Chapter VII: Part 7

Now again, all the answers agree in substance. There was not _one_, in which the determination to uphold evangelical liberty was not expressed in strong language. "We testify"--wrote Winterthur--"and have resolved, as far as in us lies, to be eternally loyal to our gracious Lords of Zurich, according to our oath, and place at their disposal our honor, our bodies, our goods and our lives, and are willing to defend the same by the Holy Word of God;" but it seemed also to be the general wish to remain in alliance with the Confederates, and, if it were possible, in peace. Thus the people of Wædenschweil and Richterschweil gave notice, that they would be neighbors with them at H[oe]fen and Zugerberg, who had always dealt with them in friendship and love, as they also did with them as far as possible. Thalweil also prayed that war would not be begun for the sake of one or two, be they clergy or laymen. For the rest they were pleased with the just commands of the Lords and all, which they heretofore had so excellently managed, for they had always acted like wise men. Not in the ill-will of the Confederates, but in their instigation from Zurich, the reasons of the discord were to be sought--in their instigation by a minority still present in the Council, who were opposed to the Gospel and addicted to taking pensions, at least secretly, by perverse clergymen, by the people of the convents, by unwearied letter-writers and forgers of lies. "There is talk"--says a memorial from Wiedikon, Albisrieden and Altstætten--"that all the opposition only comes from our own midst, and therefore we desire that such base-intentioned persons be looked after, be they in the Council or elsewhere, and be compelled to keep still and quiet and cease their contrariety. So will we ever pledge to the noble city of Zurich life, honor and fortune. We beg our Lords only to hold bravely to their mandates and the Word of God, and we will faithfully aid them in using and protecting the same." In like manner the congregations of Neuamt write: "We have reason to know, that You, our Lords and Superiors, are not one in the Small and Great Councils, but are divided in this business, which is a great trouble to us. Therefore we earnestly pray you to put away all such discord and be united, so will we also pledge our persons and our property to God's Word and our Lords."--"Nothing is kept secret"--wrote Buelach--"in Your Small and Great Council, but everything is continually published through the whole Confederacy, and this grieves us. We pray you therefore to make diligent inquiry and expel the babblers, and drive off them who are opposed to God's Word; then it should be cared for that the entire country should not be disturbed by them." Eglisau asked for the same thing with the addition: "If you, dear Lords, are not strong enough to punish such people, we will help you with our persons and our property." That from Ruemlang carries the same sense: "Further, it is our wish and advice, that You, as our Lords and Superiors, will look after the adversaries of God's Word, both those who sit in your Council and those who are of the clergy, be they priests or monks, and expel them from the city and canton, for it is certain that the greatest displeasure of the Confederates has sprung from this source; and if You, as our Lords and Superiors, are not strong enough for them, we will stand by you with our persons and our property, for such things can be endured no longer." With a hankering side-glance at the fat possessions of the monasteries, they of the Four Wards wrote: "We have received the friendly and gracious communication of our Lords with great thanks, and wish to be among those who pledge person, soul, honor and property to the Word of God and their Lords and Superiors, especially to those who mean well, and not to the base, who strive against God's Word. For the rest, it is our wish, that You, as our Lords and Superiors, would punish and drive away those wicked ones, who fight against God's Word, be they in the Council, in the city, or in the canton, be they clergymen or laymen, for it is certain, that the displeasure of our Confederates has, for the most part, arisen from this quarter by their letter-writing and other rebellious acts; and if you are not strong enough to punish or drive them away, we will aid you with our persons and our property to drive them off. In the third place, be it our will and opinion, that you will take care of and drive away by the help of God's Word, all the soup-eaters, who crowd together, as is well known, in the monasteries; for if this be not done, we will see if we also cannot some day obtain such eating and drinking." And still more fully Riespach and Hirslanden: "It is also our earnest opinion, whereas numerous and manifold speeches and lies have hitherto been written and sent off by the clergy and laymen to the confederates generally and particular cantons and cities, and have been little inquired into as yet, by which great injury and loss of reputation may fall upon the city of Zurich and its territory, since when our people go from home, be it to Luzern, Zug, Baden or other parts, then they all say: Such reports came from Zurich;--therefore we wish this business to be better looked into; and if the Gospel is to be protected, such persons ought to be punished according to their deserts. We also pray our Lords, that, where there are ill-minded priests, who will not obey their statutes and always speak and act against the Gospel, God's Word, all such be thrust from their livings and the churches supplied with good pastors; for it strikes us that otherwise we can never hope for peace. Further, we pray our Lords to sequester the property of the monasteries and the canons, so that it may go to the aid of the poor, who everywhere sit before our churches; so that the Confederates and other strangers may not say: 'If they are such good Christians in Zurich, why do so many poor people sit before all the churches?' Hence we think that the tithes, which we raise, more justly belong to the poor than to nonsensical priests, who write here and there behind the back of the government. Hence it is our urgent prayer to our gracious Lords of Zurich, that they deliberate on the above-cited points, and if then it seems better to their wisdom to do so than to leave it alone, we all and each one in particular will pledge his soul, honor, body and goods to the city of Zurich, and esteem you, our dear Lords, as true fathers, as we hope you will find us good, willing, dutiful and submissive children, even unto death."

The tenor of these answers was sufficient to show the government, that, even if it wished, it could no longer delay the progress of the reformation, and that only by action, just as decided as cautious, would it be possible to prevent an outbreak of the flame, which already appeared in scattered sparks.

Hence an ordinance of the Council was passed for the removal of the images in the most quiet way, with forbearance and care. Whoever had presented any to the churches, or had caused them to be made at his own cost, could take them home without molestation. If the majority in a congregation were opposed to their removal, then it was commanded to wait till they were better informed. All processions were forbidden, even the pilgrimage to Einsiedeln, in memory of the victory at Tættweil. The latter, celebrated by a dangerous mingling of both sexes in a march of several days and in the monastery, was discontinued accordingly, and this was regarded as an act of hostility. But why should public thanks to the Supreme Disposer of battles, why should joyful remembrance of the bravery of their father's cease?

The reform of the clerical foundations and monastic life was very thorough. Mention has already been made of that in the Chapter of Canons at the Great Minster. Now, it also voluntarily surrendered its secular jurisdiction to the government, but guarded itself on the other hand against the delivery of its rich church-ornaments, which were likewise demanded by the Council and at length taken. Their value went to cover a part of the expenses of the Canton, which were greatly increased by the commotions of the age. At the same time Catherine von Zimmern, abbess of _Frauminster_, gave up to the burgomaster and councils, under the assurance that she and the sisters would receive an adequate support, the convent along with its rights and revenues. The Chapter of Canons at Embrach, the Cistercians at Cappel and the Augustinians at Heiligenberg, near Winterthur, asked of their own accord for a suppression or, a re-organization for a more useful end. The remaining cloisters were taken under the care of the government. Toward the Dominicans of the city the greatest severity had to be shown. They held the richest possessions; and yet, like the Franciscans, were pledged to poverty by the rules of their order. "On Saturday, Dec. 3d, 1524,"--Felix Weiss narrates--"the burgomaster and the councils ordained, that the three men of the monasteries, namely, the Dominicans, the Augustinians and the Franciscans, should be united, and the younger portion of them taught trades. If any did not wish to remain, to these a viaticum was to be given; and to all who desired to remain in the monastery a comfortable support for life and permission to die a peaceful death. Thus, on the Saturday aforesaid, in the afternoon, without notice or warning, the three chief officers and other members of the council, accompanied by the police of the city, led the Dominicans all at once to the Franciscans; and directly after that they went to the Augustinians and summoned them all. They were obliged to lay down their keys of office in presence of my lords on a table in the convent-parlor. After a long speech and friendly words, they again led them over the upper bridge to the barefooted friars; and thus the rulers of the city, of the Small and Great Councils, honestly disposed of the people in all the monasteries. Soon after, their portion was assigned them, so that those who were willing to stay in the monastery of the Franciscans, would receive lodging and shelter there and wood enough; besides, to each one 6 shocks of grain, 6 buckets of wine and 32 pounds _Haller_ were promised every year."

Out of the ordinary revenues of the government, aided by the property of the suppressed monasteries, schools were founded, an alms-house, a lazaretto for the plague-stricken, and an orphan-asylum. The hospital was enlarged, and suitable salaries awarded to its spiritual and lay attendants. Scholastic education was greatly needed, and where qualified teachers could not be obtained from the city, they were called from abroad. Thus Myconius was brought back to Zurich. Rudolph Collin followed him from Luzern. Wiesendanger came from the village of Dynhart, after him Pellikan from Alsace; all in order to teach the ancient languages.

Zwingli now resolved to marry, and on the 2d of April, 1524, led Anna Reinhart,[17] in whom he found the guardian angel of his earthly existence, before the altar, to take the pledge of fidelity in the presence of God and the congregation. Henceforth the priests wished to be, above all, Christians; but to all Christians without exception, the call has been made according to the language of the Apostle, to become priests by inward consecration, priests without love of power and without the spirit of caste.

FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER THIRD:

Footnote 1: A French province, according to the prevailing opinion in former times, a strong hold of sectarianism, of heresy so-called.

Footnote 2: All three were then known for their decided adherence to the old church-order.

Footnote 3: In Erfurt Luther had studied. At Wittemberg he taught.

Footnote 4: A writer of that ago says of him, using indeed colors somewhat dark: "We ought rather to call Faber a cruel judge than a doctor or bishop. Throughout all Germany and the neighboring countries his severity is known. Scarcely a hangman in our fatherland has executed so many as have been condemned by the unrighteous sentences of Faber." And at the close, in a simple narrative of Hans Huglin of Lindau, who was burnt as a heretic, we read: "While the poor miserable man was compelled to groan thus (he had been on the rack), the Vicary sat there and laughed. When the poor man saw this, he said: O, dear Sir, why do you laugh at me; I am but an abandoned creature, who am not worth laughing at. Laugh over yourself, and God forgive you; you know not what you do. At which words the Vicary, who looked at him still more wickedly, was ashamed to laugh and grew very red; since which all the world has pitied the poor man."

Footnote 5: Printed entire under the title of "_Uslegen und Grand der Schlussreden_," in the first volume of Zwingli's works, edited by Schuler and Schultheiss.

Footnote 6: Explanation of the Final Discourses, viz, the 26, 27, 33, 64th, et cet.

Footnote 7: He, who is acquainted with history in its sources, knows that this assertion of Zwingli is by no means maliciously snatched from the air. It cannot indeed be charged against all convent-property; but, to illustrate the mode, in which a part at least of such acquisitions were obtained during the Middle Ages, I will insert here a document, which was preserved in their archives by our forefathers of Zurich, _expressly for the information of posterity_, and which, drawn up on parchment and furnished with the seal of State, is still extant. The monasteries had plainly fallen off from their original severe rules. For the better understanding of it, the orthography and punctuation only are brought nearer to modern style.

"To all, who see this letter or hear it read, we, the Council of Zurich, whose name are written after, make known, that we saw the letter of the burghers of Strassburg, entire, true, and sealed with their public seal, as stands hereafter written. And that we and our successors after us, if a similar case arise in our midst, may be able to judge the more correctly, we have, with the leave of our burghers, willingly, publicly and unanimously written this letter from the heart, and publicly sealed it with our burghers' great seal, _for a perpetual and eternal record_.

"To the honorable, the wise and the discreet, the Council and burghers generally of Basel, of Colmar, of Schlettstadt, of Rheinau, of Naffach, and after them, all those cities where this letter appears, Nicholas the younger Zorn, mayor of the city, and the burghers of Strassburg generally offer their free service with entire friendship. Many things are done honorably and justly, which in foreign countries are perverted, because their origin is not rightly understood. Hence we humbly pray you to receive our address with favor and sympathize with us, because they have troubled us, for whom we have done very much indeed. Your Worships, the barefooted friars and the preachers (Dominican monks) had fallen into the practice of taking legacies in the world outside of the monasteries, and when a rich man, or a rich lady, lay on a deathbed, then they ran thither and persuaded him to give all his property to them, and thus all his heirs were disinherited and ruined. Then the latter came before us crying and complaining that they had been disinherited. Many such complaints came before us. The monks sold also their own property, on condition that it should revert to them again on the death of the buyer. _This made us think that our city would in a short time become entirely theirs._ They received also into their order the children of rich people, without the consent and knowledge of their friends, in order to get their property. At this also we have been greatly troubled and many complaints against them have been brought before us. When this had continued for a long, long time, and we could bear no longer the manifold complaints of the burghers; then we went to the preachers and begged them to conduct themselves so, that such complaints would no more reach us from our citizens. Then they spake and promised us that what papers the barefooted friars (Franciscans) would give us, not to do it any more, they also would give us. We went to the barefooted friars and laid this matter before them. They answered thus: What Your Worships require us to promise you, that we are directed by the rules of our order not to do; even if you had never issued a command, yet had we been forbidden not to do it. Then spake we: Make us such a paper on it as seems good to you, that it may stand as a pledge between us. They drew up the paper as we send you the copy word for word. Then we came to the preachers (Dominicans) with the paper and they bade us give them a copy. After that their provincial came, and they did as he told them, and abused us for this thing beyond measure, four years in succession. But at last, a complaint was lodged against them for taking the estate of a lady from the lawful heirs; therefore we begged them again to give us a paper like that of the barefooted friars, as they had promised to do. Then they said proudly, that rather than do it they would let their heads be chopped off with axes. This made us unwilling to have them as clergymen, since they would not keep their promises. And when we began to build on the commons of our city before their gates, they ran to our women and beat our servants with clubs and shovels till one was killed. At which we became the more wroth and would have torn their gate from its hinges. This have we written to you and pray, since we need your counsel and favor in this matter, that you will act a friendly part, because we lean on you and would do the same for you in an hour of like need. We also pray you, if we get judges in this affair, who are allied to you, that you will influence them toward us, so that they will be favorable to our rights, just as we would do for you in the same strait."

The names of he Council (at Zurich, as above) are Burkard von Hottingen, Rudolph von Beggenhoven, Chuon von Tuebelnstein, Henry Vinko and Jacob from the Mezie, knights, Ruodolf der Muelner, Ruodolf der Kriek, Ulric der Truebor, Peter Wolfleibsche, Ulric im Gewelbe, Henry Stoeri and John Pilgrin Burger. This paper was transcribed in the twelve-hundred and eighty-seventh year, from God's birth on the Monday after Saint Urban's day, when the indication was the XVth.

Footnote 8: Or in other words: Without religion the state succumbs to materialism. But the prevalence of materialism is least consistent with the welfare of a republic. The freest state _ought_ to be the most religious: the most religious only _durst_ be the most free.

Footnote 9: The assailed could indeed appeal, at least for a partial justification of their love of the chase, to an article of their statutes, revised in the year 1346, according to which and others, a horse, a hound, and a falcon or sparrow-hawk, for hunting, had to be presented to the chaplain of the foundation, who ministered at the annual festival in the church of Zollikon.

Footnote 10: Satisfactory explanations of them are given by _Wirz_ in his Swiss Church History, continued by _Kirchhofer_, Vol. V. p. 139.

Footnote 11: In St. Gall, for instance, forty wagon-loads of the ruins of wood en images were carried to the swamps and burnt there. "Every body fell upon the idols. We tore them from the altar, the walls and the pillars. The altars were beaten down, the idols split to pieces with axes, or smashed by hammers. You would have thought it a field of battle. What a noise! what a breaking! what an echoing in the lofty ceiling!" _Kessler_.

Footnote 12: _For scientific readers_: Neither mysticism and pietism, nor dogmatism alone are able to sustain the Protestant churches. Mysticism and pietism yield to more consistent Catholicism; dogmatism, without symbolical books, which lose their authority where the press is free, succumbs to philosophy. The simple _eternal_ dogma of Christ stands: _By its fruit shall ye know the tree._ The time will yet come, when all who practically reverence this dogma, will form the one, universal church, and all others, be they marked with the cross or protests against it, the no-church. For this no revolution is needed, not even much change in forms. _It will come from within._

Footnote 13: Why? will be seen hereafter.

Footnote 14: In the "Advice concerning Images and the Mass."

Footnote 15: The contradictions in the character and behavior of this man, who was rather eccentric than morally corrupt, are well depicted in _Kirchofer's_ Continuation of _Wirz's_ Church History, Part II. p. 222.

Footnote 16: It was publicly read.

Footnote 17: She was the widow of Hans Meier of Knonau, who died in 1520, and had a son by him, named Gerold, whom Zwingli loved like a father and to whom he dedicated a work on the education of youth. Little is known of her during her marriage with Zwingli. But a single short letter is extant, written by her husband from Bern, in which he asks her to send a cap-pattern to one of her relations there. Solomon Hess in his Biography thinks that Zwingli read his writings aloud to her. The author begs leave to doubt this, indeed rather to believe, that he would have heartily laughed, if the learned stuff was tedious to her. Mind and heart she certainly had, and he talked with her not merely about kitchen and cellar; but she probably studied him more in his actions, than in his works.

CHAPTER FOURTH.

DANGERS OF THE REFORMATION AND ZWINGLI'S BATTLE AGAINST THEM.

In our times we hear such frequent use of the word _radicalism_. What is its true meaning, according to its derivation? Action, that penetrates to the roots. We can imagine a _good_ radicalism, which would tear out by the roots all the evil growth of life, and also a _bad_, which would uproot all that is good. The first strives to unite, the second to divide. Experience teaches that neither the one, nor the other, is continually prosperous. Why? Because new tares and wheat spring up anew; and again why? Christ has given us the reason: Because the Lord of the harvest has put off the time of separation. Should this make us indifferent, and negligent in the cultivation of the garden?--We would soon feel the merited results in its dreary desolation. No, it ought to teach us that to every individual his daily labor is appointed, and to every generation of men its conflict; that none can so finish its task, or will so finish it, that the succeeding durst sit down at ease; but that one is the most fortunate which has foresight enough to separate the good and the worthless plants in their earliest stages, the better to cherish the former and as much as possible to keep down the latter. What then is the great, the most important want of political and social life? It is--education. But mere instruction is not education. For in that case the best men would come from the institutions, which are most richly endowed, and yet experience so often teaches us directly the contrary. Indeed, the most important part of education, more influential yet than instruction, without which the latter would be eternally defective, is example. And here again we are referred to the Word of Christ, which summons us to look for fruit. This is the doctrine of religion; to call fruit into life, is the task of the church. Let her see to providing example, and the school instruction, and let both strive honestly to unite knowledge with example. Then only can, then only will their influence be harmonious.

He who pens these remarks is not concerned about the objection, which may be made: What will example, what will all our endeavor to call into existence nobler examples avail, if a one-sided training of the understanding to mock at example and laugh to scorn everything noble in life, teaches that the highest good is to be sought in base, private advantage? if all our means of correction, all authority to interfere be given up? The element of the church is faith--faith in the inward power of truth and goodness, which does not suffer itself to be disheartened by results that appear insignificant, or even by the momentary preponderance of evil. He who has it not, let him not devote himself to her service. They who have it, let them secure a circle of operation as free as possible; and this is the course of wisdom for rulers.

Let us now return to Zwingli, a man in whom such faith and knowledge were joined, and learn to know him also in his battle with the dangers, into which his bold undertaking led him.

The public religious conferences had wakened in the city of Zurich a spirit of inquiry, not, it is true, of that unrestricted kind which seeks a philosophical basis for the dogmas of faith, according to the deductions of human reason, but of that higher order, which looks to their agreement with Holy Scripture. When this was settled, investigation was at an end; but in the settlement there were peculiar difficulties. Who would warrant the accuracy of the translation, when disputes arose? Who would decide whether the obscurer passages should be understood according to the bare sound of the words, or if a more spiritual meaning were applicable?--Synods? Church Councils? They were necessary, indispensable for the maintenance of order in the church. They could work very beneficially for the improvement and spiritualization of systems of doctrine. But to surrender to them the deciding power in matters of faith--that would have been a return to the abandoned principle of Catholicism. To this prelacy and intolerance would have been joined inevitably. Or should every individual be left to decide according to his own caprice? How then could divisions, sects and endless controversies be avoided?

Here again faith lent her aid, faith in the inward truth of the Divine Word. It ought to vindicate, it will vindicate itself, the more it is preached by an educated ministry, which believes in its teachings. In this conviction Zwingli and his friends found their support and did not heed the dangers and the temporary confusion, produced by the overthrow of existing ecclesiastical forms in Zurich.

Just in proportion as the Holy Scriptures became known through the press and the pulpit, interpreters arose on all sides. Here it was simplicity, there presumption, and in the majority passion or selfish projects, which prompted them. By this means the people, a short time before so sensible and quiet, were evidently disturbed and excited. Most pernicious dogmas like these--that learning was superfluous, that Christians ought to own no property, that a nation of brothers needed no government--they attempted to support by the language of Scripture, which was distorted, falsely translated, or torn out of its connection. The general ignorance was too great not to favor the growth of imposture; and the ambition, avarice and debauchery of numbers afforded too many opportunities of temptation to cunning seducers, who spared no amount of travel, writing and dissimulation in order to win adherents and increase the army of dupes. Now let us consider the most important facts.

From their eager violation of existing church usages with unholy parade, and their notorious behavior at the Second Religious Conference we have become acquainted with several leaders of this disorderly party, Conrad Grebel, William R[oe]ubli and Simon Stumpf. Two others, Felix Manz and John Br[oe]dlein, were added; the first of whom by his scientific culture, and the second by his strength of character, as well as by his stubbornness and pride, which did not indeed allow of entire harmony of feeling, soon drew attention, as among the most dangerous.

Manz, like many others in that dissolute age, the intelligent son of a clergyman, had acquired a considerable knowledge of the Hebrew language, little known at that time, and when the want of instruction in it began to be generally felt, he thought himself specially called to become a teacher of it. And had a place been immediately created for him and richly endowed out of the revenues of the newly organized Chapter of Canons, it is highly probable, at least if Bullinger's representation of the man be true, that he would have chosen the nobler path of pure scientific activity. But this was not done, and with Grebel he appeared at the head of the insurgents. In the house of his mother at Zurich, in the New Town, he instituted a nightly meeting, where at first a slight dissatisfaction with the course, which the work of reform had taken, was expressed only in general terms; but by degrees more decided projects were matured--to possess themselves, if possible, with the direction of affairs, and, as they styled it, to found a new church. To this plan they next sought to win over Zwingli. Stumpf and Manz, as he himself tells us, had repeated conversations with him on this subject. They begged him to bring no doctrines into the pulpit, except such as they would agree upon among themselves beforehand. "No one"--said Manz still further--"is to be received into our church, who has not the assurance in himself that he is without sin."--"And will _you_ belong to it?" asked Zwingli with a stern look. Manz was silent; but from that time forth, he and his associates began to calumniate the Reformer everywhere and throw obstacles into his path.

But the actual outbreak of disturbances was occasioned by Br[oe]dlein. A year before, whilst pastor at Quarten, in the bailiwick of Sargan, he had made himself conspicuous. With R[oe]ubli he was among the first of the clergy, who violated the rules of fasting and the vow of celibacy. He had done both in the assurance of evangelical right and Christian liberty; and when the _landvogt_ spoke to him about it, he made answer not in the most courtly terms: The _landvogt_ ought to punish the lewd and adulterous persons who swarm in his neighborhood, instead of him and his virtuous wife. He was bound rather to protect him, and compel the other clergy to marry. The special sanctity of the priesthood was at an end. If one steals, then you should hang him, even though he would anoint his whole body with oil. The tale-bearers had lied about him like rogues. "Still"--he concluded in a tone somewhat more moderate--"I build my hopes not on men of this world. That much you ought to know of me. God has numbered all the hairs of my head, and not a sparrow falls to the ground without His will, so neither can any one injure me or my wife, if it be not His will, and therefore, dear _landvogt_, you need send neither thirty nor a hundred men to fetch her. If she has sinned against God, then send the smallest child, and she must come. But if you wish to take, or cause her to be taken from me by force, then know, that you act against God, divine righteousness and the Gospel. Yet I will not repel force by force. I once indeed thought it necessary to do this; but God has commanded me otherwise, and hence I may not teach it to my brethren."

In fact, the _landvogt_, at the requisition of the ruling cantons, threw him into prison. How he escaped is not known. After the Religious Conferences in Zurich we find him as assistant at Zollikon, and here he seems to have been the first to introduce into Switzerland the doctrines of the Anabaptists, which elsewhere had caused so much dissension. Of all, who sought by means of these doctrines to create discord, to make a show or found a party, we can say, that, without exception, they were men of narrow minds, or, in worse cases, hypocrites with dishonorable private aims. Though it cannot be denied, that in later times respectable men have lived in our country under the name of Anabaptists, and are even yet to be found, still their moral worth springs not from their otherwise innocent mode of baptism, but from their religious exercises, their simple way of living, and the good examples, which they have before their eyes. Yet here also we durst not forget, that it is not the part of history to examine articles of faith, but to keep to events and the external phenomena of life.

In May, 1424, when the decree of the government was issued for the abolition of images and the mass, it was told in Zurich, that the inhabitants of Zollikon, roused by the preaching of Br[oe]dlein, had broken down the images and altars in the church and even carried away the baptismal font; that the doctrine had spread among them, that it was unchristian to baptise children, because no examples of it were found in the Gospel, although frequent mention was made of the baptism of adults; that in fact a deluded multitude had desired to be baptised again; that it had been granted to them by several, who set themselves up for apostles; that some ran about in the houses preaching, explaining the Scriptures and administering the Supper; that others, and those often the most simple, pretended to prophesy; and that in general an improper and blasphemous game was carried on in religious matters. They were informed also that Manz and Grebel had appeared there, and the foolish movement was beginning to spread over the surrounding country.

Whilst a portion of the people fell in with such follies, disturbances arose at the same time in the opposite quarter. The majority of the inhabitants of Meilen would no longer suffer their two priests, who had married, to enter the church. They broke into their houses, wasted their wine and provisions, and it was only with difficulty that the government succeeded in bringing about a sort of compromise between the shepherds and their flock.

A month later followed the so-called "Storming of Ittingen." The _landvogt_ in the Thurgau had taken the reformer [OE]chsli prisoner, and was conveying him by night to the tower at Stein. He cried out for help; the watchful citizens of Stein, on the strength of documents, which gave the right to do this only to them, hurried after, to set him at liberty. Their neighbors of Stammheim, in the canton of Zurich, joined them, and the whole country was soon in motion; but the captors had a considerable start, and the Thur, swollen to the full, prevented the passage of the excited multitude. In a rage they then fell upon Ittigen, the hated monastery of the Carthusians. It was plundered, and set on fire by some one, who was never found out; which act, as is easy to imagine, awakened the earnest interference of the Confederates.

They who were most deserving of punishment fled. Zurich herself cast into prison some others, who were suspected, on account of their prominent place among the insurgents, and not powerful enough to make resistance. These were Hans Wirth, _sub-vogt_ at Stammheim, with his two sons, both priests, and Burkhart Ruetiman, _sub-vogt_ at Nusbaumen. But the Confederates demanded the delivery of the prisoners at Baden before the court of the ruling cantons, since the criminal act was committed in the Thurgau, and not in the canton of Zurich. The Council of Zurich had to comply. But in Baden the prisoners were tried for other things than the transactions in the Thurgau, put to the rack, and with the exception of one of Wirth's sons, actually executed. The sentence was unjust. Not even the most remote personal participation in the plundering and burning of Ittingen could be proved against them. For the part they took in the removal of the images at Stammheim, which chiefly kindled the hatred of the Confederates, they were not responsible to them. That the government had delivered up these men, so beloved in the circle of their home, to such a fate, produced a very unfavorable impression on the inhabitants of the northern part of the canton, the more so, because the condemned had met death in a brave and Christian manner, and aided not a little to increase the disorders, which afterwards prevailed there.

At this juncture the flame broke out in the German provinces lying beyond the Rhine. Thomas Muenzer, at a later period leader of the Saxon Anabaptists, had come to Basel in Frickthal, and Waldshut in Cleggau. In Waldshut he made the acquaintance of the preacher at that place, Balthasar Huebmeier, who, though a man possessed of an honest will, a tolerable knowledge of Scripture and great courage, was yet apt to lend a willing ear to everything new and striking. When preaching at Regensburg he had raised a riot against the Jews, then founded a chapel for pilgrims, then turned to the doctrines of Luther, and was just now as ready to embrace those of the Anabaptists.

Through him Waldshut became for a short time the chief seat of this disorder, from which, in church and state, such hazardous consequences were to be feared. First led by Muenzer, and after he had gone to the Hartz Mountains, by Simon R[oe]ubli, who had been expelled from the territory of Zurich, Huebmeier set himself up as the apostle of Anabaptism, and, according to his own confession, rebaptized the greater part of the inhabitants of Waldshut. The warnings of the Austrian government, at first mild and then earnest, had no effect upon them, and the demand for the dismission of the obnoxious preachers was also in vain. On the contrary, similar fanatics and adventurers of every sort streamed thither from all sides, and when Austria armed herself for severe measures, formal resistance was determined on. Volunteers for this purpose were obtained chiefly from the territories of Zurich. At the first news of the outbreak the government sent a courier to demand their return; but after hearing an address from Rudolph Collin, who, formerly a canon at the Minster, was obliged to leave the territory of Luzern on account of his adherence to the Reformation, and had now joined them with upright feelings and an honest purpose, they declared they would rather die than return home. And their answer won for them immediately a party in the Council. "We are attracted"--so they wrote--"to the Christian brethren at Waldshut, who sigh under oppressive tyranny, not by money, nor for our own private ends--only for the defence of God's Word and from a regard to the honor of Zurich. The Spirit of the Lord has called them to arms; there is no seditious person among them; their captain is Jesus Christ."

Meanwhile, affairs in Waldshut took a turn, which might have been foreseen by the prudent. The noise of war drowned the devotions of piety. It was a matter of indifference, whether psalms or frivolous songs were sung in the camp. Nay, it fared worse with the former. Huebmeier himself, at his trial, tells of a supper in the house of a merchant, where he sat at the side of the captain amid music and hurrahs. And what the further aims of these pious warriors were is shown by a letter still extant, written by one of them to the "dear brother and image in God, Heiny Aberly in Zurich," which contains the following: "See, that you send us yet forty or fifty well-armed, Christian fellows; for if there were more of us here, we would then be a council of affairs against the enemy and _my lords_ (the government of Zurich); and if we would again be warned home and _then go_, it would serve to the damage and hindrance of the kingdom of God."

This unholy proceeding was soon detected by Collin and other men of honor. They returned home, obedient to the renewed summons of the government. Those who staid behind no longer concealed their plan of open resistance; and this spreading over the surrounding country entered also the boundaries of Zurich.

The first news of it was received by the government from the _landvogt_ of Eglisau. The payment of taxes and villanage were refused. A deputy of the Council was pelted with stones. The rebellion extended more and more into the mountain regions. A swarm of insurgents fell upon the monastery of Rueti--the abbot having escaped with the money, jewels and archives--and rioted and caroused there. In many parishes the alarm was sounded; the house of the Knights of St. John at Bubikon was surprised and met a fate similar to that of Rueti. The government with great difficulty succeeded in producing a momentary calm, by a decree inviting the excited country people to hand in their demands and wishes in writing. This was done by the districts of Grueningen, Kyburg, Greifensee, Eglisau and Andelfingen, and thus it soon came to light in what close connection these disturbances in Zurich stood with those, which then, under the name of the Peasant's War, set a great part of Germany in a blaze. Streams of blood and executions by thousands suppressed it there. In Switzerland such dreadful scenes could be prevented.

Still, the complaints, handed in by the districts of Zurich just named, were closely copied after the twelve articles, which the rebellious peasants of Germany everywhere demanded of their lords. But if reasons for rebellion are to be sought in the tyranny of many nobles, as well as in the confused ideas of the people, then, instead of finding abuses in Switzerland, in the canton of Zurich, there was less cause for complaint against the oppression of the people by the government at no period of her history.

The Council therefore, conscious of an upright purpose and strengthened by the increase of the city-guilds, took the points of complaint, which were presented, into consideration. To yield as far as was fair and just, to hold firmly to all that was sustained by sealed treaties and documents, was the general leading principle. It is true, another might have been embraced, that which has been wrought into our existing political life and immoveably planted there, the principle of entire equality, and the rather because the feeling that it was not altogether foreign to the Gospel, was expressed in the memorials of the people. But the contest for and against this principle could not be carried on by one government; duty and prudence enjoined a rigid maintenance of rights guaranteed by documents as long as possible. Upon another field, that of science, and where the Gospel would be appealed to, theological science, it must be decided beforehand. On this field Luther and Zwingli actually carried on the battle and both showed the impropriety of using passages of Scripture, and of wresting them from their true meaning, in the affairs of state.

The government of Zurich on her side kept simply to the letter of the articles received from the different districts. These, agreeing in the main points, still varied as to special privileges, customs and the annoyance of some parts of the canton by others.[1] All were examined and its own answer sent to each district. The reply to the first point, which was the same to all, ran thus: "Since you have declared, that you will have no lords for protectors, save God and the city of Zurich, it needs no answer and is clear of itself, that we will have _one_ God, and My Lords are only your natural lords and superiors in temporal affairs, for they have not obtained dominion over you by any kind of tyranny or warlike power, but bought it freely and with ready money. Let them then retain it; for we all should give to God what is due to Him, and to worldly authority what is due to it; and My Lords hope, that you, their subjects, will also find it so."

Although considerable relief was promised in regard to some of the points complained of, still the envoys of the Council, who were appointed to convey the answer into the different districts, nowhere met with a favorable reception. The universal cry was that nothing further could be done without an assembly of the people, and on Whitmonday, June 5th, an announcement was made to this effect, with a call to the oldest man of every household to appear on the field near T[oe]ss.

It is not at all necessary, in our day, when such things are so common, to describe this first convention of the people. The only difference between it and ours, consisted in this, that no formal resolutions were drawn up beforehand, and no one undertook, or understood how, to preside. Hence the mass was broken up into groups of blustering declaimers or curious spectators, among whom the deputies of the government went about, pacifying here, instructing there, and again perhaps using threats; but "We are to be bidden no longer"--resounded again and again from the incensed multitude--"We wish the cities to get used to walking; for ourselves we will ride once as lords of the day." The popular _landvogt_, Lavater of Kyburg, succeeded in persuading several of the most influential to pacify their friends and neighbors. But the citizens of Winterthur took the wisest course. They invited the entire host into their town, entertained them liberally, and thus made them forget their enterprise for a while.

But the matter was soon taken up again. And for this the inhabitants of the region between the rivers Rhine and Thur were chiefly to blame. In closer connection with their German neighbors, and excited at the same time by grievances suffered in consequence of the Storming of Ittingen, they meditated a separation from Zurich; in any case they intended to deal with the government not in the character of subjects, but in that of an independent party. Meanwhile the government seeing the importance of the crisis, roused itself for prompt action. First of all, some of its prominent members were empowered to raise troops and money, and in general to make all arrangements for defence in the city itself. Then it was resolved to appeal, as before, to all the districts of the canton, that still remained peaceful, viz: those on the lake, in Limatthal, in the free bailiwicks and in the so-called Neuamt, (new bailiwick). The same mode of proceedure, observed before, was again employed: a delegation from the Council, their explanations and inquiries, and a request for a written answer.

Information in regard to all that had occurred was given to the assembled congregations in the form of a long vindication. They were again reminded of the endeavors of the government to keep aloof from every dangerous foreign influence and maintain the Gospel; and then the points of grievance, handed in by the turbulent districts, and the answers sent by the government were laid before them: "More than a thousand florins have My Lords expended already on account of these people, especially those on the other side of the Thur, and their disorderly doings. How miserably the assembly at T[oe]ss ended, you will all have learned by this time, and that a new one, still more numerous, is announced to meet at Kloten. Our Lords hope, that, if you are invited, you will not go, but if they desire it, and you do, let it be only to warn them back to duty; and although we believe everything good of you, that yet you will inform the government of your mind, the rather because the people of the lake have been one with the city of Zurich from time immemorial and esteemed as burghers of the same, and it is hoped will be so forever."

Of the answers sent in, as far as they are still extant, the most characteristic may be here quoted:

"To the notice"--wrote _Manedorf_--"which Our Lords have laid before us concerning a strange convocation in the duchy of Kyburg and several manors, our answer is: When our Lords agreed, with their whole canton, to give the go-by to all princes and lords, and thereby spared the blood of many honest people, then we gave them praise and thanks therefor, and it is our earnest will and opinion that Our Lords ought to adhere to that and punish all who transgress their prohibition, whether for the French or other lords, each one according to his desert. For this we are willing to pledge person and property, and so we have already signified to Our Lords. Since they have read before us the articles and grievances, under which the honest people of the manors think they lie, we confess that we have no part at all in them. And since Our Lords have come a second time to learn what our feelings may be toward them, in regard to the preachings of the Holy Gospel, we again pray them to keep steadfastly to it, and if any one, whoever he may be, wishes to oppress them in this, we cheerfully pledge to them our honor, our lives, our property, and whatever else God has given us. Thus, it is again our humble prayer and desire that you have the Holy Gospel, aforenamed, still preached more and more, and hope that by God's Word many things, of which the poor man now complains, may be done away. But it seems to us, that selfishness yet prevails, and is little willing to relieve the common man, and that there are several preachers, who, after beginning to preach the Holy Gospel, now deceive themselves. Since then we learn, that Our Lords have banished several preachers from their territory,[2] although they knew they preached nothing but the Holy Word of God and what they knew could be proven by the same, it yet grieves us and it is our humble prayer, that whoever he may be, preacher or peasant, who is enlightened by God to preach the Holy Gospel and prove it by Holy Scripture, that you let him do it, so that this Holy word may come to light; though it strikes us, as above stated, that several preachers have wilfully deluded themselves. Further, when Our Lords were concerned, lest war should arise against the confederates, they sent guns to us everywhere in the canton, but now demand them back again, which appears strange to us, since just at this very time they are building bulwarks in the city. If war is to be feared, then there will be fresh need of the guns; but if you are building bulwarks against us, then God have pity! But we hope He will send his grace and peace between us all. Lastly, since Our Lords have informed us that the people of Kyburg and the manors will assemble again on next Thursday at Kloten, and perhaps send to us, to learn our feelings toward them, and that we ought to send thither two honorable men, who may promote peace and quiet, we answer, that, up to this time, no one, either from the duchy or elsewhere, has come with a request to our congregation. But should any one come, then will we act upon his summons in a proper manner."

"We have"--write the people of _Kilchberg_--"listened to Our Lords' oral and written notice, long as it is, and entrust this business to our Lords. They are wise and sensible enough to know what may serve the interests of the city and of us in the country, and how to order matters to our well-pleasing, and we will always stand by Our Lords, as good, honest people. And hence we pray, that, if we should send any one to Kloten, Our Lords will not take it amiss; because we do it for no other purpose than to give good counsel and advise them to disperse."

The congregation of _Thalweil_ likewise report, that they "heard the articles read; that they were long and much of them they could not understand, and therefore could give but brief answers. Hence they would let the former answers remain; that they were willing to place person and property at the disposal of Our Lords, as far as concerns the fatherland, and they must stand aloof from foreign lords. They would send to Kloten like they of Kilchberg."

Still more confiding was the answer from _Horgen_: "The congregation of the people of the bailiwicks deplore that the notice and demand should be necessary. They also will send no one either to Kloten or elsewhere, if Our Lords or the Canton desire it, for they wish to speak and to do their best, always to be obedient to Our Lords and adhere faithfully to the Word of God. We entrust the matter to Our Lords, who know well what may be to the praise and honor of them and the city."