen Elizabeth[8] much more Christian than the dragonades of Louis XIV., and did Ireland live more happily under the yoke of a High Church forced upon her, than Spain under the Inquisition? Were the persecutions begun at the Synod of Dort, justified by the anathemas, with which the Council of Trent disgraced itself?

All have erred. Instead of kindling new passions, the call of our age goes forth, to unite rather in a common acknowledgment of sin. This is the confession in which all can again find themselves; but the Gospel is the light that shows the way to reconciliation. What is there yet to hinder it? Two enemies, and in two verses a spirited poet (Goethe) has thus portrayed them:

Thou must reign through victory,
Or a servant kneel and lose,
Suffering or triumph choose,
Th' anvil or the hammer be.

This is the one; the principle of the absolutist, in a spiritual or worldly mantle; and the other, the principle of the demagogue in the Jacobin's cap, as well as in the Jesuit's garb, forms the counter-part:

'Tis foolish to wait for improvement in fools;
Ye children of prudence, make them your tools.

Of such wisdom the Gospel knows nothing; it demands fraternal assistance and love, and does not permit rank without humility, requiring from those, who stand in the highest places, subordination under God. Perhaps (for who can fathom the ways of Providence?) the adherents of the above-named principles will yet again reach out the hand of friendship to each other. Then will begin the last, severest battle; but the Gospel must triumph, for the Church of Christ, under her _one_, _Divine_ Head, perpetually revealing himself in history and the power of love, is founded upon a rock; then also will all _human_ order be custom refined by science and ennobled by art and nature, a unity in substance, with endless diversity in form--the adversary of all revolutions.

FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER SEVENTH:

Footnote 1: Which, according to the Gospel and Zwingli's views elsewhere unfolded, (see M. Huldr. Zwingli's Schriften im Auszug v. _Usteri_ und V[oe]glin, Bd. I. Abth. 2, S. 387,) is one with Love.

Footnote 2: For the German translation of this passage from the Latin of Zwingli, the author was indebted to the above-mentioned work of _Usteri V[oe]glin_.

Footnote 3: All activity of the understanding is in its nature formal. Hence in order to pass over into reality, if it would become more than an exercise of the mind, which can be endlessly prolonged, it needs positive material. As soon as it transcends the positive and enters the region of so-called pure ideas, the dominion of the intellect, it runs into nothing, becomes a negation. The natural consequence of this _dominion_ of the intellect, of which many now dream, is the popular doctrine: "Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die." To this the very wisest legislation of all nations has given too little attention.

Footnote 4: _De Eucharistia_. Zwingli's Works, by Schuler and Schultheiss, _Latinorum scriptorum pars prima_, p. 341.

Footnote 5: Thursday of Passion-week, 1525.

Footnote 6: Martin Luther's Works, edited by Pfizer, p. 600.

Footnote 7: Equal to 270 English miles.--_Translator_.

Footnote 8: Lingard's History of England, Vol. VIII. Ch. 3 and 6.

CHAPTER EIGHTH.

INTERNAL CONDITION OF SWITZERLAND AFTER THE FIRST CAMPAIGN.
THE ABBOT OF SAINT GALL. POLITICAL RESULTS OF THE
MARBURG CONFERENCE.

Zwingli's absence had lasted seven weeks, from the 3d of September to the 19th of October, 1529. On his return home, he did not find the country in that peaceful condition, which the well-disposed and the short-sighted had hoped for from the conclusion of the _Landfriede_ (General Peace), and his arrival in no wise tended to lessen the agitation. The _Landfriede_ granted the choice of their own ecclesiastical system to the inhabitants of the Common Territories. Where the mass had been abolished and images burned or carried away, according to its letter, they who did these things could not be punished, either in person, standing or property; but just as little, on the other hand, in places where they still existed, could those who preached a different doctrine enter, until invited by a majority of the parishioners. Special conferences between cantons were interdicted, in so far as they had reference to the affairs of the Confederacy, but allowed to those who were authorized to transact business for the _Buergerrecht_ and alliances of like character. The following injunction was issued by the deputies of all the Thirteen Cantons: "In order that we may not be again plunged into disunion and greater discord, through reviling and recrimination, all and every one shall be specially forbidden, on pain of severe punishment, to deal in unbecoming scandal, wanton, useless and injurious words of shame, abuse, filth and insult, scornful expressions, disparagements and taunts, such as human ingenuity knows how to devise; no one shall any longer venture to pick at, assail or blacken his neighbor with slanders, books of libel, prints, sayings, songs, verses and other means of provocation; but each one shall suffer his neighbor to remain quiet, undisturbed and in every way unmolested in the enjoyment of peace." The summer of the following year was fixed upon as the time of payment for the indemnity to cover the additional expenses incurred by the war and the support of the surviving relatives of the pastor Kaiser, who was burned at the stake, and authority was given to the Reformed Cities to stop the export of provisions into the Five Cantons, in case of refusal. In regard to the rents, tithes and revenues of the monasteries and clerical foundations, they could either continue as heretofore, be allowed under changed conditions, or abolished altogether. Every one of these articles contained material for a future explosion. It was impossible to comply with them fully, because on the one side a conviction of their justice or expediency was wanting, and on the other they were considered as far too lax in their requirements--because individual cases usually occurred in such a shape that their conditions were not applicable in every particular, and finally, because the embers of passion still glowed in the bosoms of those who were in power; and among the leaders of both parties, the desire of carrying out their own ecclesiastical system or political plans outweighed their interest in the welfare of their common fatherland.

Since Catholic bailiffs ruled in the Territories, who could blame them for watching anxiously over those communities, in which the mass and images were still retained, and for striving to prevent the entrance of Reformed preaching, the influx of Zwinglian doctrines and writings? But who, on the other hand, could take umbrage, if individual members of congregations, in the wish to hear at least the new doctrines, endeavored to win over their neighbors and friends, and thus gain a majority, in order to call in a preacher? Such persons generally turned to Zurich, where they found support, whilst the bailiffs made complaint of it at the meetings of the Diet or to the Five Cantons; nor did they complain the less also of their fierce invectives, mutual strife and immunity from punishment. Here the will to punish was wanting; there the power, especially if the offenders belonged to the distinguished classes, as they frequently did. But the circumstances of the abbot and monastery of St. Gall afforded the chief material for a new quarrel; and these it will be necessary now to describe in detail.

The monastery of St. Gall, from its very origin, played an important part in the history of our fatherland; in the first centuries by its scientific reputation as a renowned and influential seminary of learning, and afterward on account of its increasing possessions, its political influence and the rank of its abbot as a prince of the empire. The abbot ruled over that tolerably extensive district, lying between Wyl and Roschach, on Lake Constance, under the title of the "Old Province," and also, from the year 1469, over the County of Toggenburg, under that of the "New Province." The abbacy of St. Gall constituted the first and most considerable of the so-called Allied Cantons; its deputies appeared at the sessions of the Diet, and its armed soldiery marched out with the other confederates in their wars. The County of Toggenburg enjoyed no mean privileges; it had the choosing of its own general council (_landrath_), the right of appointing lower courts, subject, it is true, to the sanction of the abbot, and for the protection of these privileges stood under one common law with the states of Schwyz and Glarus, to which, at a later period, the abbot also was admitted for the security of its rights. He had also formed an alliance with the four states, Zurich, Luzern, Schwyz and Glarus, on behalf of his possessions, by which these cantons were pledged to protect him and his abbey, with all his subjects, in their rights and liberties. For this service, half the fines accruing in the territories of St. Gall were paid over to them, and the dependants of the abbot were bound to obey their call in time of war. For the exercise of these rights and the performance of their duties, the Four Cantons, each every two years in succession, placed a governor-general at Wyl, who was _ex-officio_ a member of the abbot's privy council, and took rank immediately after him.

This position had been filled, from the beginning of the year 1529, by Jacob Frei, a member of the Zurich Council. The abbot, Francis Geissberg, now for a long time an invalid, found it entirely beyond his power to make any effectual resistance to the attacks, by which he saw himself and his monastery threatened from the city of St. Gall, his own subjects and the Preformed Confederacy. Every day the doctrine of the unscripturalness of clerical dominion gained ground, and penetrated even among the brethren of the convent, a part of whom threw off their monkish garments. The majority, however, remained firm to their vows. The abbot, already far gone in dropsy, had himself conveyed to Roschach, where, in a fortified castle, he was more secure than in a cloister standing open to invasion from the burghers of St. Gall. There, on the 21st of March, he died, and this was the moment that Zurich and the city of St. Gall had waited for, to take measures against the monastery itself, but principally against its political rights. Meanwhile eleven of the monks, one month before, had pledged themselves under a solemn oath, even on compulsory removal from the cloister, to renounce none of the rights of the convent, but rather to uphold them in every possible manner. For six days, the death of the abbot was kept secret even in Roschach, and his food carried into him as though he were yet alive, whilst the monks assembled in Rapperschweil and there elected one of their number, Kilian German, in his stead. The news of this action awakened the liveliest displeasure among the Zurichers, who had relied on the power of the burghers of St. Gall to prevent it. But priestly cunning triumphed, and German afterward succeeded in obtaining an acknowledgment, first from two cantons of the protectorate, Luzern and Schwyz, and then with much trouble from Glarus also. Three months later, the election was ratified by Pope Clement the VII., and proofs of consideration and offers of any amount of help received from Austria.

The new abbot, a man of talent, descended from a branch of the distinguished family of the Toggenburgers, as soon as the choice had fallen on him, made known his purpose plainly, not to rest until he and his convent had come again into full possession of their rights; until the religious usages were restored, and divine worship celebrated after the old mode in the church of the foundation. But just as plainly did Zurich and St. Gall declare that this should not be. The subjects of the monastery were now roused up by Zurich, and many in Toggenburg began to hope even for complete deliverance from all foreign rule. Reconciliation had become impossible. In a letter of advice, drawn up by Zurich and St. Gall, it is expressly said: "Matters have come to this pass, that either our Lords, together with our confederates and christian fellow-citizens of St. Gall and the entire population of the abbacy (_Gotteshauschente_), to whom our Lords have pledged life and property, for the ministry of the Divine Word, or else Sir Kilian, the pretended abbot, must bend and break."

In this business Zwingli took a very active part. His plans in relation to it were so comprehensive that he did not look for entire approval in Zurich herself. Not only were the lawful claims of the two cantons, Luzern and Schwyz, to a share in the deliberations on the affairs of St. Gall, wholly set aside, but Glarus also was not to be heard, except in so far as she agreed with Zurich in the fundamental principle laid down by him. This principle, that all spiritual lordship is unscriptural, and therefore unjust--a principle, which he was ready to avow, defend and prove clearly on the field of science, he carried over, as already shown, into the sphere of politics and wished to apply it to a treaty made in times, when men knew nothing of it, and with parties, who did not even yet recognize it. Hence an opinion drawn up by him has this heading: "Advice how the deputies ought to treat, either with or without the deputies of Glarus, so that the monastery of St. Gall, its abbot and its monks may be surprised, overcome and put up at auction with their monkhood and lordship, and knocked down to the Four Cantons." On the margin is added: "Not to be read before the burghers" (Great Council).

It was then proposed, in plain language, to send full orders to the governor-general to call together the subjects of the abbey everywhere in their several parishes, and announce to them that Zurich was resolved, as far as lay in her power, to prevent the acknowledgment of the abbot elect and the choice of any successor; since there could be no concord between monkery and the Gospel--that she had no desire to invade the rights of the Four Cantons in their character of common wardens, and hence would act not merely in her own name, but in conjunction with Glarus, in case the latter were willing, with the proviso also of a full report to the other two cantons, "until God would make them of the same mind"--and, that it was just as much her intention to respect the rights of the people of the abbacy, with whom "she would cheerfully sit down, hear their grievances and judge therein with moderation and dispatch, as is becoming in such affairs, meanwhile pledging person and property not to suffer them to be injured or oppressed, so far as life and property can reach. Let it be known too in what a friendly and brotherly manner Zurich and Glarus have ever behaved toward their subjects, and that up to this time their rule has never been dreaded. Letters and seals should also be prepared, which, if God please, no one shall break in all coming time. All this done, the serious question should be put to the people of the abbacy, whether they will agree to break up the monastery, and if so, it shall be done promptly and peacefully, unless resistance is offered." It appears, however, that this was not anticipated, for several other doubtful points are added to the opinion, with the express injunction: "These must not be made known to the people of the abbacy, until the business is finished." But if peaceful measures did not suffice to carry out the plan, compulsion was to be used: "If any one wishes to fight, an appeal for help shall be made to our confederates of St. Gall and the people of the abbacy, and with God's favor the places shall be taken by force of arms." As soon as they are taken, Luzern and Schwyz shall be written to, and the proceeding justified on the score of necessity, the hostility of the abbot against Zurich, and the urgent need of the people of the abbacy. Meanwhile those monks, who can be caught, shall be thrown into prison, a thorough search made, inventories drawn up, and "if the treasure cannot be found, the monks who know anything about it, shall be further questioned upon oath, until the whole truth come to light. When everything is finished and sealed before the government at Zurich, the people of the abbacy shall take the oath of allegiance, whilst Toggenburg is silenced by hopes of greater freedom." In fine, the opinion gives it as the aim of all these counsels, "that the monk may no longer be a stallion to beget more of his kind, but bridled, harnessed and taught to obey the rein."

This plan was certainly radical, but not evangelical. It was not possible that Luzern and Schwyz; not possible that the Catholic cantons generally, could suffer these violations of Confederate faith, and of sealed treaties to pass by unheeded. And Glarus, although the majority of her people sympathized in Zwingli's views of the unscriptural character of spiritual lordship, and were by no means favorable to the abbot and his rule, nevertheless felt hurt by the arbitrary action of Zurich and the air of guardianship which she assumed even toward her.

Bern also was far from sharing in the unbridled zeal of her sister city on the Limath, whose intervention in the affairs of St. Gall was not the least among the reasons, that held her sword in the scabbard, during the first campaign, in the summer of the year 1529. But then Zurich endeavored to defend the steps she had taken against the abbot by the articles of the _Landfriede_; this treaty, it was said, would secure the city of St. Gall from punishment for what she had permitted in regard to the monastery, for its occupation, the disorders which had ensued, and the removal of the images from the churches, as well as confirm and guarantee peace to those parishes in Toggenburg, where the preaching of the Gospel and a synodical rule had been introduced by the advice of Zwingli. The political relations, both of the people of the abbacy and of the Toggenburgers remained in an unsettled state. Had the Five Cantons known it, they never would have approved of conditions, by which the abbot could be deprived of his territorial rights.

During the campaign he had fled to Bregenz and Ueberlingen, carrying along the archives and jewels of the monastery. With his conventuals, who had found refuge at Einsiedeln in Schwyz, he kept up a constant correspondence. Through his relatives he secured a devoted party in Toggenburg, and, by means of the monies at his command, adherents in various parts of Switzerland to undertake and further his cause. After the conclusion of the _Landfriede_ (General Peace) he ventured to return home again, and even rode through a portion of the Zurichan territory in disguise. Zwingli's stay in Marburg was of great service to him. He furnished the different parishes in Glarus with his authentic titles. There was a powerful movement amongst the people, but the Reformed majority triumphed in the end. The deputies to a conference of the four protectorate cantons at Wyl received a commission to act in harmony with Zurich; but numbers of the opposite party withdrew reluctantly from the assembly, lamenting "that old letters and seals had no more value, since many a Saint Friedli[1] hung miserable, naked and bare on the rolls of parchment."

At this conference of the protectorate cantons held at Wyl, the abbot wished to conduct his cause in person. Zurich, to whom his absence was all-important, sent an order to the governor-general secretly to fill the castle with a garrison of trusty men. Kilian, learning this and fearing an ambuscade, staid away; but the people of the abbacy appeared before the deputies of the cantons with a petition, which showed that they knew how to carry out the doctrine of the unscriptural character of spiritual lordship to a further extent than was pleasant even to Zurich herself. "Accordingly, since the Holy Word of God does not direct or oblige us, we do not wish henceforth to have this or any other abbot; and because we are without court or council, and so exposed to outrage that no one scarcely is safe, we desire permission to have a chief-bailiff, a court, a council and similar officers _of our own_, so that crime may be punished, the peaceful and good protected, evil-doers suppressed, and a happy life led; for, as we pay rents and tithes we ought not to be left without law; and that you may see we do not ask for anything unreasonable, aged persons can yet be found, who remember that such a chief-bailiff and council, as we now desire, formerly existed among the people of the abbacy."

None of the Four Cantons was at all willing to grant this petition. The deputies of Luzern and Schwyz simply defended the rights of the abbot, complained to the Zurichers of the tyrannical proceeding of their governor-general and requested the removal of the garrison from the castle. Zurich and Glarus endeavored to quiet the people of the abbacy by promising to send home a report and afterward to communicate the views of their governments. The resolution now passed by the privy council of Zurich plainly unfolds its policy in this affair.--"Whereas you, our worthy deputies," so it reads, "cannot but see and regard the petition of the people of the abbacy as a desire, under show of a good spirit, to obtain the liberty of the flesh, to shake off authority, to lay hold of the rein with their own hands and appropriate to themselves power and rule, and the administration of the higher offices; and as you also cannot presume, that either you or we of the two cantons (Zurich and Glarus) have a right to act in this matter without the knowledge and approval of the other cantons; you will perceive that it is not advisable to grant them, just at this time, a chief bailiff, judge, council and high courts of dignity and appeal; we are only able, in order that they may have no reason to complain about justice and law, to allow them now, in the beginning, to fill the lower courts, as they have come down from antiquity, with honest, upright, sensible and God-loving men, but the principal posts of government, the high offices, to which sovereignty pertains, must continue as they are, until it is seen what course the abbot and the two cantons, who support him, will take." It was then proposed, to place the chief power in the hands of the governor-general for the interim, to associate with him for this purpose able men, and appoint them a court of appeal in judicial cases; but for the final settlement of affairs, to call together a second conference of the four protectorate cantons, and should Luzern and Schwyz refuse to take part in it, to signify to them, that they were determined to proceed without them. "It is then to be presumed," continues the letter of advice to the deputies, "if they thus see, that the abbot cannot be restored, they will quietly agree with us of the two cantons to take charge of the government. But should they persevere in their opposition and attempt to use any force on behalf of the abbot against our purpose and that of the honest people, it will then be our duty to curb force with force, until honest people, perchance our Confederates of Bern and others shall interpose and help to make a treaty of peace. And then indeed it will be discovered, whose shall be the rule and authority, and who shall be lord or servant, and thereby the desire for self-government among the people of the abbacy shall be broken and every thing rightly settled, ordered and secured by charter, how and in what form, henceforth, court, law, dignities, offices and all authorities shall be held, and how and what grievances shall be redressed for the honest people."

Zurich acted from this time forward, in accordance with these views, and at the close of the year, after Luzern and Schwyz had repeatedly declined to take part in a second conference, she issued, in connection with Glarus, an ordinance, of which the following is the substance: "Henceforth the governor-general is the chief ruler of the abbey-territory. As heretofore he shall be appointed for a term of two years by each of the four protectorate cantons in succession. He shall take an oath to favor the Divine Word and protect the same. Only then are his subjects bound to obey him. This governor is to be supreme judge, instead of the imperial bailiff. The high court shall consist, besides him, of twelve men, of whom he has the selection of four, and the territory of the other eight. In conjunction with these, or a majority of them, he shall appoint also the officers of the territory. The parishes shall be left free to choose their own preachers, who, however, must be examined and approved, either at Zurich, St. Gall or Constance. Only with the consent of the governor and the twelve can they be removed, or suspended from office. Rents, tithes and other lawful taxes, which are to be applied according to a former resolution, shall be paid over to a receiver, appointed by the city of St. Gall, who shall render a faithful account of the same. Whatever unchristian burdens have been laid upon the poor inhabitants by superstition or monkish rule, shall be abolished, and in order that the honest people may be the better able to help the poor in these dear times, the two cantons cheerfully authorize them to appropriate the ornaments and jewels of the churches to this more christian purpose."

In vain did the abbot protest against these arrangements; in vain did he threaten to look out for other protectorate cantons; in vain did he beg for active interference on the part of Luzern and Schwyz. Still discouraged by the untoward issue of the first campaign, they advised him to yield for a while, in hope that affairs would take a more favorable turn, and indeed thought it best that he should withdraw for a time. This he did, and went to Ueberlingen, where, in the beginning of the year 1530, amid much rejoicing, he found the object of his desires.

The proceeding of Zurich against the abbot and the monastery was carried on mainly by Zwingli; and that with increased zeal since his return to the fatherland. More and more, after the Marburg Conference, did he display the character of a politician--sometimes daring in the choice of his means. Thus he was to show himself to be only a man; and, as the most influential statesmen are very often obliged to do, as a vehement man; forever striking must the contrast remain between the greatest of all ages and all countries, and Him, who was indeed tempted in all things like as we are, but who alone was never overcome.

Without doubt the Savior of the world directed his attention to political life, and Christianity and politics are in no wise antagonistic. On the contrary, it is the aim of Christianity to elevate and ennoble even earthly relations; it is the true religion of the people. No saying is so misunderstood, so entirely twisted from its real meaning, as that uttered by Christ: "My kingdom is not of this world." This earth, the theatre of divine love and power, is represented as a vale of tears--a welcome doctrine to all secular and spiritual lords, who, through its spread, have only the less opposition to fear against their iron rule; and, only the more secure in the enjoyment of their state, agree in making it truly an abode of sorrow to millions of their subjects. There is no doubt that Christianity teaches us to bear and suffer; no doubt that it says: "Whosoever shall smite thee on the right cheek, turn to him the other also," and "whosoever shall compel thee to go with him one mile, go with him twain;" no doubt that it teaches the duty of submission to rulers, and has no sympathy with rebellion and self-aid, by resort to arms; yet far more strongly and impressively does this same Christianity speak to magistrates and rulers, and tell them? that men are not born lords and slaves, but brethren, and that they are the greatest who are the servants of all. Christianity wishes no forms of government, nor will it make them lawful, yea necessary, whilst overgrown wealth may find out means to chain down despairing poverty, by which reckless debauchery may riot in palaces, whilst in the hut, hard by, the restless laborer cannot earn bread enough to prolong his miserable existence. It will have the right to moderate enjoyment purchased by self-control and self-denial, and the capability to govern proven by the capability and practice of obedience; along with greater rights it places greater duties; with greater advantages it invariably connects greater burdens--and whilst it enjoins submission to God as an equal duty upon all, it does not make order in the state rest upon parchments or voluminous codes of laws, upon standing armies or public prisons, but upon the law written in the heart, upon love and a sense of duty.