Chapter V: Second Grand Vizierate of Midhat Pasha

On 19th December 1876, three months after the accession of Abdul Hamid to the throne, Midhat was appointed Grand Vizier. His nomination to this post was again welcomed with great rejoicing in Turkey, and gave Europe generally hopes of the accomplishment of some reforms. Sir Henry Elliot addressed the following despatch to Lord Derby:—

“_Sir H. Elliot to the Earl of Derby_.

“CONSTANTINOPLE, 19_th December_ 1876.

“MY LORD,—Midhat Pasha has been appointed Grand Vizier in the place
of Mehemet Rushdi Pasha. The importance of this appointment at this
moment is very great. Midhat Pasha is beyond question the most
energetic and liberal of the Turkish statesmen, and a man of action,
although his decisions are sometimes hasty.

“He has always advocated the equality of Mussulmans and Christians,
and wishes for a constitutional control over the power of the Grand
Vizier as well as of the Sultan. He is opposed to centralisation,
and in favour of giving the provincial populations much control over
their local affairs.

“He has at times spoken strongly to me against the grant of special
institution in the Slav Provinces; but he is a man who listens to
argument, and may, perhaps, be brought to see the necessity of it
under the present circumstances.

“He is disliked by the old Mussulman party, but is regarded as the
hope of the Mussulman reformers and of the Christians.

“He used formerly always to wish to follow the advice of Her
Majesty’s Government, but I am not aware what his feelings towards
England are at this moment.[13]

“I have....

“HENRY ELLIOT.”

Midhat pointed out to the Sultan, in a letter addressed to Saïd, the danger of the delay and procrastination that would be caused by too prolonged discussion on the text of the Constitution; further, that the text which had been submitted to the Sultan was such as had been decided upon by the Commission appointed by His Majesty himself, and that that text, after having been submitted to His Majesty as it came from the hands of the Commission, was now, together with His Majesty’s observations on it, being considered by the Ministers as a final stage, requiring at most three or four days’ deliberation, and that any longer delay before its actual promulgation would assuredly raise in the minds of the friendly Powers a doubt as to the sincerity of the Turkish Government in the work of the reform; and he insisted, finally, that, in order to convince them of this sincerity, it was essentially desirable that the promulgation of the Constitution should take place before the date fixed for the assembly of the Conference.

At the very first Ministerial Council under Midhat’s presidency as Grand Vizier, held at the house of Mahmoud Damad—a significant circumstance in itself—the conspirators showed their hand. When the subject of the Constitution and its promulgation came under discussion, Djevdet Pasha, Minister for Justice, and Mahmoud’s man, who had hitherto been “lying low” awaiting developments, suddenly sprang upon his colleagues the proposal that the whole question of the Constitution should be indefinitely adjourned, on the pretext that with the change that had taken place in the occupancy of the throne it was no longer necessary. The indignation and wrath of Midhat can easily be imagined at the audacity and perversity of this audacious proposition; he apostrophised his colleague in no sparing terms, and pointed out to him that the sole ground and justification of the solemn act of deposition to which they had lent their countenance was the necessity of having the Constitution promulgated; and he made Djevdet and Mahmoud, and any other weak‐kneed colleague who might be inclined to support their views, very clearly understand that he would throw up his office and retire into private life if the slightest hesitation was shown on their part with respect to this essential matter. By this uncompromising firmness he dispelled any illusion that might have been harboured that a frontal attack on the Constitution, with Midhat at the helm, could be of any avail, and the opposition feigned acquiescence in the Grand Vizier’s views. The incident, however, was not the less significant, and ought to have warned Midhat of what was secretly preparing in the councils of the conspirators.

It has been said, among other equally groundless and disingenuous criticisms, that “Midhat’s Constitution,” as it has been called, was a simple device to defeat the Conference that was about to assemble. One single fact, vouched for on an authority that will not be disputed, absolutely disposes of this calumny. Sir Henry Elliot, referring to these very matters, distinctly says that Midhat Pasha and his friends had informed him that they were working for the promulgation of a Constitution, and explained their views fully to him, twelve months before there was any question of a conference at all: “This was more than a year before its promulgation, when it was declared to have been invented to defeat the Conference then sitting at Constantinople!”[14]

That Midhat and his friends used the fact of the promulgation as a weapon to oppose the decisions of the Conference is likely enough; but this was perfectly fair dealing, and a legitimate weapon to make use of. Another proposition which is not true, and is proved to have been false, is that the Constitution was invented for the purpose of defeating the Conference. It is abundantly evident that if there had been no Conference at all, the Constitution would none the less have been elaborated and its promulgation insisted on.

Another disingenuous and captious criticism passed on the Constitution by its enemies is the implication contained in the expression “Midhat’s Constitution,” as if it was a “one‐man’s” Constitution, and not the work of what may be called the national mind—that is, the majority of the best minds in it. That Midhat had a great deal to say in its elaboration, and still more in its promulgation, in spite of the unconcealed opposition of the Sultan, and the Palace, and the whole phalanx of reaction behind them, there can of course be no doubt whatever, and to his eternal honour be it said; but that it was a “one‐man’s” work, in the sense that it was not the expression of the wants and wishes of the nation, is disproved by all the circumstances connected with it. Chakir Effendi, one of its warmest partisans, was one of the most learned, distinguished and highly esteemed Ulema at Constantinople; it was he who headed a deputation of Ulemas and doctors of the law, to congratulate Midhat immediately after the ceremony of promulgation was over. The most enthusiastic champions of both Midhat and the Constitution were the Softas, or body of students, numbering several thousands, of all the _medresses_ (schools and universities) in Constantinople, the future generation of the educated mind of the nation. The provinces, without exception, were in favour of it. The important city of Adrianople sent a congratulatory address to Midhat, which the Sultan would not allow to be published in the papers. The instinct of the masses looked upon it as the one resource in the dire straits of the nation. The very fact that, with an opposing Sultan clinging to his “sovereign rights,” and a bitterly hostile and determined Palace clique, and in spite of all the means at the disposal of Turkey’s nearest and most powerful neighbour unscrupulously put into action, the Constitution ever saw the daylight, and actually lived for a twelvemonth in such an environment, is the very strongest evidence that can possibly be adduced of its inherent vitality, and an undeniable proof that it was something more than a “one‐man’s” Constitution.

The Constitution, although the principal, was not the only subject of contention between the new Sultan and his Vizier. There were questions of persons, questions of money, questions of education that divided them irreconcilably. The Sultan, who had no doubt fixed on Edhem Pasha as the pliable instrument that he would need after the Conference was over, and when the work of getting rid of Midhat had to be gone through, desired to elevate one who, in his opinion, “was not quite the person for a very high position,” to a post whence subsequent promotion to the very highest position would seem a little less incongruous. He accordingly selected Edhem Pasha for the post of President of the Council of State, the important office concerned with the elaboration of the laws of the country. Midhat’s candidate was Sadik Pasha, whose competency was beyond dispute. Damad Mahmoud Djelaleddin wished to have Djevdet Pasha, his faithful henchman—whom we have already seen at work—nominated to this post, but even the Sultan thought his knowledge and intellectual capacity altogether too circumscribed. The accompanying letter shows the strong insistence of the Sultan on his own intention. He had the great advantage over Midhat which conspirators always have, viz., of having his plan of campaign with a distinct aim already settled, and knowing therefore beforehand the strong position which it was necessary to occupy on the field of battle.

Midhat, ignorant of the game that was being played, sacrificed point after point in it, considering their importance with reference to public affairs secondary to that of having the Constitution promulgated as soon as possible.

The following letter makes these points clear:—

_To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier._

“HIGHNESS,—After you had left the Palace, His Majesty sent for me
and questioned me as to the cause of the delay in the nomination
of Edhem Pasha as President of the Council of State. I told His
Majesty that the Irade (order) relative to that appointment had
been communicated to your Highness yesterday, and that probably the
visit of the French Envoy to your Highness was the cause of the
delay in my receiving an answer to the communication, and I told His
Majesty that the only motive of your opposition to the appointment
was the incapacity of Edhem Pasha to fulfil the duties of a post
to which were confided the constitutional functions of elaborating
the laws; that as for Sadik Pasha, whom you proposed for that post,
there could be no doubt that his nomination would add a useful
person to the Ministerial Councils. At that moment Damad Mahmoud
Djelaleddin was called in, and he expressed the same opinion, but
proposed that Djevdet Pasha should be appointed President of the
Council, and that Edhem Pasha, whose incompetency you objected to,
might fill the post of Minister of Justice. On this His Majesty made
the following declaration: ‘I am not acquainted with Edhem Pasha,
in spite of his services to my father, but I have now learned to
appreciate his abilities; I intend therefore to profit by everybody’s
capacities, and _although Edhem Pasha is not quite the person to
occupy a very high position_, I think nevertheless he is capable
of performing the duties of President of the Council of State. The
knowledge and learning of Djevdet Pasha are very limited, whereas the
accomplishments and capacity of Edhem Pasha are great in comparison
with his. In a word, I shall be glad if His Highness the Grand
Vizier will acquiesce in my wishes, and will to‐morrow propose his
nomination to me. Write and tell him so.’ This is the reason why I
have written at length to you on the subject.—I have the honour to
be,

“(Signed) SAÏD.

“6 _Zilhidje_, 1293, 1 _o’clock, Hegira_.”
(22_nd December_ 1876.)

Another and still more serious difference of opinion, relative to persons, arose concerning Zia Bey. This person, one of the most distinguished litterateurs and poets Turkey possessed, who had been appointed private Secretary of the Sultan Murad, and whose nomination to the same post by the present Sultan had been made an article of the treaty between Midhat and Prince Hamid at Muslou‐Oglou, was suspected of inspiring certain articles in the Turkish paper _Istikbal_ which threw doubts on the Sultan’s sincerity with reference to the Constitution. These articles gave great offence at the Palace, and were considered of dangerous tendency. The Sultan determined not only to proceed against the paper, but also to remove Zia Bey, at any price, from the capital.

The accompanying letter will show the feelings of the Sultan on the subject:

_To Midhat Pasha._

“HIGHNESS,—The Imperial Irade (written order) relative to the
nomination of Zia Bey to the post of Ambassador at Berlin, was
communicated to your Highness yesterday evening, and His Majesty
has just asked me if the proposed nomination had arrived, and on
my reply in the negative His Majesty ordered me to insist upon it,
adding the following observation: ‘Zia Bey is very ambitious, and
if he had known how to profit by this quality with a view to his
advancement and his future, he would have succeeded in obtaining
a post here suited to his capacity; but this person has never yet
shown any stability of character or fixity of purpose, and when
anything occurs contrary to his views and wishes, he is in the habit
of weaving intrigues in the matter, which is not favourable to his
prolonged sojourn in Constantinople. His removal, moreover, from
the capital cannot but facilitate for the Grand Vizier the exercise
of his functions in freeing him from this kind of obstacle. These
observations of mine are no exaggerations; but if on the one hand Zia
Bey’s individual merit is only mediocre, the people are naturally
attracted by these critics and attend to their criticisms, and in
this way lend an importance to these polemics which they do not
intrinsically deserve. As for the despatch of Zia Bey to Berlin, the
Government is resolved to take the same steps at Berlin as it has
determined to take at Paris, London, and Vienna, and to endeavour to
gain the sympathies of Prince Bismark (_sic_), and if Zia Bey succeed
in this, he will have shown his _savoir faire_, earned the gratitude
of the State, and by the fact itself shown his aptitude for foreign
affairs, and then his further promotion will be justified. Moreover,
his selection will provoke no opposition on the part of the Court
of Berlin.’ On account of these considerations His Majesty orders
this nomination to be submitted to him as soon as possible. It is,
moreover, by Imperial command that I have written to you at such
length on the subject, and have repeated what has already been said;
and His Majesty desires that you will carry out these injunctions by
to‐morrow at the audience you will have with His Majesty.

“I have the honour to be,

“(Signed) SAÏD.

“12 _Zilhidje_, 1293, _Hegira_.”
(28_th December_ 1876.)

In the meantime the population of Constantinople, who have been represented by interested critics as indifferent about the Constitution and reform, hearing of the proposed exile of this champion of the Constitution and reform, determined to prevent his departure from the capital by electing him as one of their representatives in the new Parliament. Consternation is not too strong a term to describe the feelings that this proposal excited in the Palace. Zia Bey had an influence among the people of the capital. What if his presence among them in the Parliament should checkmate all the plans of a carefully hatched conspiracy? The following letter clearly reveals this consternation:—

_To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier._

“HIGHNESS,—His Majesty has just read in the paper _Istikbal_ that
the population of Constantinople have decided to elect Zia Bey as
their representative, and that a petition signed by several thousand
persons will be addressed to the Palace with a view of retaining Zia
Bey in the capital. Thereupon His Majesty declared categorically
that the candidature of Zia Bey as deputy was not acceptable; that
numerous acts proved the participation of Zia Bey in acts against his
Sovereign; that the constitution forbade the entry into Parliament of
individuals compromised in any way.[15]

“‘It is to be observed that this person has had recourse to
various methods, including the intervention of the Press and other
contrivances, to gain popularity for himself. Although these
proceedings have constituted no claim on his part for favourable
consideration from the Government, the rank of Vizier has been
conferred upon him, and the post of Governor‐General in one of the
most important vilayets, viz., Syria, simply in order to comply with
the request of the Grand Vizier. But Zia Bey, far from exhibiting
any gratitude, has sought more than ever to exercise an influence in
the Capital, through his position as Vizier, by announcing in the
_Istikbal_ that he is one of the originators of the Constitution,
which was, in fact, promulgated by our desire with the co‐operation
of a few patriots. We have consequently directed the Grand Vizier
to proceed against Zia Bey in such matter as may seem proper to
him.’ Such was the declaration of His Majesty. His Majesty further
criticised the action of the _Istikbal_, which, without reason,
has just published the famous letter of Mustafa Fazil Pasha, and
calls your attention to the fact of that paper, though suspended
indefinitely, having reappeared. His Majesty considers it urgent to
find means to put an end to such doings in the Press.

“I have the honour to be

“(Signed) SAÏD.

“24 _Zilhidje_, 1293, _Hegira_.”
(9_th January_ 1877.)

As the concluding passage of this letter shows, the Sultan, whilst banishing Zia Bey, determined, _pour encourager les autres_, to proceed with all possible vigour against the Press. There was to be no faltering in so grave a matter. For this purpose the _Istikbal_ was to be suspended, and a Draconian law against the Press prepared “within three or four days,” although by Article 12 of the Constitution this matter ought to have been left to be dealt with by the Parliament.

The following letters speak for themselves:—

_To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier._

“HIGHNESS,—His Majesty, after having made the remark to me that
the contents of the article ‘The Future of Islam,’ published by the
_Vakit_, and especially the words underlined, were calculated to
lead astray public opinion, and referring to an interview with your
Highness yesterday evening on the subject of the Press, orders your
Highness to inform him of the measures you intend to take against
the Editor of this particular paper, for having published facts
calculated to make a bad impression, and, moreover, to propose to him
a competent person ... as Director of the Bureau of the Press, in the
place of the present functionary, who has been guilty of inattention
and negligence, and must be nominated to some other post.

“As the Press, basing its pretensions on the liberty it enjoys under
the Constitution, does not cease to publish all sorts of things, His
Majesty, with a view to putting an end to abuses, and placing a curb
on the license of the newspapers, commands your Highness to give the
necessary orders in the proper quarter to complete within the delay
of three or four days, the law on the Press, referred to in the
Constitution.

“I have the honour to be

“(Signed) SAÏD.

“15 _Zilhidje_, 1293, _Hegira_.”
(31_st December_ 1876.)

_To Midhat Pasha, Grand Vizier._

“HIGHNESS,—With reference to the measures to be taken against the
Editor of the _Vakit_, I presented to His Majesty the note sent by
your Honour last night on this subject. Whilst accepting the spirit of
your observations, and even granting that the article in that paper
was not in itself seditious, it is not the less a fact that that paper
published, without any plausible justification, a statement to the
effect that the _Fetva_ of Sheik‐ul‐Islam is sufficient to depose a
Sultan, a declaration calculated to prompt the people to a seditious
movement, and to nullify the conditions and safeguards on which the
promulgation of the _Fetva_ depends, teaching the people that all
power is attached to the individual will of the functionary who issues
the _Fetva_. If such acts are tolerated, the papers will not fail to
profit by the license, and to abuse it, and His Majesty orders that
the Imperial Irade issued against the _Vakit_ and its Editor shall
be executed as soon as possible by way of example; the present law
with respect to the Press being sufficient for this purpose. Further,
the journal _Istikbal_, in its number of last Tuesday, published a
long article to the effect that the delay in the promulgation of the
Constitution, which was elaborated and ready for promulgation in his
reign, had caused all kinds of ills, and this article corroborates
the facts above referred to; and it is with a view to preventing the
Press, either from ignorance or evil intention, from adopting a line
of reasoning in contradiction to the views and intentions of His
Majesty, that His Majesty commands me, with a view of emphasising his
views on the subject, to send you a copy of the incriminated article.

“I have the honour to be,

“(Signed) SAÏD.

“18 _Zilkidje_, 1293, _Hegira_.”
(2_nd January_ 1877.)

Two other subjects of grave difference were the cause of a good deal of fencing between Midhat and the Palace. The one was the position of Galib Pasha, Minister of Finance, whom Midhat was determined to remove from the post of Minister of Finance; the other had reference to mixed education in the State schools, a subject on which Midhat had always held very strong views. But as the foreign envoys in the capital were now demanding the convocation of the official meeting of the Conference, it was determined to postpone the final resolution on these subjects till after the Conference was over.

The preliminary difficulties being at last overcome, or at least their discussion postponed till after the Conference was over, the date for the proclamation of the Constitution, with the Sultan’s famous rider inserted in the text, like the fatal gift of the evil fairy in the fable, was finally determined on.

On the morning of the 23rd December, 1876, in the big open space in front of the Sublime Porte, facing the apartments reserved for the Sultan, a large platform was erected, profusely decorated with Turkish flags. Hither all the notabilities and Ulemas and Ministers were convoked to hear the promulgation of the new Constitution which, in the view of its promoters and supporters, was to inaugurate a new era for the sorely tried empire of the Osmanli. It might indeed have been a day marked in red, the greatest date in Turkish history. As it was, it was only the first act of a stupendous comedy.

The notabilities were now assembled, and in spite of a downpour of rain, an immense crowd of people came to witness and applaud the ceremony. The troops lined the road between Sirkedji and the Sublime Porte, and along it, at mid‐day. Saïd Pasha, the first Secretary to the Sultan, in full uniform, preceded by a military band, arrived at the Sublime Porte, bearing the Sultan’s letter (_Hatti Humayun_) of promulgation, addressed to the Grand Vizier Midhat Pasha, and the text of the Constitution. The letter ran as follows:—

_Rescript_ (_Hatti Humayun_) _of the Sultan promulgating the Ottoman Constitution_.

“MY ILLUSTRIOUS GRAND VIZIER, MIDHAT PASHA,—The power of Our Empire
was lately declining. Foreign affairs were not the cause of this, but
men had strayed from the right path in the administration of home
affairs, and the bonds that attached Our subjects to the Government
had been relaxed. My august Father, the late Sultan, Abdul Medjid,
granted a Charter of Reform, the _Tanzimat_, which guaranteed, in
accordance with the sacred law of the Cheri, life, property, and
honour to all.

“It has been in consequence of the salutary effect of the _Tanzimat_
that the State has, up to the present time, been able to maintain
itself in security, and that We have been enabled to found and
proclaim this day the Constitution which is the result of ideas and
opinions fully expressed.

“On this auspicious occasion I desire to recall with a feeling of
special devotion the memory of My late august Father, who has been
rightly considered the regenerator of his country. I doubt not that
he would have himself inaugurated the Constitutional era that we are
about to enter this day, if the period of the promulgation of the
_Tanzimat_ had been adapted to the necessities of our own times. But
it has been to Our reign that Providence has reserved the task to
accomplish this happy transformation, which is the supreme guarantee
of the welfare of Our peoples. I thank Heaven for allowing me to be
its instrument.

“It is evident that the principle of our Government had become
incompatible with the successive modifications introduced into our
internal organisation, and the increasing development of our foreign
relations. Our most earnest desire is to cause the disappearance of
all obstacles to the full enjoyment by the nation of all the natural
resources it possesses, and, in a word, to see Our subjects put into
the possession of rights which appertain to all civilised society,
and to be united together in a common bond of progress, union, and
concord.

“In order to attain this object it was necessary to adopt a salutary
regular organisation, to safeguard the inalienable rights of the
Governing body by the abolition of faults and abuses of all kinds,
_which result from illegality—that is to say, from the arbitrary
power of one or more individuals_: to accord the same rights and
to prescribe the same duties to all the members of the several
communities composing our Society, and to enable them all to profit,
without distinction, by the blessings of liberty, justice and
equality—these being the only possible methods of guaranteeing and
protecting the interests of all.

“From these essential principles flows the necessity of another
eminently useful work: viz., that of connecting Public Right with a
deliberative and constitutional System. That is the reason why in the
Hatt that We promulgated on Our accession to the Throne We declared
the urgency of creating a Parliament.

“A special Commission composed of the highest dignitaries, Ulemas and
functionaries of the State, has carefully elaborated the basis of a
Constitution, and this again has been studied and approved by Our
Council of Ministers.

“This fundamental Charter confirms the prerogatives of the Sovereign;
the civil and political equality of Ottomans before the law; the
responsibilities and duties of Ministers and Officials; the complete
independence of the Tribunals; the efficient balancing of the Budget,
and lastly, the decentralisation of provincial administration,
whilst preserving the decisive action and the powers of the Central
Government.

“All these principles, _in strict conformity with the dispositions of
the Cheri_, as well as to Our aptitude and aspirations, are equally
in harmony with Our generous desire to assure the happiness and
prosperity of all Our subjects, which is Our Supreme wish.

“Confiding in the Divine Grace and in the intercession of the
Prophet, I am now placing in your hand this Constitution after having
invested it with My Imperial sanction. With the assistance of God, it
will immediately be applied to all portions of Our Empire.

“Therefore, it is My decided will that you shall publish it, and
shall see that it shall be executed, from this day forth.

“You must, moreover, take the promptest and most efficacious measures
to proceed with the study and elaboration of the laws and regulations
mentioned in this instrument.

“May the Almighty deign to accord success to all those who work for
the salvation of the Empire and the Nation.

“Given this 7th of Zilhidje 1293, Hegira.”

(23_rd December_ 1876.)

The reading of the _Hatti Humayun_ concluded, the First Secretary ceremoniously handed the Grand Vizier the text of the Constitution, after reverently raising it to his lips. The Grand Vizier received it with the like ceremony, and then handed it to the Grand Referendary,[16] Mahmoud Bey, who read it to the assembled people, while thousands of fly‐leaves bearing the text of the Constitution were distributed in all directions.

After the text was read, Midhat made a speech, expressing gratitude to the Sultan for the graciousness of this act in promulgating the Constitution, the immense importance of which he proceeded to point out to the people. When he had concluded, the Mufti of Adrianople offered up a prayer, and all the people cried “Amen,” and a salute of 101 guns from the Seraskierate announced to the whole city that “the Constitution” was proclaimed.

The Ulemas with the Sheik‐ul‐Islam (Hairullah Effendi) at their head; the Christian clergy with their patriarchs; the Ministers; the learned and distinguished Chakir Effendi, followed by the Softas and students; the representatives of all the corporations, and the populace of the capital, with flags bearing the inscription “Liberty,” came to congratulate Midhat, at his own residence, on the new era of liberty. In the evening the mosques were illuminated, and the people, carrying torches, paraded the streets, crying, “Long live the Sultan and Midhat Pasha!” Telegrams of congratulation were received from all the provinces of the Empire, expressing the joy felt at this great event. In short, the whole populace was in a state of rejoicing; the Palace of Bechiktashe was the only place not illuminated. The Sultan was indisposed.

Although it was contrary to custom for a Grand Vizier to pay an official visit to the religious communities, Midhat Pasha went the following day to the Greek and Armenian Patriarchs and to the Jewish Chief Rabbi, to thank them for their expressions of rejoicing at the new Constitution. He was received with enthusiasm by the patriarchs, and the Christian populace threw flowers in his way. The Grand Vizier made speeches in which he declared that he recognised no distinctions between Mussulmans and Christians, as they were all children of the same country, urging that all should work together as brothers to promote the progress of their country, under one flag, and by the aid of the new liberty pronounced by His Majesty the Sultan.