Chapter IX (5)

Clive's friends in England, to whom his father referred for advice, were of opinion that the proposition would never be entertained by the Court of Directors, and that regard for his interest should prevent its being made. There was another reason for not agitating this question. A motion[121] had some time before been brought forward in the Court of Proprietors, to give Clive a sum of 6000_l._, which was opposed on the ground of his having sufficient opportunities of acquiring fortune in the course of the service. This had occurred before the news of the battle of Plassey reached England. The reputation which that and subsequent events gave Clive with the nation, and with his Majesty's ministers, excited a spirit of jealousy amongst some of the Directors. His father informs him that several leading men in the India House appeared offended at the recommendations they had received of him from persons of high rank and members of administration.

Clive knew the world, and was fully aware of the feelings which his success was likely to produce; and judged wisely that his prospects of future notice and reward might be impeded, instead of being promoted, by the imprudent zeal of his friends. He was particularly apprehensive of the effects of the natural feelings of his father, and wrote to Mr. Belchier, one of his agents, to endeavour to repress the old gentleman's desire to intrude the merits of his son upon all the great men of the land.

"As this good news," he observes[122], "may set my father upon exerting himself too much, and paying too many visits to the Duke of Newcastle, Mr. Fox, and other great men, I desire you will endeavour to moderate his expectations; for although I intend getting into Parliament, and have hopes of being taken some notice of by his Majesty, yet, you know, the merit of all actions is greatly lessened by being too much boasted of. I know my father's disposition leads this way, which proceeds from his affection for me."

It was not easy, however, to moderate either the language or the expectations of a father whose pride in the public services of his son, though great, was exceeded by the admiration and gratitude with which he viewed the conduct of one, whose ties of duty and of love for his parents and family appeared to gain additional strength as he advanced in riches and in fame, and who seemed to place his chief happiness in making those for whom he cherished regard or affection participators in his own good fortune.

The moment, indeed, Clive found himself, from unexpected events, abounding in wealth, his first object was to impart comfort to all who had claims upon him, either from kindred or friendship. His gifts, though liberal, had in them no spirit of prodigality. They were adapted with judgment to the wants and dispositions of those on whom they were bestowed: but it was the manner, even more than the substance, of his acts which gave them value with those who loved him. His correspondence with his family and friends will afford the best evidence of this fact.

Clive, in a letter[123] to his father, written shortly after the battle of Plassey, giving him an account of the events which had occurred from the capture of Chandernagore till the enthronement of Meer Jaffier, informs him, that the Nabob's generosity will enable him to live in his native country, in a manner much beyond his most sanguine expectation.

"I have ordered," he states in this letter, "2000_l._ to each[124] of my sisters, and shall take care of my brothers in due time. I would advise the lasses to marry as soon as possible, for they have no time to lose. There is no occasion for you following the law any more: but more of this when I have the pleasure of seeing you, which, I hope, will be in twelve or fourteen months."

"You may order the Rector[125] to get every thing ready for the reparation of old Styche. I shall bring his brother home with 15,000_l._, and also Mrs. Clive's brother. If I can get into Parliament, I shall be very glad; but no more struggles against ministry: I choose to be with them.

"Mrs. Clive will write my mother at large. My kind wishes attend her, not forgetting my brothers and sisters."

When Clive resolved, as has elsewhere been stated, to defer his departure for England, he directed his agents to add to the allowance before given to his father and mother the sum of 500_l._ per annum, and to keep a coach for them[126]: he also desired them to pay 25_l._ per annum to each of his four aunts, and to two of Mrs. Clive's, to whose other relations in England he gave liberal assistance. For her brother, Captain Maskelyne, who was on the Madras establishment, Clive cherished a very sincere regard; but I should conclude, from what appears in the manuscripts in my possession that, though a pleasant and respectable gentleman, Captain Maskelyne had little talent as an officer. His conduct to part of the Nabob's family, while commanding at Arcot, had been severely condemned by Mr. Pigot. We find amongst his letters to his brother-in-law an indignant remonstrance against the treatment he had met with from the Governor, who also wrote Clive fully upon the subject. The latter in his reply[127] to Mr. Pigot states the great uneasiness which the circumstance had caused him, but adds, that he derived consolation from the belief, that it entirely proceeded from an error of judgment. This instance, added to others, proves that, though the title to Clive's regard rested more upon the heart than the head of the individual by whom it was possessed, yet he was rigid in his principle of never nominating any one to public station whose qualities did not fit him to perform its duties. He regretted, as is shown by his letters, that Captain Maskelyne did not accompany him to Bengal, as a member of his family; but, instead of appointing him to one of the many high and lucrative stations he had in his gift, he recommended him to go to England, and added to his small means what he deemed necessary to place him in independence[128]: and we are amused with the following passage, in a letter[129] from Clive to his father:—"My brother-in-law, Captain Maskelyne, goes by this conveyance, and will bring you this: he is worth 10,000_l._ or 11,000_l._ I beg you will assist in settling him in the world, and in getting him a good wife."

In the same letter he observes, "Should you have occasion for money to purchase commissions for my brothers, or to answer any other purpose that may be for their advantage, you will apply to my attorneys, who I desire may supply you accordingly."

The letter[130] from Mr. Clive to his son, acknowledging the receipt of the accounts of his success, commences with one of those simple but natural bursts of paternal affection that mock all imitation.

"Your last letter," he says, "gave me joy beyond all possibility of expression. The whole kingdom is in transports for the glory and success their countryman has gained. Come away, and let us rejoice together!"

In a subsequent letter, he dwells with true paternal feeling upon the same subject.

"May Heaven," he writes[131], "preserve you safe to Old England, where not only your friends and relations, but strangers who never saw you, will congratulate you for the glorious actions you have done your country. With what joy shall I embrace you! Oh, may I live to see that day! Your mother and sisters are sitting with me round the fire, drinking to your health and safe voyage."

Mr. Clive appears, from his own statement, to have been involved in his circumstances, and to have felt much distress in becoming such a burden to his son. In his answer to the letter which informed him of Clive's agents being directed to give him the additional sum of 500_l._ per annum, and to keep a coach for him, he observes[132], "I have received your letter of the 9th of November, 1758, and am under the greatest obligations that ever father was to a son, especially in the unhappy circumstances my own imprudence and being bound for others hath rendered me. Mr. Woolaston, for whom I was surety, is now dead; and what he owed the government, together with what remained unpaid on my account, amount to no less than 9000_l._ more than we have to pay. The Treasury, by direction of the Duke of Newcastle, have postponed the payment to a future day; but I fear that day will come before you arrive in England; and when you come, what pretence have I to expect or desire you should set me free, when I have already had your benevolence in so extraordinary a manner? Thank God you have so much in your power! Let us live on a fifth part of what you have so generously allowed me. If I am free, I shall be content; and, while I live, bless Providence, and pray for the increase of your happiness, who have saved a distressed family from utter ruin."

The letters from Clive's mother breathe the truest maternal affection. Her warmest gratitude is expressed for that comfort which he has diffused throughout all his family, and above all, as the old lady states, for his great kindness to "her girls."

The greater part of the letters from Clive's mother and sisters, subsequent to his marriage, are addressed to Mrs. Clive, but docketed by himself, and placed among his own papers; a proof of the value he attached to the feelings which they expressed. They contain the common topics of such correspondence, marked with a feeling of the warmest affection for one who, amid all his public avocations, was continually affording them proofs of his love and attachment. Towards Mrs. Clive there appears to have been but one sentiment throughout the family: all speak of her constant attention and kindness with gratitude, and appear to rejoice as much in their brother's happiness in the married state, as in the other instances of his good fortune.

Besides occasional acts of generosity, Clive continued incessant in his endeavours to render happy, by his regard and attention, every branch of his family, however distant. In this he was wholly disinterested, for none of them (except, perhaps, Sir Edward Clive) were in a situation to afford him the slightest aid; but they gave him, what he more valued, their gratitude and affection.

The impressions produced by his conduct towards every one with whom he was connected cannot be better shown than by inserting some short extracts from the entertaining letters of one of his female cousins[133] to Mrs. Clive in India.

"I don't know what title I must give you now[134], but I am sure I may say, 'To the agreeable Mrs. Clive.' I have always wrote whenever I heard the ships sailed, and by Captain Tully and Mr. King. Ill fate for you and me, that so many fine thoughts should be sent to the bottom of the sea! Neptune will be quite entertained. As to the name of Clive above ground, the Colonel has made it so famous, that it is the only comfort I have in still being a Clive. * * * * * * * He is in the highest esteem in this part of the world, and does honour to all his relations. * * * * Your father, my cousin Clive, dined with us yesterday, and read, or tried to read, one of the Colonel's letters; but his joy, with tenderness at the thoughts of such a son, made him burst twice into tears before he could go on. Is it to be wondered at? for sure it must be a pleasure so great, the strongest mind must be greatly affected. Well, I sincerely wish you all safe on your native shore, with your bags of money, and bushels of diamonds; with the Eastern Prince the Colonel is so good as to say he will get for me. I can't possibly refuse him. I have a taste to be a princess. As to Captain Clack, you are so good to think of for me, if this Prince don't care to take so long a voyage, don't leave the Captain behind. The war makes men very scarce. He shall talk for ever, and I for ever have patience. I have been in town a fortnight, at two plays; one, a new tragedy somewhat resembling the story of The Children in the Wood. Did you ever read that old ballad? Garrick is in as much vogue as ever; operas at a low ebb. I suppose you are a complete mistress of harmony.

"I hope you will never receive this letter: not that I don't think it very clever; but I wish the Colonel and all his family may be in a ship, the sails filled with most prosperous gales, that will, soon as possible, send you safe to your own country and friends; one of whom I hope ever to be styled, which will always be a pleasure to your sincere and affectionate cousin."

We meet the following passage in another letter from this lady, which appears to have been written about the same period (for, like many ladies' letters, it has no date.)

"I have a thousand things to say to you, and but a moment's time. I find the bearer of this is a painter; hope the Colonel and you will let him take your pictures. I should be glad of them in miniature. I begin to fear the Colonel will not bring me the Eastern Prince till it is too late: the bushel of diamonds runs strangely in my head. Fanny is going to enter into the happy state of matrimony. I have seen the lover: upon my word, a pretty, cherry-cheeked, agreeable young counsellor. I hear he is called to the bar, and will have 500_l._ a year. I wish I had been the Colonel's sister; not to detract from them; certainly he is a great advantage to his family; and I believe, after my aunts and myself, that horrid name of old maid will be extirpated out of the house of Clive.

"I have still a thousand things to say. Apelles is arrived, and must have this letter: I don't know, but it may be of service to him, his occasioning me to release you. Well, a little more. All diversions go on as usual; a gloomy town—general mourning for the Princess of Orange; the linen that is worn is crape, as yellow as saffron, and what they call Turkey gauze, that looks like sarcenet: a sketch that the world is as ridiculous as ever. A most elegant ball at Lord Sandwich's! I must not say any more, only beg my respects and most sincere love to the Colonel. I wish for your speedy return to England. Pray my love to cousin George, who I would write to had I a moment, but will in the next ship."

Clive had appointed several of his relations and friends joint agents in England; and he was very fortunate in having his near connexion, Sir Edward Clive, Bart. (a Judge of circuit), as one of them. It appears to have required all that gentleman's strictness to prevent his relation suffering from the bad choice he had made of one of his men of business.

"One of your attorneys," Sir Edward remarks[135], "is a man I never can, and never shall, accord with. I have several things to reveal to you when you come home. I believe, in order to take care of your interest, and (as I think) to protect your property, I must file a bill in Chancery. When you arrive, you shall have an account of it: I don't think any labour troublesome to serve you, but assure you (and Mr. King knows it) I have had a great deal.

"It is a great pleasure," adds this respectable Judge, "to know that, considering your father and his large family, God Almighty has put it into your mind, as well as your power, to make him and them happy. Assisting a parent must be the most agreeable sensation to good hearts. I happened, in a small way, to have that happy opportunity. I call it happy, and it affords me many agreeable reflections."

A few months after Clive sailed for India, his eldest sister[136] married Sir James Markham, Bart.; and when he returned, he found that three more had entered the matrimonial state, being much indebted (if we are to believe their sprightly cousin already noticed) for their happy settlement to the good fortune of having an Indian Colonel for their brother.

Clive never forgot those to whom he was in any degree indebted for his advancement. Several of his letters are addressed to Mr. Chauncey, a gentleman who, though then retired, had, at one period, taken a very active part in Indian affairs. In one of these letters[137], after communicating to him the peace with Suraj-u-Dowlah, Clive observes, "If I have been in any way instrumental in the late revolution, the merit is entirely owing to you, who countenanced, favoured, and protected me, and was the chief cause of my coming to India in a station which rendered me capable of serving the Company. Accept, Sir, of my gratitude, and sincerest wishes for your welfare. May you enjoy the blessings of peace and retirement, and may success and every other happiness in this life forsake me, when I forget how much I am obliged to you!"

However, a sense of gratitude had more value from being expressed in the moment of victory, and from being addressed to an individual who had no longer any power of promoting his views. I notice such facts, not only because they are the truest indications of character, but as they account for the zeal and attachment which Clive's numerous and respectable friends displayed on many trying occasions. Neither his wealth nor his fame could have inspired such feelings. Sincerity and warmth of heart alone can kindle corresponding sentiments in honourable minds.

Of Clive's friends in India I have already spoken. His ties with them had been formed in the course of public service, and remained unbroken, except in the rare cases, where he thought individuals parted from those principles of action upon which his esteem was founded. His deep and affectionate gratitude towards Colonel Lawrence has been mentioned. His friendship for Mr. Pigot remained unchanged: not so that for Mr. Orme. We find in one of his father's letters an observation upon his being reconciled to that gentleman on his return to India in 1755. Mr. Clive expresses his hope, in this letter, that Mr. Orme's History would be speedily published, as the objections[138] on account of Mr. Chauncey were at an end.

Clive, though his experience had rendered him singularly well acquainted with the character of all classes of the natives of India, was very little, if at all, versed in the languages of that country; but he appears not only to have been most solicitous to avail himself of the aid of those who had this advantage, but, when he found the acquirement accompanied by integrity and talent, to recommend them, and place them in the highest stations in the service. His notice and patronage of Mr. Watts, Mr. Vansittart, and Mr. Hastings, afford ample proof of this fact; and, on almost all occasions, public and private, when he brings forward the names of those individuals, he adds some observations on the great advantages they enjoy over others, from their knowledge of the languages, the manners, and the habits of the people of India.

During his expedition to Bengal, Clive had only one of his relations in his family, Mr. George Clive, for whom he cherished a very sincere affection. The two persons to whom he appears to have been most attached were Mr. Walsh and Mr. Luke Scrafton, both civil servants of the Company, whose names have been frequently mentioned in the course of the narrative. They continued through life in habits of the strictest intimacy with their friend and patron. Of Mr. Walsh, Clive never speaks without expressing great respect for his character; and of his regard for Mr. Scrafton, whose lively disposition suited his own, we have many proofs. Bad health obliging that gentleman to go to Madras, Clive wrote by him to Sir George Pocock, in a style which evinced his kind and anxious solicitude.

"The bearer of this[139]," he observes, "Mr. Luke Scrafton, is a young fellow of great worth and honour. Much I fear he is too far gone to be recovered by the coast air: he has been a constant attendant of mine in all our expeditions, and can solve any question you may have to ask on the subject of Bengal. For God's sake return him to me in good health and condition!"

Clive was also on the most intimate terms with Captain Latham, a distinguished officer of His Majesty's navy; and this intimacy was increased from that gentleman's marriage to a relation of Mrs. Clive, who had accompanied her to India. I have found numerous private letters from Captain Latham, which are all written in the open manly style of a British seaman, and bear a convincing testimony to the tone of Clive's mind on all points connected with his friends. From the tenor of one, in answer to a letter from Clive, written immediately after the enthronement of Meer Jaffier, it would seem that Mrs. Latham was one of those whom he considered (from the relation in which she stood to him) entitled to participate in his good fortune. His conduct on this occasion appears to have given sincere pleasure to Mrs. Clive; as the letter in which his kindness and liberality are noticed is superscribed with the word "Charming," in her own handwriting.

I have before mentioned the origin of Clive's regard for Colonel Forde; the grounds upon which he selected him for the command of Bengal, and the degree in which he deemed himself indebted to him for his great and brilliant achievements. We have also seen the poignant feelings with which he regarded the conduct of the Court of Directors towards this able and gallant officer, who, immediately after the capture of Masulipatam, had the mortification to find himself superseded by Colonel Coote, who, a year before, had been his junior in Adlercron's regiment; but, returning from India with fortune and reputation, had obtained a Colonel's commission, and had just landed at Madras in command of a regiment destined for Calcutta.

Though Colonel Coote had evinced, on the expedition to Bengal, those qualities as an officer which subsequently made him so renowned, neither his opportunities nor his achievements bore as yet any comparison with those of Colonel Forde; but the successes of the latter were not known in England at the period of Coote's appointment. Many, therefore, will deny the justice of Clive's complaint of the conduct of his superiors on this occasion; but even these must admire that warmth and decision, with which he pledged himself to support an officer with whom he had no private friendship, except such as had been formed in consequence of his eminent public services.

The news of Colonel Coote's arrival reached Clive about the same period as the account of Major Forde's capture of Masulipatam, and of the conclusion of the treaty with the Subahdar of the Deccan. Desiring, at such a moment, to afford every consolation to the mind of that meritorious officer, he not only stated his opinion as to his superior claims to those of the officer by whom he was superseded, but gave him the most unqualified assurances of his future support.

"I can easily conceive," he observes in a letter[140] to Colonel Forde upon this occasion, "that such rank and honour bestowed (I think I can say without flattery) on one so much your inferior in every respect, must give you much concern. I assure you it has affected me greatly, and is one of my principal motives for wanting to push home with the utmost expedition on the 'Royal George.' I flatter myself, the request I have to make will not be denied me, which is, that you will stay in Bengal all next year, provided Coote remains on the coast. If within that time I do not get you a colonel's or lieutenant-colonel's commission, and an appointment of Commander-in-chief of all the forces in India, I will from that instant decline all transactions with Directors and East India affairs."

Clive's resentment at the Court of Directors was increased by their subsequently annulling Colonel Forde's appointment to Bengal, while his attachment to that officer was greatly heightened by his admirable conduct in the destruction of the Dutch armament. But there were other feelings which may have influenced his mind. He certainly entertained at this period a strong prejudice against Colonel Coote, which may possibly have originated from the prominent manner in which that officer, when only a Captain, was brought forward at Calcutta to support the alleged rights of his Majesty's service against those of the Company. But we have, nevertheless, proofs that Clive appreciated his talents from his employing[141] him on all occasions, and particularly in detaching him, after the battle of Plassey, in pursuit of the French corps. But at the same time that he entertained this high opinion of his military talents, he considered, from his whole conduct in Bengal, that he was mercenary and prone to intrigue, and consequently an unfit person to be intrusted with great powers on such a scene. I do not find among Clive's papers any specific grounds to justify this opinion; and in the absence of all such documents, we must conclude, from the high reputation which Colonel Coote attained and supported, that it was erroneous; or, at all events, that, if this eminent commander evinced in his youth any such dispositions as those of which he was suspected, they were early corrected: for though he never displayed any remarkable talents as a statesman, he assuredly became as qualified for the chief military command in India as any person that ever held that station; and during his latter years, the love and esteem in which he was held by his countrymen was even exceeded by the affectionate regard and attachment of the native troops, whom he so often led to victory.

In giving this tribute to a soldier, whose memory I have venerated from my earliest years, I must do justice to Clive by declaring my sincere conviction (formed from the perusal of his numerous letters upon the subject) that he was most sincere and conscientious in the opinion he expressed, and upon which he acted. With such impressions upon his mind, he certainly thought he was doing his duty to the public by his endeavours to keep Colonel Coote at Madras; and he was so solicitous to effect this object that he consented to the request of the government of Fort St. George, that the regiment of that officer should remain for some time at that presidency.

He enters fully upon this subject in his correspondence, both with Mr. Pigot and Mr. Vansittart; but his letters contain merely a repetition of his opinions as to Colonel Coote's unfitness for the general command of the forces in Bengal, while he recognises the benefits to be derived from his services in the mere military operations on the coast of Coromandel. The success of Clive's efforts on this occasion proved fortunate for the reputation of Colonel Coote, who, during the subsequent year, established a high military character by the battle of Wandewash and the capture of Pondicherry.

I have been compelled to enter more at length upon this subject than I desired, from its being intimately connected with those disputes regarding the employment of officers in India in which Clive became involved on his return to England. Colonel Coote, when he revisited his native country after the campaign of 1757, was received with favour and distinction. He was possessed of a small fortune, his connections were respectable, and his manners and address manly and agreeable. He became more prominent from being the senior King's land officer employed on the expedition to Bengal; and, from the comparatively low estimation in which the Company's[142] officers were held at that period, his fame was advanced to detract from their pretensions. He was represented as a rising officer, of whom Clive was jealous; and it was believed by many (till contradicted several years afterwards by his own evidence), that it was through his advice and remonstrances that the army advanced to the field of Plassey. Besides the influence and popularity which those combined causes gave to this officer, he enjoyed the marked favour and friendship of Mr. Sulivan, the Chairman of the Court of Directors, whose subsequent rupture with Clive is in a great degree to be attributed to their difference in opinion with regard to the respective pretensions and merits of Colonels Coote and Forde.

Clive, at the period of his second visit to his native country, was thirty-five years of age. We collect from his private correspondence, that he retained much of that hilarity of disposition for which he had been remarkable in youth. He was fond of female society; and many of his letters show that he was by no means indifferent to those aids by which personal appearance is improved. It was the fashion of the period to dress in gayer apparel than we now do; and the European visiter at an Indian Durbar, or Court, always wore a rich dress. We find in a letter[143] to Clive, from his friend Captain Latham, a description of a Durbar suit he was preparing for him, in which he says he has preferred a fine scarlet coat with handsome gold lace, to the common wear of velvet. He has also made up, he writes, a fine brocade waistcoat; and he adds to this intelligence, that "it is his design to line the coat with parchment, that it may not wrinkle!"

In a commission which Clive sent to his friend Mr. Orme, there is an amusing instance of his attention to the most trifling parts of his dress.

"I must now trouble you," he observes[144], "with a few commissions concerning family affairs. Imprimis, what you can provide must be of the best and finest you can get for love or money; two hundred shirts, the wristbands worked, some of the ruffles worked with a border either in squares or points, and the rest plain; stocks, neckcloths, and handkerchiefs in proportion; three corge[145] of the finest stockings; several pieces of plain and spotted muslin, two yards wide, for aprons; book-muslins; cambrics; a few pieces of the finest dimity; and a complete set of table linen of Fort St. David's diaper made for the purpose."

In the list of packages which Mr. Richard Clive sent to his son in Bengal, one is a box of wigs! Whether Clive had resorted to this ornament from want of hair, or from deference to the fashion of the period, I know not; but there is[146] an authentic anecdote of his boyhood, which proves how essential a wig was considered to all who were full dressed. Clive had, when very young, been admitted by a relation, who was Captain of the Tower, to be one of the spectators when his Majesty George the Second happened to visit that fortress. Nothing was wanted in the boy's dress to prepare him for the honour of approaching majesty except a wig! To supply this want one of the old Captain's was put upon his head; and his appearance in this costume was so singular as to attract the notice and smiles of the King, who inquired who he was, and spoke to him in a very kind and gracious manner.[147]

In concluding this chapter on the private occurrences of Clive's life during a period so eventful to his fame and fortune, I shall estimate, as far as I have the means, the wealth he carried to England, as well as the amount which he had, before he left India, given to, or settled upon, his friends and relations. I have already shown, in the fullest manner, how his great riches were acquired; and it is a grateful task to record the generous manner in which a considerable portion of them was distributed.

Clive, from what has been stated, may be said, when he returned to India in 1755, to have been worth little or no money beyond what he had vested for redeeming the small family estate, and giving his parents an annuity. When he took possession of the government of Fort Saint David, he embarked in trade, like others who filled similar stations; but, to judge from his correspondence, he had not much success in his commercial pursuits. We read of nothing but bad markets, or the want of means of those who owed him money. He appears, before he embarked on the expedition to Bengal, to have made a large speculation in benjamin, which turned out badly. It is entertaining, when associated with the scenes in which he became engaged, to pursue his remarks upon his unprofitable adventure in this and other articles of trade.

After desiring his friend and agent, Mr. Orme, not to demand payment of the money owing to him by Messrs. Pybus and Roberts, and that the interest of the debt should be only 4 per cent., he observes[148], "You have given me a most curious account of my adventure in the Grampus. If I had not made better strokes in war than in trade, my money concerns would by this time be drawing to a conclusion."

The whole of Clive's money, when he returned to India in 1755, appears to have been in that country; for we find, from his correspondence, that he had hardly sufficient uninvested cash in England to pay for his annual supplies. He became anxious, however, after he attained great wealth, to remit it home; but this, owing to various causes, was very difficult. The public treasury was so rich from the successes in Bengal, that, for a period, no bills were drawn upon the Directors; Clive, therefore, had recourse to the Dutch Company, through whom he sent the greater part of his fortune; he also transmitted a considerable sum in diamonds[149] (a common mode at that time), and the rest in private bills; and, latterly, two on the Company.[150]

I have carefully examined his letters to his agents, from the 21st of August, 1755, when he advised them of his first remittance, till January, 1759, when he made one of his last; and the amount of property sent to England during that period is, as nearly as the difference of exchange and the loss[151] on bills enable us to judge, 280,000_l._ Of this I calculate that he received 210,000_l._ on the enthronement of Meer Jaffier; and the remaining 70,000_l._ is made up by part of his former fortune, his prize-money at Gheriah and Chandernagore, the receipts from the high stations[152] he held, and the accumulation of interest upon a considerable part of his property during the last five years of his residence in India.

From what has been stated we may assume that Clive's fortune, before the jaghire was settled upon him, did not amount to 300,000_l._ It appears from documents before me that, previous to this grant, he had given away, or vested for annuities, a sum not less than 50,000_l._[153] (more than one sixth of his fortune), to render comfortable and independent those for whom he cherished affection and gratitude.

Clive was, subsequently to these acts of generosity, enriched by the grant of the jaghire, which he himself estimates at 27,000_l._ per annum. With this addition, we may conclude he had an income of upwards of 40,000_l._; a large amount, but far below what this Indian Crœsus (for such he was deemed) was thought by his countrymen to possess.

FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER 11

Footnote 104:

Lord Northington.

Footnote 105:

23d of February, 1757.

Footnote 106:

In a letter from Mr. Richard Clive, dated 18th of April, 1755, we find
this subject mentioned. "I was glad," he writes to his son, "to hear
from you last post; and though you banter me about the election at
Dover, I think, as you are so near, and the electors so well disposed
to oppose the ministry, you have a fair opportunity to disappoint the
Duke of Newcastle; and after you are elected you can proceed on your
voyage."

Footnote 107:

Mr. Richard Clive, in a letter to his son on the 22d of December,
1756, expresses his sentiments on this subject with all the warmth and
partiality of a father. "Before I left London," he observes, "the Duke
of Newcastle repeated his promise to do for me; and the last time I
saw him, he told me it must be something in my own way.[a] I have
little expectation, especially at this time of life: but the great and
solid satisfaction I enjoy is to think I have a son, who is a
benefactor to the public, as well as his own private relations; and
though you may not have met with what might have been expected from
your countrymen, 't is no discredit to you, but a reflection on them
never to be erased."

Footnote a:

The law.

Footnote 108:

The transfer of the title-deeds of Styche is stated in his father's
letter of the 22d of July, 1756.

Footnote 109:

22d of December, 1756.

Footnote 110:

In a letter from his father, dated 22d of December, 1756, we find the
following curious account of the sale of Clive's establishment:—

"The coach £40 0 0
"Pair of horses 40 0 0
"A grey riding horse 12 12 0

"One horse broke his neck; another fell backwards; and one pair kept
to go in a chaise."

From this statement of property, we infer that Clive, while in
England, must have lived very expensively.

Footnote 111:

This is independent of the sum he had paid for Styche.

Footnote 112:

This appears, from Clive's letter to his agent, Mr. King, of 6th of
October, 1756.

Footnote 113:

29th of April, 1755.

Footnote 114:

Lord Powis.

Footnote 115:

Sir Edward Clive, a near relation, who always acted as one of Clive's
agents.

Footnote 116:

27th of December, 1757.

Footnote 117:

27th of December, 1756.

Footnote 118:

2d of November, 1757.

Footnote 119:

Extract of Mr. R. Clive's letter to his son, 1st of January, 1758.

Footnote 120:

6th of December, 1757.

Footnote 121:

Mr. King, who highly disapproved of this attempt, informs Clive that
the motion was made by a Proprietor at the suggestion of his father,
but withdrawn on seeing it was not relished by the Directors.

Footnote 122:

Letter to Mr. Belchier, 21st of August, 1757.

Footnote 123:

9th of August, 1757.

Footnote 124:

In Clive's letter to his agents, of the 21st of August, 1757, he
directs 2000_l._ to be paid to each of his five sisters, Rebecca,
Sarah, Judith, Frances, and Anne: this amount to be given for their
use for ever.

Footnote 125:

The Reverend Mr. Clive, his cousin.

Footnote 126:

This order is repeated as one some time before given in a letter to
Sir Edward Clive, Bart., and his other agents, dated 9th of November,
1758.

Footnote 127:

25th of December, 1757.

Footnote 128:

I have not been able to ascertain the exact amount Clive gave Captain
Maskelyne, but judge it must have been considerable from a passage in
one of his letters.

Footnote 129:

29th of December, 1758.

Footnote 130:

23d of March, 1758.

Footnote 131:

23d of December, 1758.

Footnote 132:

29th of July, 1759.

Footnote 133:

Miss Sarah Clive.

Footnote 134:

26th of December, 1758.

Footnote 135:

Letter to Clive, 24th of December, 1759.

Footnote 136:

Lady Markham is still alive, and, although upwards of ninety, in the
enjoyment of all her faculties.

Footnote 137:

23d of February, 1757.

Footnote 138:

What these objections were, or the cause of their termination, is not
explained; but Mr. Clive's letter proves that the first part of the
history was written before 1755.

Footnote 139:

14th of September, 1759.

Footnote 140:

24th of August, 1759.

Footnote 141:

Captain Coote commanded the troops detached to take Hooghley, and he
was, before the battle of Plassey, sent with the advance to attack
Kutwa.

Footnote 142:

Though Clive held the King's commission as Lieutenant-Colonel, he was
always considered as a Company's officer.

Footnote 143:

5th of August, 1757.

Footnote 144:

1st of August, 1757.

Footnote 145:

A corge is twenty pair.

Footnote 146:

This anecdote of his father was communicated by Lord Powis.

Footnote 147:

It is added that he was sent to school in a wig; but, as may be
supposed, was soon quizzed out of it by his play-fellows.

Footnote 148:

11th of March, 1758.

Footnote 149:

Clive sent sixteen thousand gold mohurs to his agents at Madras,
Messrs. Orme and Vansittart, with directions to purchase diamonds as a
remittance.

Footnote 150:

One of the bills on the Company was for 8000_l._, and the other for
32,881_l._ 12_s._ 2_d._ He advises his agents of these bills on the
9th of November and 23d of December, 1758.

Footnote 151:

Clive expected the bills on Holland to produce 183,000_l._, but, after
a vexatious delay, they were paid with great deduction. His father
states the loss upon this transaction as amounting to 10,000_l._

Footnote 152:

I consider the statement of the Committee of the House of Commons, of
Clive's receipts at Moorshedabad, to be exaggerated; but we shall have
occasion to notice this statement hereafter, particularly the note
annexed to it, in which it is asserted, in direct opposition to truth,
that Clive's jaghire was obtained at the same period as the donation
from Meer Jaffier. Mr. Mill copies the statement and note without
remark. (Vol. iii. p. 326.)

Footnote 153:

The following sums appear to have been given or settled upon his
relations and friends:—

Present to his sisters £10,000
Present to Captain Maskelyne and others 10,000
Money vested to produce an annuity for his father, of £500
Ditto, his aunts 150
Ditto, Colonel Lawrence 500
To keep a coach for his parents 300
———
Yearly amount of annuities £1450
Sum vested to produce the above 30,000
———
Total £50,000

------------------------------------------------------------------------

CHAP. XII.

Clive remained in his native country between three and four years; and it will be proper briefly to narrate the events of his private life during this period, to notice the part he took in the political transactions of the times, and the connections he formed with persons of power and influence, whether in the direction of Indian affairs, or of the more general interests of the British empire. The knowledge of such facts, connected as they became with his future career, is quite essential to our subject.

The constitution of Clive had never been robust. He had been, for the last two years in Bengal, freer than usual from the attacks of a spasmodic complaint, to which he appears to have been more or less subject from his earliest years. In 1759 he had a very violent attack of rheumatism, and feared, at one time, that it might settle into gout; but this apprehension vanished; and when he embarked at Calcutta he describes himself as in excellent health.

When Clive reached England, he was received with distinction by his Sovereign and the members of the administration; and, notwithstanding the deep offence taken at his last public despatch, the Court of Directors, and particularly their Chairman, Mr. Sulivan, welcomed him as one to whom the Company were deeply indebted. The enjoyment, however, of those flattering attentions was early interrupted by a violent and dangerous illness, which for many months threatened to terminate his existence.

Clive was not, for some time after his arrival, honoured by any public mark of royal favour. This seems to have arisen from two causes: one, his very long and serious illness; the other, his desire to obtain more than the ministers were willing to grant. He, probably, at first expected to enter the British House of Peers, and to have a red riband; but, after a considerable delay, he received only an Irish peerage.

In writing[154] to his friend Major Carnac upon this subject, he observes; "If health had not deserted me on my first arrival in England, in all probability I had been an English peer, instead of an Irish one, with the promise of a red riband. I know I could have bought the title (which is usual), but that I was above, and the honours I have obtained are free and voluntary. My wishes may hereafter be accomplished."

Clive had assumed a scale of expenditure suited to his income. He engaged in elections to aid his friends in the administration, and to give him the influence he desired in the prosecution of his plans for his own advancement, and the furtherance of those which he thought essential to the prosperity and security of the Indian empire. The expenses into which he was early led, combined with his liberality to his family, amounted to a very large sum[155]; and we can easily conceive the alarm with which he received, while yet on a sick bed, an intimation from Mr. Sulivan, that the Directors showed an inclination to question his title to his jaghire.

He strongly and feelingly expresses his sentiments upon this subject in a letter to Mr. Amyatt; "My arrival in England," he observes[156], "was attended with every mark of respect that I could wish, and my interest in Leadenhall Street might have been of as much consequence as I could have desired, for the advantage of my friends; but a most severe fit of sickness overset all. For twelve months it was difficult to pronounce whether I was to live or die. In so dreadful a situation, I could not think much of India, or indeed of any thing else but death. It is very natural to think, the interest of a dying man could not be very great. Under these circumstances, I had hints given me that either some attempts would be made upon my jaghire, or some proposal made for giving it up to the Company after a certain time, on a supposition, perhaps, that I had not long to live. Accordingly I was given to understand by Sulivan, that the gentlemen of the Secret Committee would wait upon me on this subject. But health returning, this proposal was dropt, and I have heard nothing more of it since. Although I have such an interest at Court and in Parliament, that I should not be afraid of an attack from the whole Court of Directors united, yet all my friends advise me I should do nothing to exasperate them, if they are silent as to my jaghire. Indeed it is an object of such importance, that I should be inexcusable if I did not make every other consideration give way to it; and this is one of the reasons why I cannot join openly with the Bengal gentlemen in their resentments. It depends upon you, my friend, to make me a free man, by getting this grant confirmed from Delhi, and getting such acknowledgment from under the hands of the old Nabob, and the present Nabob, as may enable me to put all our enemies at defiance. In this, I am sure, you will be assisted by Vansittart."

The account of the deposition of Meer Jaffier, and the election of Cossim Ali Khan, which had been planned by Mr. Holwell immediately after Clive left Calcutta, will occupy the next chapter. I only so far notice this revolution at present, as to state its effect on Clive's private feelings; as it divided and rendered irreconcilable enemies the friends in India whom he most valued. Though he deplored the revolution, and anticipated its bad consequences to the reputation of the English Government, he believed Mr. Vansittart to have been both disinterested and conscientious in the part he took; and with this impression, while he admitted the manly sincerity and honourable principles which dictated the violent opposition of his friend Major Carnac, he decidedly blamed the warmth and want of respect with which he had addressed his superiors on this subject. Mr. Amyatt was much respected by Clive both for his talents and integrity. He wished him to succeed Mr. Vansittart in the Government, and was unwilling that his services should be lost by his continued opposition, grounded on a measure which, as Clive truly stated, however much to be regretted, was now past and could not be recalled.

With such sentiments, Clive endeavoured to reconcile his friends to each other. His efforts were not successful: but it is a remarkable testimony to his personal character, that, during this period of violent collision between the parties in Bengal, every individual engaged in the contest referred to him, as to one on whose honour and judgment they had implicit reliance; and his more particular friends, though opposed on all other points, appear to have united whenever his interests were concerned.

To understand the motives which induced Clive to take an active part in the affairs of the India House, it is necessary to explain the actual condition of the different parties who at this period took a share in the management of the Company's concerns.

The legislature had not as yet directly interfered in the administration of our Eastern possessions; but ministers and men of high rank and influence had, nevertheless, great power and weight, both in the Court of Directors and in the Court of Proprietors. This, however, appears to have been seldom if ever exerted but to serve individuals, and to have been more maintained to promote parliamentary influence, and as a means of rewarding and attaching friends, than with any view to the benefit of the public interests of either the Indian or the British empire.

Mr. Sulivan, as has been mentioned before, had attained an ascendency in the direction, of which he was in complete possession when Clive came to England. But though he had a majority of the Directors with him, he had many and virulent opponents among the Proprietors. The most prominent of these were gentlemen who had been in Bengal, who considered themselves injured by the frequent supersession of the servants of that presidency by those of Madras and Bombay, to which they considered Mr. Sulivan more attached, and particularly to the latter.

Though Mr. Sulivan, as has been shown, professed great admiration of Clive, and was much indebted to him for the station he had attained in the direction, he appears to have early regarded him as a dangerous rival. It is certainly to be concluded from what subsequently took place, that the intimation regarding his jaghire was meant to repress the ambition of Clive, as connected with Indian affairs; and for a period it had the desired effect. This we learn from several of his private letters. In one, to Mr. Pybus at Madras, he makes the following observations on this subject[157]:—

"The Court of Directors seem to be much in the same situation as when you left England. Sulivan is the reigning director, and he follows the same plan of keeping every one out of the direction who is endowed with more knowledge, or would be likely to have more weight and influence, than himself. This kind of political behaviour has exasperated most of the gentlemen who are lately come from India, particularly those from Bengal. They are surprised I do not join in their resentments; and I should think it very surprising if I did, considering I have such an immense stake in India. My future power, my future grandeur, all depend upon the receipt of the jaghire money. I should be a madman to set at defiance those who at present show no inclination to hurt me. I have so far fallen into their way of thinking, as to preside at a general meeting of a club of East Indians once a fortnight; and this has all the effect I could wish, of keeping Sulivan in awe, and of convincing him, that, though I do not mean to hurt him, I can do such a thing if he attempts to hurt me. Indeed I am so strongly supported by the Government and by Parliament, that I should not be afraid of an attack from the whole body united; but there is no necessity of wantonly exciting them to attempts against my interest."