Chapter XVIII: Sunday Relief. (1849-50) (1)

I now come to one of the most painful passages of my whole life. Perhaps, even had I been in possession of every external advantage, the trouble and anxiety now approaching would have been very considerable, but certainly by my anomalous position they were so aggravated as to become almost more than I could bear. The call constantly made upon me to check unreasonable demands for augmented force or increased salary had necessarily raised against me a hostile feeling, which was but too ready to break out when occasion offered. To explain how such a contingency occurred, I must go somewhat backward in my narrative.

At the time of my appointment to the Post Office, Sunday was very far from bringing to the department the amount of rest at present enjoyed there. Even at the chief office, which was usually spoken of as completely exempt from Sunday duty, more than twenty persons were regularly employed during several hours of the day, partly in sorting out the letters for Government and foreign ambassadors resident in London, letters technically called "States,"--which had to be delivered the same day--and partly in doing other work which, under the existing arrangements, could not safely be deferred until the Monday morning. Elsewhere offices were, as a rule, open during most of the day, not only for general purposes, but even for the transaction of money-order business. Applications, indeed, began to be made by particular towns for the suspension of this latter duty at their respective offices; but, owing to the various difficulties and objections by which the change was beset, and in particular the apprehended risk of opposition from without, no progress was made until towards the end of 1847. In that year, in consequence of a memorial presented from Bath by Lord Ashley (now Earl of Shaftesbury), then one of the members for that city, the Postmaster-General directed inquiry to be made whether, by extending the hours on Saturday night, money-order transactions on the Sunday might not be discontinued without injury to the working classes. A report on this subject from the surveyor of the district having come into my hands, I drew up a minute (January 27th, 1848), in which I advised that for the present, at least, the Bath office should be closed for money-order business on the Sunday, and I suggested that in the event of its success a similar arrangement might be extended to other towns. The Postmaster-General having adopted this recommendation, the Bath office was closed on the Sunday for money-order business, though it still remained open for ordinary purposes nine hours on that day, as before. Even thus limited, however, the alteration excited a in the minds of those who regarded it as the forerunner of other restrictions, and within a month a memorial against further change was presented by Viscount Duncan, the other member for the city, signed by the mayor and nearly five thousand other persons, "Clergymen, officers of the navy and army, gentlemen, members of the various professions and trades, and others." It thus appeared that, important as it was to afford Sunday relief, any movement for the purpose, if not cautiously made, might excite opposition, perhaps too strong to be overcome. The difficulty, too, was increased by unreasonableness and even absurdity in some of the demands put forth; as, for instance, one for the complete stoppage on their route of the mail-trains and all other vehicles in the mail-service, from midnight on Saturday till midnight on Sunday.

As, however, the Sunday suspension of money-order business at Bath appeared on trial to produce no public inconvenience, I recommended its extension, first to Leeds, and afterwards to Birmingham, these towns having likewise presented memorials on the subject. In both cases my recommendation was adopted by the Postmaster-General. I now began to take measures to extend this Sunday closing of the money-order offices to the whole kingdom. By the beginning of 1849 it was extended to England and Wales, and thus, in one day, four hundred and fifty offices were relieved from money-order duty, many of which had been previously open for that purpose during the whole Sunday, just as on ordinary days. Three months later, the experiment still proving successful, the measure was extended to Ireland and Scotland, relieving two hundred and thirty-four additional offices, and making the Sunday suspension of money-order business complete.

Meantime, also, I was taking steps for bringing all other Sunday work in the provincial offices within narrower limits. In October, 1848, I submitted a minute suggesting that inquiry should be made as to Sunday proceedings at the offices in Scotland (where restriction had always been carried further than in England), and how far such arrangements were found satisfactory to the public and the department. The information thence derived led me to hope that the English offices might be closed at least during the hours of divine service, and the Sunday deliveries limited in all cases to one. I consequently suggested that the opinion of the surveyors should be ascertained on these points, and at the same time I recommended that the offices should, in the first instance, be closed from ten to five (except for the receipt and despatch of any mails in the interval).

The Reports of the surveyors concurred in strongly recommending the adoption of the proposed improvements; not, however, without showing some apprehensions of inconvenience, and consequent complaints, from the proposed restriction to one delivery; for the cases in which there were more deliveries than one on the Sunday proved then much more common than I had supposed. Still, I was of opinion that, with whatever inconvenience the improvements might be attended, they would be accepted by the public if accompanied by another measure conferring an equivalent advantage. Such a measure was at that time under consideration, and had long been regarded as a desideratum, viz., the transmission of the "forward letters"[60] through London on the Sunday, with a view to their delivery on the Monday morning; a measure which I felt confident might be effected, not only without any addition to Sunday labour, but, even when taken in all its bearings, with a great reduction of Sunday labour. Nay, more, I saw reason to believe that, even in the London office, on which alone the labour of such transmission would fall, the improvement might, in the end, be made to yield similar relief. This expectation was fully confirmed by experience.

Accordingly I took an early opportunity of consulting the Postmaster-General on the subject. I found that he concurred in my views, but wished to consult Lord John Russell before anything was done. This was on January 9th, 1849, and six days later he informed me that Lord John Russell had no objection to consider the question, and wished to see the proposed plan. I prepared a careful statement on the subject, which was sent in without delay. A few days later, Lord John Russell having approved of the plan for transmitting the forward letters through London on the Sunday, I got my brother Arthur's help, and threw my memorandum into the form of a minute; and as it fully explains the grounds on which I proceeded in this matter, I insert it at length in Appendix D, giving here the following summary.

After referring to the suspension of money-order business on Sunday, I reported that investigations made showed that a further very important relief as related to Sunday work might be effected in all the provincial offices, but that the consideration of this question was closely connected with the Sunday transmission of letters through London, a measure which had been urged by various authorities, and which was the more important, because the number of letters to which it related had advanced within the last thirteen years by ten-fold.

I next pointed out that the evil of detention had been found so serious that in several cases the rule had been evaded, either by making use of other existing channels, or by the actual establishment of Sunday cross-posts, an expedient which, besides its other evils, obviously involved additional Sunday work.

After pointing out that the present Sunday duties at the chief office ordinarily occupied twenty-six persons for six hours, even a greater force being sometimes required, I proposed, with a view of diminishing the amount of Sunday work in the department as a whole--provincial as well as metropolitan--that the existing mail trains should bring up on the Sunday, in addition to the present bags, the forward stamped letters, and the forward stamped letters alone, so that there might be neither any possibility of a Sunday delivery of letters to the London public nor any unnecessary addition to the Sunday accounts.

In order that the men employed might be able to attend divine service, I proposed that the whole interval from 10 A.M. till 5 P.M. should be left perfectly free, and that the same arrangement should be extended, as far as possible, to the duties already existing.

After glancing at the obvious fact that for any temporary increase in force required at the chief office, there would be at least a large and permanent set-off elsewhere, I pointed out that the existing arrangements led to a great amount of Sunday despatch and delivery in the provinces, and consequently of Sunday letter-writing and letter-reading there; so that, taking the whole country through, Sunday work would be undoubtedly lessened. I further stated that there were means by which, after the contemplated change, it would be possible to reduce the Sunday labour even at the chief office considerably below its actual amount.

I next stated the large reduction in Sunday labour which in a recent minute I had proposed at the provincial offices of England and Wales, and again advised its adoption, and its extension in some of its features to Ireland and Scotland. I added that its effect would be to "release a very large number of persons now engaged even during the hours of divine service," and thus to "afford to many hundreds, perhaps even to some thousands, needful rest, and the opportunity of attending the services of the day."

This minute was referred by the Postmaster-General to Colonel Maberly, who, as I had the satisfaction of learning two days later, promptly declared his intention to report in favour of the measure, saying that it ought to have been adopted long ago. This he accordingly did, and I have the pleasure to say that, amidst the troubles which subsequently arose from the measure, Colonel Maberly stood by his first decision.

About three weeks later the "Lord's Day Society" applied to me to receive a deputation, with a view to the total cessation of Post Office business on the Sunday, stating that they were referred to me by the Postmaster-General. As Lord Clanricarde was then out of town, I wrote to him for instructions, feeling, meantime, no small perplexity, because I well knew that, on the one hand, resistance to the expected demand would expose me to attack, and that, on the other, concession would soon produce such an uproar throughout the country as must seriously annoy the Government, and, moreover, raise obstacles to those practical measures of Sunday relief which were already in progress.

However, the Postmaster-General having expressed a wish that I should receive the deputation, I called at the Treasury to urge immediate sanction to my last measures on the subject, but found the Chancellor of the Exchequer too much occupied to attend to the business.

"_March 30th._--Received the deputation from the 'Lord's Day
Society,' consisting of Mr. Cowan, M.P. for Edinburgh, General
MacInnes, three clergymen, and others. They had prepared a plan
for stopping the mails throughout the kingdom from midnight on
Saturday till midnight on Sunday, but I had no great difficulty
in satisfying most of them that any attempt of the kind would
excite much angry opposition, and consequently that it would be
much better, at first at least, to aim at such improvements as most
people would concur in."

Any impression, however, which I might have made soon faded away, the Society within three weeks again urging their plan, under the erroneous notion that they had found an answer to my objection, and pressing me to undertake it, "as the only man capable of giving it effect." Of course I could only point out the error and decline their request.

"_August 7th._--Summoned to the Treasury. Mr. Hayter[61] tells me
that he read my minute on the Sunday work aloud to the Chancellor
of the Exchequer; that both considered it a very able paper, and
that the measure had been sanctioned."

Measures were thus in progress for giving a vast amount of Sunday relief throughout the country. Much had been already done, more was in hand, and, judging by the past, I saw reasonable ground to hope that the completion of this would open the way, as in the end it did, to yet further benefit. Of course I could not but be aware that the important change now preparing had in it an element of danger. The transit of letters through London on the Sunday, if taken alone, would necessarily be considered as an increase of Sunday work, the more so as the "practical officers" maintained, contrary to my opinion, that at least a temporary addition to the present force was essential to the plan. It was to be feared, therefore, that London would be more struck with a slight increase of Sunday employment in its own office than with any decrease, however great, in all the other offices of the kingdom; and that if London should sound the alarm on a subject where Englishmen feel rather than think, an angry excitement would spread throughout the country; an evil so formidable as to require that every precaution should be taken against it. Above all, it was desirable that no partial rumour should precede the complete enunciation of the plan; since its sole chance of ready acceptance, and indeed its true justifiability, depended upon its character as a whole. Consequently, every one of those to whom knowledge was necessarily intrusted had been strictly enjoined to secrecy. Unhappily, there must have been treachery in the camp; not that I ever had the means of fixing this charge on any individual, or that I ever was solicitous to do so; but of the fact itself there was abundant evidence.

On September 27th my wife and I, by way of keeping the twenty-second anniversary of our wedding, had taken a walk together as far as Hendon, but after spending some time pleasantly there, we found the rest of our pleasure marred by rumours of approaching trouble--rumours too well confirmed on the following day.

"_September 28th._--The newspapers this morning are full of
the most absurd statements as to the Sunday duties' measure,
which, in several, is violently attacked as a desecration of the
Sabbath, and so on. The _Herald_ and the _Record_ profess to
give very circumstantial statements of what I have said and done
in the matter, but these are pure inventions. The clerks in the
Inland Office have signed a memorial to the Postmaster-General,
remonstrating against the measure, as though it were intended to
require their attendance on a Sunday, and expressing a pious horror
of so doing. The facts being that some who have signed the memorial
already attend throughout the day, while the additional duties
will be so arranged as to leave the clerks at liberty from ten
till five; few will be wanted, and those are to be volunteers. A
deputation of these fellows has been to the Bishop of London [Dr.
Blomfield], and it is said to the Lord Mayor also; both of whom
have taken up their case. I fear the whole proceeding is another
manifestation of that insubordination and desire to thwart my plans
which unquestionably exist.... Wrote to the Postmaster-General, who
left London yesterday morning for Portumna, stating how matters
stood, and made arrangements with Tilley [the assistant-secretary]
for the immediate issue of the notices to the public, as the most
effectual means of allaying the storm. They will appear in the
papers to-morrow morning, and will be distributed all over the
kingdom by to-morrow night's mails. A contradiction from authority
which I sent appears in the evening papers."

The statement that the Lord Mayor had proceeded in this questionable manner proved to be untrue, but of the Bishop's part in the matter there was no doubt. I could not but think it strange that one who had himself to exercise authority and maintain discipline should feel warranted, on an _ex-parte_ statement, without even ascertaining whether this extraordinary appeal had been preceded by proper application to the proper authority, should feel warranted, I say, to give the sanction of his high authority to a proceeding which, in the case of his own clergy, he would justly have regarded as irregular and insubordinate.

As usual in difficulties, I sought aid from my own family:--

"_September 29th._--Matthew having fortunately returned home, I
have the advantage of his advice and assistance. We went to the
office together, and in the course of the day were joined by
Arthur. The contradiction and notice have had a good effect, but
the excitement has by no means subsided. The _Times_ has a leader
written evidently by some one who has seen my minute (probably at
the Treasury), partly defending, partly attacking the plan....
Strange enough, there is an able and earnest defence in the
_Morning Post_. Sent a confidential letter to the editor of the
_Times_, supplying the information which he so sadly lacks, and
wrote again to the Postmaster-General. The Lord Mayor has called a
meeting for Wednesday."

"_October 1st._--Went to the Treasury. Hayter treats the opposition
to the new arrangement of Sunday duties as a matter of no
importance. I think he is mistaken. I advise the publication of the
minutes on the subject. He will consult with the Chancellor of the
Exchequer."

In an able article which appeared in the _Times_ about six months later, and which is quoted in its proper place, the delusion of the day is justly compared to the infatuation which, two hundred years ago, overspread England, led to such fearful injustice, and produced so much unmerited suffering, from the calumnious breathings of so coarse a miscreant as Titus Oates. Doubtless two centuries had not passed away for nothing; a great amelioration of manners had taken place, both in deceivers and in deceived; but, great as was the difference in degree, the present movement was in kind the same thing again. History once more repeated itself. Only let the accusation be monstrous enough, the asseveration sufficiently bold, and the invention of circumstances tolerably plausible, there is still a large fraction of the public to whom disproof is for a time impossible of reception; the mist of error so entirely blinding that the most glaring correctives passed unnoticed--nay, unseen; while there is another class, perhaps almost equally large, which hides its better knowledge, overawed by general prejudice; so that while denunciation is clamorous and confident, defence is but slow, feeble, and timorous.

"_Same day._--Mr. ----, M.P. for ----, called in consequence of the
note from Matthew. He says that he was about to engage actively
in the opposition, not knowing that the measure was mine; that he
shall now do no more than is necessary to satisfy his constituents,
but that he must go with the stream. The Methodists, he says,
are organising an opposition throughout London, and all the
metropolitan members must join in it. Showed him in confidence my
minute. He strongly advises its immediate publication."

"_October 2nd._--Matthew and I went early to Mr. Hayter's house
to put him in possession of the information afforded by Mr. ----,
keeping back the name of our informant, and to press for the
publication of the minute. He still thinks lightly of the matter,
but he will speak to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who comes
to town to-day to attend a Cabinet Council to decide, as H. says,
'whether we shall go to war with Russia.'"

We afterwards called together on an old and valued friend in the City, hoping that we might rely on him, as one frequently taking part in public affairs, to speak in defence of the measure at the meeting convened by the Lord Mayor.

"We were surprised to find that even he had adopted the current
notions about the plan, and that, after we had in confidence shown
him the minute, he was by no means cordial in his approval.

"_Same day._--Went to the Treasury. The Chancellor of the Exchequer
thinks it unnecessary to publish the minute. Hayter is confident
the Government will not give way; but I fear that as they do
nothing to stem the tide, they will eventually give way to it.
However, I can do no more."

"_October 3rd._--The Lord Mayor came to the office just before
the hour for the City meeting. He gives much such an account of
things as ----, and says that, if Lord John Russell persists, he
will certainly lose his seat for the City. Gave the Lord Mayor some
information to use at the meeting. He told me that the deputation
of clerks did come to him, and that he reprimanded them for so
doing."

The City meeting was unanimous against the measure; the agitation was evidently very powerful, and the most absurd and erroneous statements were abroad. One circumstance, however, gave partial explanation of the stir. We all know that in the heat of debate, as well as in the heat of wine, suppressed feelings are apt to come forth; and some of the speeches at this meeting showed, not very obscurely, a motive to agitation of which I was not previously aware, and which certainly assorted but ill with the religious considerations so much dwelt upon. It appeared that, by the existing arrangements, the London merchant occasionally got his letters from the East or West Indies or other distant places on Monday morning, while the Liverpool merchant did not get his till Monday evening; so that there was an interval of which, by the aid of the telegraph, the London merchant could take advantage for his special benefit. By the change contemplated, the two deliveries would be made at the same time, and the local advantage be therefore lost. I must not be supposed to attribute this low motive to the meeting generally, still less to the public at large, though probably it had its influence on more persons than would have been willing to acknowledge it even to themselves. As we proceed, too, it will be manifest that other motives were at work of an order but little more elevated. Meantime, as Government intended, notwithstanding the clamour, to go forward with the measure, it was necessary promptly to secure the means.

"_Same day._--Pressed on Tilley the necessity of ascertaining,
without delay, what volunteers could be obtained from the men;
begging at the same time that no compulsion whatever might be used."

Of course the sole ground of complaint from the clerks and letter-carriers was the expectation, real or pretended, that Sunday attendance would be compelled. Such an expedient had never entered into my mind; for, first, I should have held such compulsion too high a price to pay for the advantage; and, secondly, I anticipated no difficulty whatever in obtaining volunteers.

"_Same day._--Received a letter from the Postmaster-General,
expressing an opinion that the steps taken will soon put the public
right. Wrote in reply."

Three days later, being asked by Colonel Maberly if it was my intention that none but volunteers should be taken, and being urged by Mr. Bokenham (the head of the department immediately concerned) to allow of compulsion, with a warning that otherwise men would hardly be procured, I replied that I would rather give up the measure than compel a single man to attend. On the morrow I had again support from a very important quarter:--

"_October 5th._--The _Times_ this morning has an able defence,
founded chiefly on the information supplied in my letter to the
Editor."

But pending the beneficial effect which such articles might gradually produce upon the middle classes, the state of mind in the class whence letter-carriers and messengers are drawn remained matter of anxiety. On the day on which the article appeared there was a straw to show which way the wind was blowing; and however ludicrous the incident appears now that the storm is passed, it was not half so funny at the moment.

"The excitement against the measure (or rather against that which
has been falsely stated to be the measure), and I fear against
myself individually, is becoming popular. To-day Sir John Easthope
saw in the street a boy [selling ginger-beer] with a placard round
his hat inscribed 'Anti-Rowland Hill Pop.'"

The following day, however, brought more support from the press:--

"_October 6th._--The _Morning Chronicle_ has an able defence of the
measure, so had the _Globe_ of last night; indeed, the whole of the
daily press, except the _Morning Herald_ (which is rabid) and the
_Standard_, is, I believe, on the right side."

This was immediately followed by support from a quarter of yet more direct importance:--

"_Same day._--Received a summons to attend the Chancellor of the
Exchequer at half-past twelve. Maberly also was summoned. We were
shown into separate waiting-rooms, and Maberly was called in first.
In about a quarter of an hour I was called in also. Hayter was
present. The Chancellor of the Exchequer and Hayter both spoke in
strong terms of the excellence of the measure and the folly of the
opposition.... After some discussion and inquiry, the Chancellor
of the Exchequer wrote a letter to Lord John Russell, containing a
brief statement of the main facts of the case, which he read to us,
at the same time adding that Lord John will decide whether to give
way to the clamour or not."

At the same conference I had to report that as yet only three volunteers had come forward for the new work; but, again expressing my strong objection to compulsion, I mentioned a device for simplifying the sorting by which I was confident the work might be performed by unpractised hands. Though Colonel Maberly still preferred compulsion, the Chancellor of the Exchequer authorized an experimental trial of the plan, which, with the aid of two of my nephews, I made without delay, and in two days carried so far as to obtain satisfactory results; a fact, doubtless, not lost on the regular force.

"_October 9th._--In the course of the day went to the Treasury to
report progress. Saw Hayter, who sent in a note to the Chancellor
of the Exchequer (a Cabinet sitting at the time) containing my
report."

"_October 10th._--The Chancellor of the Exchequer sent for me, Lord
John Russell having decided that the minute shall be published
forthwith.... I fear the publication will be too late. A large
deputation waits on Lord John Russell and the Chancellor of the
Exchequer to-morrow, and the Postmaster General is summoned to
town."

"_October 11th._--The minute appears in all the morning papers
except the _Times_."

The time appointed for the actual change being now close at hand, definite and binding arrangements were indispensable. The duties were accordingly divided by mutual agreement amongst Mr. Tilley, Mr. Bokenham, and myself. I was, however, confident of success, as by this time a large number of volunteers had come forward, so that we had to make a selection, the men chosen being principally from the secretary's office. The readiness to volunteer from this division of the service proceeded, as I had the gratification to learn, from a step taken by Colonel Maberly, who, calling his clerks together, addressed them in a speech in which he pointed out that the department was in danger through unjust attacks, and called upon them to stand forth in its defence.

"In the evening the Postmaster-General came to the office, having
arrived in town late last night, and met the deputation. Reporters
were present, and reports will, no doubt, appear in the morning
papers. The deputation, the Postmaster-General says, pressed for a
postponement of the measure, pleading that they had scarcely had
time to read the minute; and after they left it was decided to
delay the change for a fortnight.... We discussed the question of
compulsion, towards which I find the Postmaster-General inclined;
but here again I found him uninformed as to the facts of the case.
He was not aware either that the clerks now engaged on Sunday are
volunteers, or that a sufficient number of men for the new duties
had come forward. I entreated him not to resort to compulsion,
telling him that I had authorised others to say that none would be
employed except volunteers, and pointing out that any compulsion
would give the men a real grievance, whereas at present their case
rested entirely on misrepresentation."

"_October 12th._--The best report on the deputation is in the
_Morning Chronicle_, which also contains an able leader in favour
of the measure."

On the morrow I conferred again with the Postmaster-General relative to the arrangements in question, when he communicated to me, in strict confidence, that he feared there was a decided leaning towards the insubordinate men on the part of certain important officials whom he named.

"We again discussed the question of compulsion, and the
Postmaster-General promised that no compulsion should be resorted
to if the work could be done by volunteers on Bokenham's plan or on
mine."

After recording these transactions, my Journal thus continues:--

"It is impossible to notice all the proceedings of the week, nor
is it necessary. The accounts of meetings to protest against the
measure, and the gross falsehoods which have been promulgated in
order to get up a case, will be found in the _Morning Herald_;
... the real facts appearing in my published minute, and in the
statements of Ministers on receiving the deputation of Wednesday."

It is remarkable that while the only firm stand against compulsion was made by myself, it was upon me that the blame of this imaginary compulsion was chiefly laid; against me that the most unscrupulous asseverations were uttered, and the bitterest reproaches directed. I had been for a long time earnestly and successfully engaged in reducing the Sunday labour of the department throughout the United Kingdom.[62] Hundreds of persons, through measures adopted on my recommendation, had been released from the greater part of their Sunday duty. I had, in fact, been strenuously, though quietly, doing the very work of the Lord's Day Society; and, now, because a further important measure in the same direction required a small temporary addition to the Sunday force of the London office alone, this even being so arranged as that all engaged would be released from duty an hour before the usual time for the commencement of Divine Service, I was denounced as the chief enemy of the due observance of the Sunday, and charged with a wicked intention to compel, whereas, on the contrary, I was doing my very best to prevent compulsion. These attacks, too, so painful and injurious to myself, were no less endangering the great measure of relief which I was striving to carry through. As I have said, the public could not yet think--it only felt. Under such circumstances I was bound to be most heedful lest any act or even acquiescence on my part, real or apparent, might give, or seem to give, ground, however slight, for just imputation.

Mr. Bokenham had twice applied to me to obtain for him a peremptory order from the Postmaster-General to carry out the measure; adding that, if this were done, he felt sure his men would come forward from good-feeling towards himself. This I had, of course, refused; but it now occurred to me (October 13th) that, if the order were accompanied with permission to select volunteers, not only from within the office, but also, if necessary, from the world at large, Mr. Bokenham's desire might be safely granted, since it was impossible that, with so wide a choice, there should be the slightest difficulty in obtaining the necessary aid. Upon my explaining this proposed course to Mr. Bokenham, he expressed his desire to have it carried out. I learned from him, however, much to my chagrin, that he received a verbal order to compel attendance; but upon my stating to him the Postmaster-General's promise to the contrary, he said he should apply for further instructions before taking any steps. I accordingly wrote a minute in which I stated my unabated confidence in my plan of sorting, and my readiness to undertake the responsibility of its execution if the Postmaster-General should so decide. Having shown this to Mr. Tilley, who had been present throughout the conversation, and who at once vouched for the accuracy of the statements contained therein, I went straight to Brighton, obtained without difficulty the requisite powers for Mr. Bokenham, and the Postmaster-General's approval of the whole minute, he "viewing it as a very satisfactory mode of reconciling the voluntary principle with a peremptory order to Bokenham, and expressing himself much indebted to me for the trouble I had taken."

All now seemed to be satisfactorily arranged for action; but three days later new doubts arose, the Postmaster-General informing me that Mr. Bokenham had withdrawn from his engagement to me, and that he himself had thought it necessary to issue a positive order, upon which he had no doubt the new duty would be executed, and, as he confidently hoped, by volunteers. After mentioning that he had overlooked the phrase in my minute relative to volunteers from without, he advised that, supposing Mr. Bokenham should express no distrust of his power, I should now leave the matter in his hands. I could not but feel anxious lest his lordship's authorisation to Mr. Bokenham should include that compulsion which I so strongly deprecated. When I got sight of the instructions referred to in his letter, I found that I was not mistaken. I at once replied (see Appendix E), informing him how I had become pledged to the opposite course, declaring myself still ready to undertake the responsibility of the sorting by volunteers, provided I received the powers which had been conferred on Mr. Bokenham, and repeating my earnest desire that the improvement should be abandoned altogether rather than we should "run the risk of compelling any one to do that to which he has a conscientious objection."

My anxiety on the subject was not without reason:--

"_October 19th._--The _Morning Herald_ has a leader, letter, and
advertisement, stating that the voluntary plan has been withdrawn
(hitherto this paper has repeatedly denied that the work was to be
voluntary), and that compulsion will be resorted to. The leader, of
course, attributes all this to me.

"The Postmaster-General came to town. He again hesitates; will
immediately consult Lord John Russell. I pressed for an immediate
decision.... The Postmaster-General intimates that when the
excitement is over there must be a searching inquiry, and a change
in the organisation of the office favourable to my interests; but
expectations of the kind have been so frequently raised only to be
disappointed, that such intimations produce little effect on my
mind."

Lord John Russell, in the main, confirmed my view as to the employment of volunteers exclusively. The Postmaster-General informed me that he had spoken seriously to Mr. Bokenham, and hoped for good results. I pointed out to the Postmaster-General that, though his order for the execution of the plan was peremptory, yet, considering the ample field given for obtaining volunteers, it could not possibly enjoin compulsion; with which conclusion he agreed.

Meantime the work of agitation did not relax:--

"_October 22nd._--Inflammatory appeals to the public, representing
us as resorting to compulsion, are placarded, among other places,
on the boards for official notices at some of the churches."

Still, whatever the present pain, I was confident of succeeding in the end, provided there was no flinching; but it was of the first importance to have a complete and definite understanding as to the mode of action. Vacillation must be brought to an end, if possible, and, fortunately, it was decided the next day that I should undertake the duty, with authority to raise volunteers in and out of the office. I consequently began at once to make needful arrangements, when Mr. Bokenham, informing me that for certain reasons it would be easier for him to obtain volunteers than he had supposed, expressed a desire to try again. The next day he undertook in writing to discharge the duty by the aid of volunteers alone. This offer, with a minute of my own, I despatched to the Postmaster-General, again at Brighton, who wrote me word next day that he had approved my minute "with great satisfaction."

"_October 25th._--Called with Matthew on the Hon. [and Rev.]
Grantham Yorke, Rector of St. Philip's, Birmingham, who is come to
town partly to learn the real facts of the Sunday duties question
(he called yesterday at the Post Office, but I was unable to see
him). He takes a very liberal view of the question, and will defend
the measure at a town's meeting, to be held next Tuesday, in
Birmingham."

This promise Mr. Yorke handsomely fulfilled, and not without good effect, though public feeling was still too strong to allow of immediate success.

On the same day that I saw Mr. Yorke there were more inflammatory notices at the churches; but to these no printer's name was attached. It was no wonder that symptoms of direct insubordination began to appear in the department. The gas in Mr. Bokenham's office was on one occasion suddenly put out, and one of the volunteers for the Sunday duty was hooted. I could not but feel great anxiety as to the issue, since an open outbreak would have thrown all into confusion; nor can I deem it even now needless to point out that when any considerable portion of the public, acting upon an _ex-parte_ statement, and hastily assuming that that which is not promptly denied must needs be true, takes upon itself to countenance discontent in an important Government department, it must, at least, produce in the department itself great anxiety and the waste of much valuable time, and may expose the whole country to the risk of most serious inconvenience. Some months afterwards the Postmaster-General admitted that he was now satisfied that we should have had a strike in the Inland Office if the men had had the slightest pretext for it; and that if he had forced any one to attend on Sundays, which he says ---- pressed him to do, it would, no doubt, have furnished the pretext.

On the following day I became aware of one source of misconception among the men, and, through them, among the public. Mr. Bokenham admitted that, when he communicated to his clerks the Postmaster-General's positive order for the Sunday transmission, he withheld the minute that limited the service to volunteers, and thus raised, and in some degree justified, the cry that compulsion would be employed.

Meanwhile the trouble thus excited in St. Martin's-le-Grand was extending to the provincial offices, at one of which the postmaster had gone so far as to issue, under his own signature, a hand-bill against the measure.[63] Meanwhile one postmaster, at least, took a very different course:--

"The postmaster at Plymouth has written to say that in his office
alone thirty men, including letter-carriers, will be relieved. He
describes the measure as one of the most important 'in the annals
of the Post Office.'"

All such support was very important at a time when opposition was so strong, and, I must add, so unscrupulous:--

"_October 27th._--The Committee of the Lord's Day Society has
issued a copy of my minute of February 3rd, with comments thereon
of a very offensive character. They insinuate doubts as to the
minute having been written in February, and express their belief
that I originally proposed a Sunday delivery.

"_Same day._--Worse placards than ever at the churches. Sent in a
memorandum to Colonel Maberly informing him that at a church in
Gresham Street a placard is exhibited exhorting the men to strike."

The following is the text of this strange exhortation:--

"TO THE CLERKS, SORTERS, CARRIERS, AND OTHER
AGENTS OF THE POST OFFICE.

"FELLOW MEN! especially to ye 'who fear God and work
righteousness,'--

"You ought, you must obey God rather than man!
This is the victory which overcometh the world, our faith.
Trust in the Lord, and do good, and verily ye shall be fed.

"Strike!--Every one of ye to a man. Strike!--Make a passive
resistance to the adversaries of your souls. Strike! and let Mr.
Rowland Hill, and Lords Clanricarde and John Russell, see that
there is One mightier than they whose commands you reverence
supremely.

"Unite if you can, but let no man defer to the timid or
compromising spirit of a fellow-servant.

"Honour and observe the Word of God.

"Unless _you_ stand, the public cannot at this juncture do much
more than they have done.

"Stand ye, and _then_ the entire nation, every one in it whose
voice is habitually raised up to the King of kings, will hold you
up, and _in due time_ will strive for the freedom of every postal
servant throughout the kingdom on the Sabbath day; but _you_ must
be bold in the name of the Lord, in order to engage His mighty
favour and the sympathy of His people universally.

"What an impudent daring is this by creatures of mere circumstance
and pomp.

"God is defied, and the genuine execrating outcry of a Christian
nation is set at naught!

"It is to be hoped that our Queen will be solicited to cast such
men out from her councils and executive; _they_ are the men who
endanger the State; for, most assuredly as there is a God who
taketh vengeance, so will this realm be visited if the sins of it
should be so enormously added unto; and the Lord's people (who are
the saving salt of it) will be constrained to say. 'Even so, Lord,
so let Thine enemies perish.'

"Fellow Christians of every denomination! continue to pray for the
oppressed, they shall have a holy fortitude themselves to cast from
them the bands of the oppressor.

"6, Finsbury Pavement,
"Friday, 26th October, 1849."

As usual, in these exhortations to bold defiance, the printer's name was cautiously suppressed.

While so much was doing to abuse the public mind, official reserve prevented my taking the most direct means for its correction:--

"_Same day._--The Postmaster-General objects to my sending the
proposed information to the newspapers; he thinks it will be better
to wait and see what they say, contradicting it if necessary. I
cannot convince him of the practical impossibility of correcting an
erroneous impression when once adopted by the public."

After all that has been described, the reader will not be surprised at the next passage from my Journal. I must first state, however, that ere this the time for hesitation was past, the labour of preparation concluded, and the day of actual trial come:--

"_October 28th.--Sunday._--Very ill--confined to my bed nearly
the whole day. I have no doubt my illness has been caused by the
anxieties of the last month."

Ill though I was, nevertheless I was eagerly desirous of information as to the success of the first experiment, particularly as to whether the force engaged had proved, as I expected, ample. I had ascertained the previous day "that no more carriages, drivers, guards, &c., would be employed in conveying the bags from and to the stations than heretofore on a Sunday; the only difference will be that four-wheeled carriages with two horses will be substituted for two-wheeled carriages with one horse." Mr. Bokenham wrote up from the office that the work not having been quite completed by ten o'clock, though twenty minutes more would have sufficed, he had requested ten of the force to return in the evening to finish; a necessity arising, however, from the fact that the number of letters was 18,000 or 20,000 more than usual on the Sunday. He added, that, "the men were all in excellent humour, and exerted themselves to their utmost."

On the following day, when, though better, I was unable to leave home, I looked with anxiety into the morning papers to learn what would be the complexion of their reports in the absence of that information which I had been forbidden to supply; and, with concern, I found my unsatisfactory anticipations confirmed. Even the _Times_, which had hitherto given us so much support, headed its article with "_Commencement_ of Sunday labour in the Post Office;" made it appear that it was intended to make a despatch by the day mails, but that the attempt failed; represented the attendance as compulsory, and stated that not less than fifty men were employed in the additional duties, the actual number being only twenty-five. Handbills, too, were publicly distributed by letter-carriers, attacking not only me, but also the Postmaster-General, and even the Government.

Amidst so many difficulties on one side it was natural that those on the other should be overlooked. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had written to me saying that he did not see the necessary connection between Sunday relief in the provinces and the Sunday transmission of letters through London; intimating, in short, that we might retain the one and abandon the other. In reply, I informed him that I could not have ventured to propose the one change without the other, reminded him that there were two parties to be considered in the matter, referred for further explanation to my minute of the previous February, repeated my conviction that by the use of proper means the additional force at the Chief Office could be altogether dispensed with, reported satisfactory results thus far, and forwarded, as evidence of relief at the provincial offices, the letter lately received from the postmaster of Plymouth.

On the day after writing this letter, being still confined to the house, I received a note from the Postmaster-General, informing me that he was much pressed to issue an order for compelling attendance, and that he wished me to consider the question before he next came to the office. On going myself to the office on the following day, I learnt that a larger Sunday force had been applied for by Mr. Bokenham, partly with a view to completing the work in the morning, and partly to enable him to work the men on alternate Sundays only. He wished the number to be raised to forty, which, by alternation, would be in effect five less than the number I had proposed; yet I hesitated to agree to the change, knowing how the matter would be misrepresented abroad.

"_November 2nd._--In the evening the Postmaster-General came to
the office, and reported that Lord John Russell concurred in the
importance of avoiding compulsion. The final settlement is deferred
till Monday."

Even the authority of the Premier, however, did not remove all difficulties, for on my suggesting to Mr. Bokenham that he should offer a new inducement to volunteers, he again urged that, instead of this, I should consent to a compulsory attendance in rotation. Upon my refusal, he asked permission to warn the men that, unless there were sufficient volunteers, compulsion would be resorted to; offering, as I still refused, to do this in his own name, without implicating me. Of course I stood firm to my point.

When the second Sunday had passed much as the first, I again offered, with a view to avoid further importunity, to undertake the work myself; but scarcely had I done this when a new difficulty arose, for which, however, I was not altogether unprepared. An eminent printer, who had offered me the aid of fifty of his men, deemed it prudent to withdraw, as he saw reason to believe that if he persisted in his offer it would lose him some important custom.[64] At the same time I was warned by anonymous letters (of one of which a copy is given in Appendix F), of treacherous conduct within the office, and upon my reporting this to the Postmaster-General, learnt that he had received the same warning in a letter not anonymous.[65] I had come to him, however, prepared with a memorandum showing the results for which I was ready to make myself responsible, and also the conditions which I deemed essential to success; and, of course, I stood quite prepared to go on. My offer was the more opportune as Mr. Bokenham, who arrived in the midst of our conversation, informed the Postmaster-General, when I had withdrawn, that he could not remain responsible for the new work, even on the Sunday next ensuing. My offer, therefore, was, with some modification, accepted. I felt more confident in the charge, because I had devised a means of reducing the number of bags--the chief difficulty on the previous Sunday--from six hundred to one hundred, and because I had learnt from Mr. Tilley that all such volunteers as he had spoken to had renewed their engagement. He himself was ready to go on, and even Mr. Bokenham, though shrinking from the chief responsibility, was, like Mr. Tilley, willing to undertake the share of duty allotted to him according to our first arrangement.[66] The only remaining doubt was whether the Premier might not decide upon a complete abandonment of the plan.

"_November 6th._--Saw the Postmaster-General by appointment at
his own house in the evening. Lord John Russell, whom he met at
the Cabinet Council at Windsor, did not hesitate a moment. The
agreement of yesterday was therefore confirmed."

This was, however, with one modification, viz., that if the office did not supply the requisite number of volunteers, the deficiency should be made up from other Government departments. Happily no such necessity arose, as the number of volunteers from the office itself who presented themselves on the conditions I had been authorised to offer, was more than necessary. Seeing this, Mr. Bokenham for the third time undertook the duty, at first only for the next Sunday, but within two days for permanence. Accordingly the next Sunday, though the additional force still did not exceed twenty-five men, the number of letters, however, being somewhat less than the week before, the whole work was completed in the morning, so as to release all engaged in it by ten o'clock for the whole day. In short, the difficulty had so completely passed away that three days afterwards Mr. Bokenham came to inquire if I should be likely to make any change in duties during the next three Sundays, as he wished to leave town; and upon my doubting the safety of his withdrawal at such a time, gave it as his opinion that there was no danger. Among the circumstances tending to this satisfactory result was, doubtless, an authority which I had obtained from the Postmaster-General to form a permanent corps of volunteers, principally from other Government offices, who were to receive a month's pay whether called upon for actual service or not. The Stamp and Record Offices alone were ready to supply thirty-five men, or ten more than needful. I could not, however, fully share in Mr. Bokenham's confidence. Only four days before, inflammatory handbills had been distributed within the office, one being deposited at each sorter's place, while a sub-sorter was selling, at a halfpenny per copy, an abusive song attacking myself; proceedings which, as the Postmaster-General remarked in calling for investigation, showed that there must be great neglect in the discipline of the office.

There continued, likewise, a daily issue of placards, which were exhibited chiefly on the churches and in certain shop-windows, one of these latter being nearly opposite my room. A few of these placards were avowedly issued by the Lord's Day Society, but most of them were anonymous. All had the appearance of being concocted more or less in the Post Office, and all evinced an utter disregard of truth. I retain to this day a collection of these mendacious papers, which, though large, is nevertheless incomplete. The strike among the men urged in some of them never went further than the refusal, on the part of the guards, on one occasion, to assist in placing the bags in the carriages at the Post Office; in consequence of which, even before I knew the fact, they were all suspended from employment by the Postmaster-General.