Chapter XIV: Part 14

Two or three days after writing this, Whitefield set out for Scotland. On Sunday, August 23rd, he preached twice at Lutterworth, “the famous John Wycliffe’s parish.” Next day, he “began, in the name of the Almighty Husbandman, to break up fallow ground at Leicester.” Several thousands attended. Turnips were thrown at Whitefield during the first sermon; but at the second all was hushed. The next Sunday was spent at Newcastle-on-Tyne, where he preached four times, “and a shower of Divine blessing descended on the great congregations.” Early in September, he arrived at Edinburgh, where, for a fortnight, he “preached twice every day” to great multitudes of “polite as well as of common people.” He wrote, “Many young ministers and students were close attendants, and I trust good was done.” A week, also, was spent at Glasgow, where his home, for many years, was at the house of “Mr. James Niven, merchant, above the Cross.”[308] Five more days were employed in Edinburgh; and then, on October 10th,[309] he began his journey back to London. In a letter to the Countess of Huntingdon, he wrote: “For about twenty-eight days, I suppose, I did not preach, in Scotland, to less than ten thousand every day. This has weakened my body; but the Redeemer knows how to renew my strength. I am as well as a pilgrim can expect to be. About £70 were collected for the Edinburgh Orphans; and I heard of near a dozen young men, who were awakened about ten years ago, and have since entered the ministry, and are likely to prove very useful. Praise the Lord, O my soul!”

The Rev. John Gillies, one of his constant hearers, remarks:――

“Though, after the years 1741 and 1742, there were no such
extensive awakenings, Mr. Whitefield’s coming to Scotland was
always refreshing to serious persons, and seemed to put new life
into them, and also to be a means of increasing their number. In
various respects, his preaching was still eminently useful. It
had an excellent tendency to destroy bigotry, and to turn men’s
attention, from smaller matters, to the great and substantial
things of religion. It drew several persons to hear the gospel,
who seldom went to hear it from other ministers. Young people
were much benefited by his ministry, and particularly young
students, who became afterwards serious evangelical preachers.
His morning discourses, which were mostly intended for sincere,
but disconsolate, souls, were peculiarly fitted to direct
and encourage all such in the Christian life. His addresses
in the evening were of a very alarming character. There was
something exceedingly striking in the solemnity of his evening
congregations, in the Orphan Hospital Park at Edinburgh, and
in the High-Churchyard at Glasgow, especially towards the
conclusion of his sermons, (which were commonly very long,
though they seemed short to the hearers,) when the whole
multitude stood fixed, and hung upon his lips, many of them
under deep impressions of the great objects of religion. These
things will not soon be forgotten. His conversation was no less
reviving than his sermons. Many in Edinburgh and Glasgow are
witnesses of this, especially at Glasgow, where, in company with
his good friends Mr. McLaurin, Mr. Robert Scott, and others, one
might challenge the sons of pleasure, with all their wit, good
humour, and gaiety, to furnish entertainment so agreeable. At
the same time, every part of it was not more agreeable than it
was useful and edifying.”

Such a testimony, from a minister living at the time, and one of Whitefield’s faithful friends, is possessed of more than ordinary value.

On leaving Edinburgh, Whitefield preached at Berwick, ♦Alnwick, and Morpeth. The people of Newcastle were again favoured with his ministry; and also those of Sunderland. At length, on reaching Sheffield, he wrote as follows:――

“SHEFFIELD, _November 1, 1752_.

“MY VERY DEAR FRIEND,――Since I left Newcastle, I have sometimes
scarce known whether I was in heaven or on earth. At Leeds,
Birstal, Haworth, Halifax, etc., thousands and thousands have
flocked twice and thrice a day to hear the word of life. A gale
of Divine influence has everywhere attended it. I am now come
from Bolton, Manchester, Stockport, and Chinley. Yesterday, I
preached in a church, where I believe execution was done. Four
ordained ministers, friends to the work of God, have been with
me. The word has run so swiftly at Leeds, that friends are come
to fetch me back; and I am now going to Rotherham, Wakefield,
Leeds, York, and Epworth, and purpose returning to this place
next Lord’s-day. God favours us with weather, and I would fain
make hay while the sun shines. Fain would I spend and be spent
for the good of souls. This is my meat and drink.”

In another letter, written two days afterwards, and dated “Wakefield, November 3, 1752,” he wrote:――

“I have been upwards of three weeks from Scotland, and scarce
ever had more encouragement in preaching the everlasting gospel.
At Newcastle, Sunderland, and several places in Yorkshire,
Lancashire, and Cheshire, thousands and thousands have daily
attended on the word preached. I hear that arrows have stuck
fast in many hearts. I am returning to Leeds; and, from thence,
I shall go to York, and to several places in Lincolnshire,
and am to preach at Sheffield ♦next Lord’s-day. My return to
London must be determined by the weather. It has been uncommonly
favourable; and it is a pity to go into winter quarters, so long
as work can be done in the fields. O that I had as many tongues
as there are hairs upon my head! Jesus should have them all.”

On November 10th, Whitefield arrived in London, where he wrote:――

“My Sunday’s work” (at Sheffield), “sickness, the change of
weather, and parting from friends, so enfeebled me, that I was
in hopes, on the road, my imprisoned soul would have been set at
liberty, and fled to the blissful regions.

“I found my poor wife an invalid. Our Lord can restore her, for
He came to heal our sicknesses, and to bear our infirmities.”

Whitefield was resolved not to be the founder of a sect, and yet he had some difficulty in fulfilling his resolve. His hearers in Dublin had procured a meeting-house in Skinner Street, and had formed themselves into a public Society. John Edwards, in former years one of Whitefield’s assistants, had become their preacher; and his ministry was highly acceptable. A sort of circuit had been formed, and many were the perils which Edwards encountered. On one occasion, when returning from a village, where he had been preaching, the _Ormond Boys_ seized him, and threatened to throw him into the Liffey. The _Liberty Boys_, residing on the other side of the river, being political opponents of the _Ormond Boys_, rushed to his assistance, rescued him, and carried him home in triumph. At another time, the _White Boys_ beset a house into which he had entered, and threatened to burn it, if he were permitted to continue in it. He escaped by a window, being let down, like the apostle Paul, in a basket.[310] The Dublin Society informed Whitefield of their position and prospects; and Whitefield wrote to Edwards, their preacher, as follows:――

“LONDON, _November 11, 1752_.

“MY DEAR FRIEND,――Last night, the glorious Emmanuel brought me
hither; and, this morning, I have been talking with Mr. Adams,
and cannot help thinking, that you have run before the Lord, in
forming yourselves into a public Society. Mr. Adams’s visit was
designed to be transient, and I cannot promise you any settled
help from hence. I am sincere, when I profess that I do not
choose to set myself at the head of any party. When I came last
to Ireland, my intention was to preach the gospel to all; and,
if it should please the Lord to send me there again, I purpose
to pursue the same plan. For I am a debtor to all, of all
denominations, and have no design but to promote the common
salvation of mankind. The love of Christ constrains me to this.
Accept it as written from that principle.”

When “ranging for souls,” Whitefield had little time to attend to business; when he got into his winter quarters, he was obliged to recognise its claims. The following was addressed to one of the residents in his Orphan House:――

“LONDON, _November 21, 1752_.

“MY DEAR NAT,――Your letters have all been brought safe to hand,
and have given me satisfaction. I know not of a more profitable
situation that you could be in, than that you occupy at present.
Next year, God willing, you will have a fellow-student. I have
agreed with him, as I wrote you from Edinburgh, for three years
at least. I am of your mind in respect to boarders. As affairs
stand, I think that, at present, the less the family is, the
better. Nothing seems to be wanted but a good overseer, to
instruct the negroes in sowing and planting. Let me know whether
the lumber trade is begun. Pray make George and the children to
write often. He should not have written to me, _Honoured Master_,
but _Sir_. I am glad to hear that some of the children promise
well. Surely some good will, in the end, come out of that
institution. I am only afraid of its growing too great in a
worldly way. O that I may be directed to such managers as will
act with a single eye to God’s glory and His people’s good! I
have great confidence in you. I shall be glad to live to see you
a preacher. It is a delightful employment, when done out of love
to Jesus: that sweetens all. O that Georgia’s wilderness may
blossom like a rose! It will, when God’s set time is come. Never
mind a few evil reports. No one need be ashamed of Bethesda
children.”

Whitefield, in his “winter quarters,” was as jubilant as ever. In a letter, dated December 9, he writes: “The shout of a king is amongst us. Every day, we hear of persons brought under fresh awakenings, and of God’s people being comforted. We have had two most awful sacramental occasions.”

To Wesley, the year 1752 was one of trial. Several of his itinerants began to give him trouble. At the beginning of the year, he, his brother, and eleven of their principal assistants, signed a document, which shewed that suspicion had taken the place of confidence.[311] During the year, some of the preachers informed Wesley, that his brother Charles did not enforce discipline so strictly as himself, and that Charles agreed with Whitefield, “touching perseverance, at least, if not predestination too.” The latter accusation was utterly untrue; but, as Charles, at this period, was living on terms of the most intimate friendship with the Countess of Huntingdon, and was frequently preaching and administering the sacrament in her house, it is not surprising that his brother deemed it his duty to write to him concerning it. The result was the creation of a temporary distrust and shyness between the two loving brothers. Charles took counsel with Whitefield; and Whitefield’s answer must be given.

“LONDON, _December 22, 1752_.

“MY DEAR FRIEND,――I have read and pondered your kind letter,
and now sit down to answer it. What shall I say? Really, I
can scarce tell. The connection between you and your brother
has been so close and continued, and your attachment to him so
necessary to keep up his interest, that I would not willingly,
for the world, do or say anything that may separate such
friends. I cannot help thinking, that he is jealous of me and my
proceedings; but, I thank God, I am quite easy about it. Having
the testimony of a good conscience, that I have a disinterested
view to promote the common salvation only, I can leave all to
Him, who, I am assured, will, in the end, speak for me, and make
my righteousness clear as the light, and my just dealing as the
noonday. I more and more find, that he who believeth doth not
make haste; and that, if we will have patience, we shall find
that every plant which our heavenly Father hath not planted,
shall be plucked up. As I wrote to good Lady Huntingdon, so I
write to you. I bless God for my stripping seasons. I have seen
an end of all perfection, and expect it only in Him, in whom I
am sure to find it, the ever-loving, ever-lovely Jesus. He knows
how I love and honour you and your brother, and how often I have
preferred your interest to my own. This, by the grace of God, I
shall continue to do. My reward is with the Lord. If He approves,
it is enough. More might be said, were we face to face. When
this will be, I cannot tell. Several things, especially our
design of building a new Tabernacle, which I hope will succeed,
detain me in town this winter. God only knows what course I am
to steer in the spring. I would be a blank: let my heavenly
Father fill it up as seemeth Him good.

“I am glad you are with our elect lady. O how amiable is a truly
catholic spirit! Lord, make us all partakers of it more and
more! I beg the continuance of your prayers. I need them much.
You shall have mine in return. That you and yours may increase
with all the increase of God, is the earnest request of, my dear
friend,

“Yours, etc.,

“GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

On the same day, Whitefield wrote as follows to the Countess of Huntingdon, with whom Charles Wesley was staying:――

“I shall observe your ladyship’s hints about Mr. Wesley. I
believe our visits will not be very frequent.[312] But I am easy,
having no scheme, no design of supplanting or resenting, but,
I trust, a single eye to promote the common salvation, without
so much as attempting to set up a party for myself. This is what
my soul abhors. Being thus minded, I have peace; peace which
the world knows nothing of, and which all must necessarily be
strangers to, who are fond either of power or numbers. God be
praised for the many strippings I have met with! It is good for
me that I have been supplanted, despised, censured, maligned,
and separated from my nearest, dearest friends. By this, I have
found the faithfulness of Him, who is the Friend of friends.
By this, I have been taught to wrap myself in the glorious
Emmanuel’s everlasting righteousness, and to be content that
He, to whom all hearts are open, now sees, and will let all see
hereafter, the uprightness of my intentions towards all mankind.”

It is unpleasant to end the year with a note of discord; but it cannot honestly be avoided.

For the present, Whitefield had one enjoyment, which was almost new to him. He was no longer harassed with literary persecution. The only exception was an 8vo. pamphlet of fifty-one pages, entitled “Candid Remarks on some particular passages in the fifth edition of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield’s Volume of Sermons, printed in the year 1750. In a Letter to a Gentleman. Reading, 1752.” The author, in a gentlemanly way, criticizes some of Whitefield’s doctrines, especially that of “imputed righteousness;” and concludes by saying, though “a zeal for God appears throughout the whole of Whitefield’s performance,” yet “his method of treating his subject, and his manner of dictating to his audience, have something in them that may probably work upon the passions, but can never improve the understanding; that may occasion them to affect a superficial appearance of piety, but can hardly incite in them the power; and may induce them to acquiesce so much in the _imputative righteousness of Christ_, as to forget that they themselves are to be righteous, and _ready to every good work_, which is an indispensable part of the covenant of grace.”

One of Whitefield’s first anxieties, in 1753, was to sell his plantation in South Carolina. Writing to a friend there, on January 7, he says: “By this conveyance, I send you a power of attorney to dispose of Providence plantation. I leave it to your discretion to sell at what price you please. I would only observe, that I had rather it should be sold for less than its real value, than to keep it any longer in my hands. I do not choose to keep two families longer than is necessary. The money you receive from Providence will be immediately wanted to buy more land, and to pay for opening Bethesda’s new plantation.”

Another was the erection of a new Tabernacle. The wooden meeting-house, in Moorfields, had now stood the storms of a dozen winters. At the best, it was but a huge, ugly shed; and, of course, signs of decay were becoming visible. Still, the uncouth fabric was a sacred one. Many were the mighty sermons preached by Whitefield beneath its roof; and countless were the blessings which had fallen upon its crowds of worshippers. A more durable edifice, however, was greatly needed; and, in the summer of 1751, while at Lady Huntingdon’s residence at Ashby-de-la-Zouch, the project had been discussed, in the presence of her ladyship, Doddridge, Hervey, Hartley, and Stonehouse, all of whom were “most cordial in their approval and promise of support.” Towards the end of 1752, the subject was renewed at the house of Lady Frances Shirley, in South Audley Street; and, in compliance with the urgent entreaties of her ladyship and of the Countess of Huntingdon, Whitefield now began to exert himself in collecting money. He resolved not to begin building till he had £1000 in hand.[313] That amount he soon obtained; the first brick was laid on the 1st of March, 1753; and, within fifteen weeks afterwards, the structure was opened for public worship; the congregations, during that interval, still continuing to assemble in the wooden tabernacle, which was left standing within the shell of the building in course of erection.[314] The new Tabernacle needs no description; for, though a third has within the last few years been built upon its site, there are thousands still living who have often gazed with reverence at the low, unpretentious edifice where Whitefield so often mounted his pulpit throne, and not a few who found salvation within its walls. It will frequently be mentioned in ensuing extracts from Whitefield’s letters.[315]

There was a third affair, in which Whitefield, at this period, took, perhaps, a more active interest than was necessary. Within the last four years, the Moravians had made themselves more prominent than was consistent with Christian modesty. It was not until the year 1737, that the first Moravian services were held in England. Since then, several of their Societies had been torn by faction. In many instances, they had been the subjects of bitter persecution. Many of their religious rites were silly and objectionable. Their hymns and their literature were, to a great extent, jargon, luscious and irreverent. But, despite all, they had increased in numbers; and, above all, they had at their head an ambitious German count, who had considerable influence in the court of the German who then sat on the British throne. Count Zinzendorf, in 1749, had succeeded in getting the English parliament to pass a bill to the following effect: 1. That the Moravians were an ancient Protestant Episcopal Church. 2. That those of them who scrupled to take an oath, should be exempted doing so, on making a declaration in the presence of Almighty God, as witness of the truth. 3. That they should not be liable to serve upon juries. 4. That, in the colonies, they should be exempted from military service, under reasonable conditions. 5. That the _verbal declaration_ of the individual, together with the certificate of a bishop or minister of the Brethren, should be regarded as sufficient proof of membership in the Moravian community. Besides this, the Count was no longer satisfied with “hired lodgings,” in Bloomsbury Square, for “_the Congregation House_,” but, in 1751, removed to James Hutton’s house and two adjoining ones, in Westminster. The premises were large and pleasant, overlooking the Abbey Gardens; but even they were not good enough to serve as the offices ♦of a body, on whose behalf the whole machinery of parliamentary legislation had been set in motion. Accordingly, the Count bought, of Sir Hans Sloane, a large mansion, in Chelsea, formerly the property of the ducal family of Ancaster, with beautiful grounds bordering on the Thames. In connection with this imposing “Congregation House,” a chapel was fitted up, and a burial ground laid out. These were costly proceedings; and the result of parliamentary negotiations, the purchase of Lindsey House, Chelsea, and other expenditures, was, Count Zinzendorf and the Moravians in England were in debt to the amount of nearly £140,000, and knew not how to pay it.

As will soon be seen, these facts, put in the briefest form possible, and others, which might be mentioned, induced Whitefield, both privately and publicly, to censure the proceedings of his old friends, the Unitas Fratrum.

Whitefield’s plantation at Bethesda, in Georgia, and his slave-cultivated plantation in Carolina, made him anxious. The latter he wished to sell, because, despite all his expectations, it had failed to afford him help in his benevolent designs. Hence the following:――

“LONDON, _February 1, 1753_.

“I am glad to hear that Ephratah plantation[316] is in some
degree opened, and, thereby, a preparation made for future
progress. Mr. Fox’s not coming, and going upon lumber, has been
a great loss to my poor family; but I hope, ere now, all is
settled, and the sowing carried on with vigour. That seems to
be the thing which Providence points out at present. As so many
negroes are ready, it will be a pity if Bethesda does not do
something, as well as the neighbouring planters. If I were not
erecting a large place for public worship, eighty feet square,
I would come over immediately myself; but, perhaps, it will be
best to stay till the new governor embarks, or to come a little
before him.

“With this, I send your brother a power to dispose of Providence
plantation. I hope to hear shortly that you have purchased more
negroes. My dear friend, do exert yourself a little for me in
this time of my absence. I trust the Orphan-house affairs will
soon be so ordered, that no one will be troubled respecting
them, but my own domestics. As Nathaniel P―――― has behaved so
faithfully, I have sent him a full power, in conjunction with
Mrs. W――――, to act under you. The man and woman who bring this,
are, with their son, indentured to me; and I have an excellent
schoolmistress, and a young student, engaged to come over
shortly. Before long, I suppose, we shall have a large family.
Lord, grant it may be a religious one! I would have nothing done
to the buildings, besides repairing the piazza, and what else
is absolutely necessary, till I come. Perhaps I may bring a
carpenter with me, who will stay some years.

“I cannot tell what induces me to take care of a place, where
the gospel is so little regarded, unless it be a principle of
faith. What a difference is there between Georgia and several
parts of England! Here, thousands and tens of thousands run, and
ride miles upon miles, to hear the gospel. There――but I do not
love to think of it. I see there is no happiness but in keeping
near to Jesus Christ.”

The next, addressed to Lady Huntingdon, refers to the Moravians at Lindsey House, Chelsea, and to the collections for Whitefield’s new Tabernacle.

“LONDON, _February 9, 1753_.

“I am apt to believe that the Moravians’ scheme will soon be
disconcerted. Strange! Why do God’s children build Babels? Why
do they flatter themselves that God owns and approves of them,
because He suffers them to build high? In mercy to them, such
buildings, of whatever kind, must come down.

“I hope our intended Tabernacle is not of this nature. It would
have pleased your ladyship to have seen how willingly the people
gave last Lord’s-day. At seven in the morning, we collected £50;
in the evening, £126. We have now near £900 in hand. Our Lord
still continues to work in our old despised place. I trust it
has been a Bethel to many, many souls. This, your ladyship knows,
may be anywhere. Clifton is a Bethel when God is there.”

The following seems to have been written to Grimshaw, of Haworth, and refers to Gillies’ preparation of his “Historical Collections,” respecting revivals. Grimshaw complied with Whitefield’s suggestion; but his long letter, being too late to be inserted in Gillies’ bulky volumes, was not published till 1761, when it found a place in the “Appendix to the Historical Collections,” a 12mo. book of 250 pages, and now extremely rare.

“LONDON, _February 19, 1753_.

“REVEREND AND VERY DEAR SIR,――At present, I have a cold and
fever upon me; but I preach on, hoping one day or another to die
in my work. We have had a blessed winter. Many have been added
to our flock. Next week, I intend to lay the first brick of our
new Tabernacle. I am looking up for direction about my removal.
Which are the best seasons for the north? I should be glad to
know speedily.

“Have you the first account you wrote of your conversion? Or
have you leisure to draw up a short narrative of the rise and
progress of the work of God in your parts? A dear Christian
minister, in Scotland, is about to publish two volumes, relative
to the late awakenings in various places. Such things should be
transmitted to posterity; in heaven, all will be known. Thanks
be to God, that there is such a rest remaining for His people!
I am too impatient to get at it; but who can help longing to see
Jesus? I wish you much, yea, very much prosperity. I am glad you
have received the books. I am now publishing two more sermons,
and a small collection of hymns for public worship.”

Whitefield’s hymn-book was entitled “Hymns for Social Worship, collected from various Authors, and more particularly designed for the use of the Tabernacle congregation in London. By George Whitefield, A.B., late of Pembroke College, Oxford, and Chaplain to the Right Hon. the Countess of Huntingdon. London: printed by William Strahan, and to be sold at the Tabernacle, near Moorfields. 1753.” (16mo. 144 pp.)

The hymns are a hundred and seventy in number, besides several short doxologies. At least twenty-one of them are hymns by John and Charles Wesley. The largest number are by Watts. Most of the others were written by Cennick, Seagrave, Hammond, and Humphreys. Mr. Daniel Sedgwick, a high authority on such a subject, says, between the years 1753 and 1796, Whitefield’s hymn-book passed through thirty-six editions, a good number of them containing additions to the hymns published in 1753. Want of space renders it impossible to give a minute description of Whitefield’s collection; but the following preface is too characteristic to be omitted:――

“COURTEOUS READER,――If thou art acquainted with the divine life,
I need not inform thee that, although all the acts and exercises
of devotion are sweet and delightful, yet we never resemble the
blessed worshippers above more than when we are joining together
in public devotions, and, with hearts and lips unfeigned,
singing praises to Him who sitteth upon the throne for ever.
Consequently, hymns, composed for such a purpose, ought to
abound much in thanksgiving, and to be of such a nature, that
all who attend may join in them, without being obliged to sing
lies, or not sing at all.

“Upon this plan, the following collection of hymns is founded.
They are intended purely for social worship, and so altered, in
some particulars, that I think all may safely concur in using
them. They are short, because I think three or four stanzas,
with a doxology, are sufficient to be sung at one time. I am no
great friend to long sermons, long prayers, or long hymns. They
generally weary, instead of edifying, and, therefore, I think,
should be avoided by those who preside in any public worshipping
assembly. Besides, as the generality of those who receive
the gospel are commonly the poor of the flock, I have studied
cheapness, as well as conciseness. Much in a little is what God
gives us in His word; and the more we imitate such a method, in
our public performances and devotions, the nearer we come up to
the pattern given us in the Mount.

“I think myself justified in publishing some hymns, by way of
dialogue, for the use of the Society, because something like
it is practised in our cathedral churches, but much more so
because the celestial choir is represented, in the Book of the
Revelation, as answering one another in their heavenly anthems.

“That we all may be inspired and warmed with a like divine fire,
whilst singing below, and be translated, after death, to join
with them in singing the song of Moses and the Lamb above, is
the earnest prayer of, courteous reader,

“Thy ready servant, for Christ’s sake,

“G. W.”

The publication of Whitefield’s hymn-book was, doubtless, owing to the erection of his new Tabernacle; but it is somewhat singular, that, in the same year, Wesley published his “Hymns and Spiritual Songs, intended for the use of real Christians of all Denominations;” and that, in the year following, the Moravians published two volumes, of 380 and 399 pages respectively, with the title, “A Collection of Hymns for the Children of God of all Ages, from the beginning till now. Designed chiefly for the use of the Congregations in union with the Brethren’s Church.” The curious reader may speculate how far Whitefield’s little book led to the publication of the other two.

The “sermons,” mentioned in Whitefield’s foregoing letter, were entitled, “The true nature of beholding the Lamb of God, and Peter’s Denial of his Lord, opened and explained, in two Sermons, by George Whitefield, late of Pembroke College, Oxford, and Chaplain to the Right Hon. the Countess of Huntingdon. London, 1753.” (12mo. 48 pp.) In the former of these sermons, there seems to be an unworthy fling at his friend Wesley. Whitefield ought to have known that Wesley never taught the possibility of any one attaining to a sinlessness equal to that of Christ; and yet he indulged in the following remarks:――

“There was no corruption in the heart of this immaculate Lamb
of God for Satan’s temptations to lay hold on; but this property
belongeth only to Him. For any of His followers, though arrived
at the highest pitch of Christian perfection, much less for
young converts, mere novices in the things of God, to presume
that they either have arrived, or ever shall, while on this
side of eternity, arrive at such a sinless state, argues such
an ignorance of the spiritual extent of the moral law, of the
true interpretation of God’s word, of the universal experience
of God’s people in all ages, as well as of the remaining
unmortified corruptions of their own desperately wicked and
deceitful hearts, that I venture to tell the preachers and
abettors of any such doctrine, however knowing they may be in
other respects, they know not the true nature of gospel holiness,
nor the completeness of a believer’s standing in the unspotted
imputed righteousness of Jesus Christ, as they ought to know, or
as I trust they themselves, through Divine grace, will be made
to know before they die. Surely, it is high time to awake out of
this delusive dream! Pardon this short (would to God there was
no occasion for adding), though too necessary, a digression.”

Whitefield, most assuredly, was in a “delusive dream,” if he thought such remarks applicable to Wesley.

It was now seventeen years since Whitefield preached his first sermon, and he lived to preach seventeen years after this. He was in the middle of his marvellous ministry. Numerous specimens of his early discourses have been already given; and it may be useful to furnish two extracts from the sermons now in question, to assist the reader in forming an idea of the great preacher’s style of address, at the present period of his life. The first is from the sermon on “Beholding the Lamb of God.”

“If you can bear to be spectators of such an awful tragedy,
I must now entreat you to enter the garden of Gethsemane. But,
stop! What is that we see? Behold the Lamb of God undergoing the
most direful tortures of vindictive wrath! Of the people, even
of His disciples, there is none with Him. Alas! was ever sorrow
like unto that sorrow, wherewith His innocent soul was afflicted
in this day of His Father’s fierce anger? Before He entered
into this bitter passion, out of the fulness of His heart, He
said, ‘_Now is my soul troubled_.’ But how is it troubled now?
His agony bespeaks it to be ‘_exceeding sorrowful, even unto
death_.’ It extorts sweat, yea, a bloody sweat. His face, His
hands, His garments, are all stained with blood. It extorts
strong cryings, and many tears. See how the incarnate Deity lies
prostrate before His Father, who now laid on Him the iniquities
of us all! See how He agonizes in prayer! Hark! Again and again
He addresses His Father with an ‘_if it be possible, let this
cup pass from me!_’ Tell me, ye blessed angels, tell me, Gabriel
(or whatsoever thou art called), who wast sent from heaven in
this important hour, to strengthen our agonizing Lord,――tell
me, if ye can, what Christ endured in this dark and doleful
night! And tell me, tell me what you yourselves felt, when you
heard this same God-man, whilst expiring on the accursed tree,
breaking forth into that dolorous, unheard-of expostulation, ‘My
God, my God, why, or how hast Thou forsaken me?’ Were you not
all struck dumb? And did not an awful silence fill heaven itself,
when God the Father said unto His sword, ‘Sword, smite thy
fellow!’ Well might nature put on its sable weeds. Well might
the rocks rend, to shew their sympathy with a suffering Saviour.
And well might the sun withdraw its light, as though shocked and
confounded to see its Maker die.”

The next extract is from the sermon on “Peter’s Denial of his Lord,” and describes Peter repenting.

“Methinks I see him wringing his hands, rending his garments,
stamping on the ground, and, with the self-condemned publican,
smiting upon his breast. See how it heaves! O what piteous sighs
and groans are those which come from the very bottom of his
heart. Alas! it is too big to speak; but his tears, his briny,
bitter, repenting tears, plainly bespeak this to be the language
of his awakened soul. ‘Alas! where have I been? On the devil’s
ground. With whom have I been conversing? The devil’s children.
What is this that I have done? Denied the Lord of glory;――with
oaths and curses, denied that I ever knew Him. And now whither
shall I go? or where shall I hide my guilty head? I have sinned
against light. I have sinned against repeated tokens of His
dear, distinguishing, and heavenly love. I have sinned against
repeated warnings, resolutions, promises, and vows. I have
sinned openly in the face of the sun, and in the presence of
my Master’s enemies; and, thereby, have caused His name to be
blasphemed. How can I think of being suffered to behold the
face of, much less to be employed by, the ever-blessed Jesus
any more? O Peter! thou hast undone thyself. Justly mayest thou
be thrown aside like a broken vessel. God be merciful to me a
sinner!’”

Even if he had wished, John Wesley would have found it difficult to preach in a style like this. Let the taste be good or bad, there cannot be a doubt that, with Whitefield’s dramatic action and unequalled voice, the effect of such eloquence would be next to overpowering. We return to Whitefield’s correspondence.

One of the London ministers, who had been benefited by Whitefield’s ministry, was the Rev. Mr. Steward. He had been invited to the house of the Countess of Huntingdon to hear Whitefield preach, and had been one of the first converts there. His own preaching had become popular and successful, not only at her ladyship’s, but on Garlick Hill, where, among others saved by his instrumentality, was Mrs. Kent, at the age of a hundred and four. Mr. Steward’s career was suddenly ended,――an event which greatly affected Whitefield.[317] In the following letter to Charles Wesley, he refers to this and other matters:――

“LONDON, _March 3, 1753_.

“MY DEAR FRIEND,――I thank you and your brother most heartily for
the loan of the chapel. Blessed be God! the work goes on well.
On Thursday morning” (March 1st), “the first brick of our new
Tabernacle was laid with awful solemnity. I preached from Exodus
xx. 24: ‘In all places where I record my name, I will come unto
thee and bless thee.’ Afterwards, we sung, and prayed for God’s
blessing in all places, where His glorious name is recorded. The
wall is now about a yard high. The building is to be eighty feet
square. It is upon the old spot. We have purchased the house;
and, if we finish what we have begun, we shall be rent-free for
forty-six years. We have £1100 in hand. This, I think, is the
best way to build.

“Mr. Steward’s death so affected me, that, when I met the
workmen that night to contract about the building, I could
scarce bear to think of building tabernacles. Strange! that so
many should be so soon discharged, and we continued. Eighteen
years have I been waiting for the coming of the Son of God; but
I find we are immortal till our work is done. Oh that we may
never live to be ministered unto, but to minister. Mr. Steward
spoke for his Lord as long as he could speak at all. He had no
clouds nor darkness. I was with him, till a few minutes before
he slept in Jesus.

“I have good news from several parts. A door is opening at
Winchester. Surely the little leaven will ferment till the whole
kingdom be leavened. Even so, Lord Jesus, Amen!

“My poor wife has had another plunge. We thought she was taken
with palsy; but, blessed be God, she is now recovering.”[318]

The next deserves insertion for its Christian admonition.

“LONDON, _March 10, 1753_.

“MY DEAR MR. M――――, I have preached at Spitalfields chapel
twice.[319] Both the Mr. Wesleys are agreed, as the younger
brother writes me word, in answer to my letter. Let brotherly
love continue. I do not like writing against anybody; but, I
think, that wisdom which dwells with prudence should direct you
not to fill Mr. Wesley’s people (who expect you will serve them)
with needless jealousies. I hope to see the time when you will
talk less of persons and things, and more of Jesus Christ. This,
and this alone, can make and keep you steady in yourself, and
extensively useful to others. I am glad you know when persons
are justified. It is a lesson I have not yet learnt. There are
so many stony-ground hearers, that I have determined to suspend
my judgment, till I know the tree by its fruits.”

The following needs no explanation:――

“LONDON, _March 21, 1753_.

“What is happening to the Moravians is no more than I have
long expected, and spoken of to many friends. Their scheme is
so _antichristian_, in almost every respect, that I am amazed
the eyes of the English Brethren have not long since been
opened, and the Babel stopped. But the glorious God generally
suffers such buildings to go high, that their fall may be more
conspicuous. May the builders rise (I mean as to spirituals) by
their falls, and gain by their losses! This is all the harm I
wish them. What a blessed thing it is to live and walk in the
simplicity of the gospel! How happy is that man, who, being
neither fond of money, numbers, nor power, goes on day by day
without any other scheme than a general intention to promote
the common salvation among people of all denominations! Will
you pray that I may be thus minded?”

The erection of the new Tabernacle detained Whitefield in London longer than it was his custom to stay; but, in the month of April, he made a hurried visit to the city of Norwich, where, two years before, there had been the most disgraceful riots. James Wheatley, whom the Wesleys had expelled from their connexion, for infamous behaviour, had come to Norwich, begun to preach out of doors, and formed a mongrel society of nearly two thousand persons. A temporary Tabernacle was erected for him on Timber Hill, in imitation of the one erected for Whitefield in Moorfields. Then followed the riots. Wheatley braved the storm; and, in April, 1752, steps were taken to build for him one of the largest chapels in the city.[320] The history of the entire movement is curious, but not edifying. Why Whitefield went to Norwich, it is difficult to tell. An account of his visit is contained in the following short extracts from his letters:――

“Norwich, April 17, 1753. Were it not sinful, I could wish for
a thousand hands, a thousand tongues, and a thousand lives: all
should be employed, night and day, without ceasing, in promoting
the glory of Jesus. Thanks be to His great name, for reviving
His work in the midst of the years. I trust that His people
everywhere will be made to sing, ‘The winter is past, the rain
is over and gone, the flowers appear on the earth, and the voice
of the turtle is heard in the land.’ For these three days past,
I have been preaching here twice a day. In the mornings, we have
been quiet; but, in the evenings, the sons of Belial have been
somewhat rude. The place built here for public worship is much
larger than yours at Newcastle; and, I believe, hundreds of
truly awakened souls attend. What cannot God do? What will the
end of this be? The destruction of Jericho. The rams’ horns must
go round, till its towering walls fall down. Who would not be
one of these rams’ horns? My dear sir, let us not be ashamed of
the cross of Christ: it is lined with love, and will ere long be
exchanged for a crown. Jesus Himself will put it on our heads.”

“Norwich, April 18, 1753. How does God delight to exceed
the hopes, and to disappoint the fears, of His weak, though
honest-hearted people! In spite of all opposition, He has caused
us to triumph even in Norwich. Thousands attend twice every day,
and hear with the greatest eagerness. I hope it will appear yet
more and more that God has much people here.”

Whitefield returned to London on April 21st; and, for the next three weeks, was employed, not only in preaching, but in writing. The following letter deserves attention. It was addressed to David Taylor――said to have been originally footman to Lady Ingham――a good man, but unsettled, part Moravian, part Methodist, and part Inghamite――who, by his preaching, had converted large numbers of the people in Derbyshire, Leicestershire, Lancashire, and Yorkshire, and had formed Societies in the several counties.

“LONDON, _May 1, 1753_.

“MY DEAR DAVID,――Do you enquire where I am? I answer, in
London, longing to come to Leeds, and yet withheld by Him, whose
providence ordereth all things well. Let us have a little more
patience, and then, in a few weeks, I hope to have a blessed
range in the north. The word ran and was glorified at Norwich.
Preaching so frequently, and riding hard, almost killed me; but
what is my body in comparison of precious and immortal souls?

“At present, I am engaged in a very ungrateful work; I mean, in
writing against the leading Moravian Brethren. When you see it,
you will know whether there was not a cause.”

Whitefield’s pamphlet was published without delay, and was entitled, “An Expostulatory Letter, addressed to Nicholas Lewis, Count Zinzendorf, and Lord Advocate of the Unitas Fratrum. By George Whitefield, A.B., late of Pembroke College, Oxford, and Chaplain to the Right Honourable the Countess of Huntingdon. London, 1753.” (8vo. 19 pp.) The letter is dated, “London, April 24, 1753;” and bears on the title-page the text, “O foolish Galatians, who hath bewitched you?”

Perhaps it ought to be premised that a great sensation had been already created in the country, by the publication of an octavo pamphlet of 177 pages, dedicated to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and entitled, “A candid Narrative of the Rise and Progress of the Hernhuthers, commonly called Moravians, or Unitas Fratrum. By Henry Rimius, Aulic Counsellor to his late Majesty the King of Prussia.” Rimius’s book was a terrible attack on Zinzendorf; and now Whitefield, wisely or unwisely, rushed into the affray. His letter begins thus:――

“MY LORD,――Although I am persuaded that nothing has a greater
tendency to strengthen the hands of infidels than the too
frequent altercations between the professors of Christianity,
yet there are certain occasions wherein the necessary defence
of the principles of our holy religion, as well as the practice
of it, renders public remonstrance of the greatest use and
importance.

“For many years past, I have been a silent and an impartial
observer of the progress and effects of Moravianism, both in
England and America; but such shocking things have been lately
brought to our ears, and offences have swollen to such an
enormous bulk, that a real regard for my king and my country,
and a disinterested love for the ever-blessed Jesus, will
not suffer me to be silent any longer. Pardon me, therefore,
my lord, if I am constrained to inform your lordship that
you, together with some of your _leading_ brethren, have been
unhappily instrumental in misguiding many simple, honest-hearted
Christians; of distressing, if not totally ruining, numerous
families; and of introducing a whole _farrago_ of superstitious,
not to say idolatrous, fopperies into the English nation.”

Having asserted that, whatever might be “the principles and usages of the ancient Moravian Church,” he can find no trace of the present practices of the Moravians in the primitive churches, Whitefield continues:――

“Will your lordship give me leave to descend to a few
particulars? Pray, my lord, what instances have we of the first
Christians walking round the graves of their deceased friends
on Easter Day, attended with hautboys, trumpets, French horns,
violins, and other kinds of musical instruments? Or where have
we the least mention made of pictures of particular persons
being brought into the first Christian assemblies, and of
candles being placed behind them, in order to give a transparent
view of the figures? Where was it ever known that the picture
of the apostle Paul, representing him handing a gentleman and
lady up to the side of Jesus Christ, was ever introduced into
the primitive lovefeasts? Or do we ever hear of incense, or
something like it, being burnt for him, in order to perfume the
room before he made his entrance among the brethren? And yet
your lordship knows this has been done for you, and suffered by
you, without your having shewn, as far as I can hear, the least
dislike of it at all.

“Again, my lord, I beg leave to enquire whether we hear anything
in Scripture of eldresses or deaconnesses seating themselves
before a table covered with artificial flowers, and against
that a little altar surrounded with wax tapers, on which stood
a cross, composed either of mock or real diamonds, or other
glittering stones? And yet your lordship must be sensible, this
was done in Fetter Lane chapel, for Mrs. Hannah Nitschmann, the
present general eldress of your congregation, with this addition,
that all the sisters were seated in German caps, and clothed
in white, and the organ also illuminated with three pyramids of
wax tapers, each of which was tied with a red ribbon, and over
the head of the general eldress was placed her own picture,
and over that (_horresco referens_) the picture of the Son of
God. A goodly sight this, my lord, for a company of English
Protestants to behold! Alas! to what a long series of childish
and superstitious devotions, and unscriptural impositions must
they have been habituated, before they could sit as silent
spectators of such an anti-Christian scene!”

Besides this general onslaught on Moravian _ritualism_, Whitefield, in foot-notes, ridicules the absurdity of the “married women” of the Moravian community “being ordered to wear blue knots; the single women, pink; those who are just marriageable, pink and white; widows past child-bearing, white; and those who were not so, blue and white.” He also describes a ludicrous, or rather theatrical and repulsive scene, in Hatton Garden, at the celebration of the birthday of Hannah Nitschmann; and then proceeds to the subject of Moravian fraud and bankruptcy. He writes:――

“I have another question to propose to your lordship. Pray,
my lord, did any of the apostles or _leaders_ of the primitive
churches ever usurp an authority, not only over people’s
consciences, but properties, or draw in the members of their
respective congregations to dispose of whole patrimonies at
once, or to be bound for thousands more than they knew they were
worth? And yet your lordship knows this has been done again and
again, in order to serve the purposes of the Brethren; and that,
too, at or very near the time, when, in order to procure an
Act in their favour, they boasted to an English Parliament how
immensely rich they were.”

Whitefield then specifies some of the Moravian debts; and concludes by speaking of the “horrid equivocations, untruths, and low artifices,” made use of to obtain such enormous loans:――

“At present,” says he, “I shall add no more, but earnestly say
_Amen_ to that part of the Brethren’s litany, ‘From untimely
projects, and from unhappily becoming great, keep us, our
good Lord and God!’ And as heartily praying, that the glorious
Jesus may prosper all that is right, and give grace to correct
and amend all that is wrong, among all His people of all
denominations, I subscribe myself, my lord, your lordship’s most
obedient humble servant,

“GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

This was plain speaking. Perhaps some will think that Whitefield’s interference was offensively officious; but it must be borne in mind, that, besides being bound to take a general interest in everything pertaining to the religion of the land, Whitefield was closely associated with the Moravians at the beginning of his ministry; and that, in his extensive itinerancy, he still came into frequent contact with them. And, further, though it may be still contended that Whitefield might have been more usefully employed, there cannot be a doubt that he now rendered a great and lasting service to the Moravian community; for his letter to Zinzendorf helped to check and to correct the extravagance and the absurdly ritualistic practices, into which the Unitas Fratrum had fallen.

Whitefield’s “letter” created almost as great a sensation as Rimius’s “Narrative”; and, in whole or in part, was reprinted in the magazines and newspapers of the day. The Moravians were angry. Peter Bohler declared publicly, in the pulpit, that Whitefield’s letter “was all a lie.” James Hutton spoke of “many bulls of Bashan roaring madly against the Count; and describing him as a Mahomet, a Cæsar, an impostor, a Don Quixote, a devil, the beast, the man of sin, the Antichrist.”[321] He also sent the following threatening letter “to the publisher of the _Public Advertiser_”:――

“SATURDAY, _June 2, 1752_.

“You, sir, have published such an extract of Mr. Whitefield’s
libel in your paper, as is punishable by law; which example
of yours the country newspapers and the London magazines have
followed.

“I would have you immediately consider well, whether you are
liable or no; and, if you find yourself so, to let me know what
steps you think to take to avoid a prosecution.

“A submission in the _Public Advertiser_, next Monday,
expressing your sorrow for having published that extract
(without at all entering into the merits of the cause, whether
true or false), and asking pardon of the persons reflected on
therein, seems to me the best and only way of preventing that
prosecution, which else, in all probability, will very soon
begin.

“I am, sir, yours,

“JAMES HUTTON.”

A similar letter was sent to the publisher of the _Daily Gazetteer_. The Archbishop of Canterbury, likewise, received an anonymous epistle, not written, but made up of words, taken out of printed books, of different types, and pasted upon a sheet of paper:――

“MY LORD,――Our Moravian Church having subsisted above 1700 years,
and you being the chief of a Church, which is her puny sister,
your Grace ought not to suffer that villain Rimius publicly to
vilify our right reverend and valuable patron and us. The man
is quite stupid, else he would have known that he, being but a
single person, and deeply in debt, can do us no hurt. We are a
multitude, a parliamentary constitution, a church that stands
upon a rock, and have treasures inexhaustible, and can hold out
against him, and all the rest of our enemies. But we shall soon
make him flee his country; or he shall meet with a fate which he
scarce expects.”[322]