Chapter VIII: Part 8

Soon after this, Whitefield was in a new position. Up to the present, Cape Breton had been in the possession of the French. Besides being the key to Canada, the island was of great importance in a mercantile point of view. The soil was poor, but, in 1743, fish was exported to the amount of a million sterling. In return for this, the people received sugar and coffee, rum and molasses; part of which they used themselves, and the remainder of which they conveyed to Canada and New England, where they obtained, in exchange, fruits, vegetables, bricks, wood, and cattle. Cape Breton, also, was a formidable seminary of seamen, the French employing, in their enormous fishery, twenty thousand men, and at least a thousand sail of from two to four hundred tons each. English ships were terribly exposed to privateers and men of war issuing from the island. Possession of the place would not only cut off all communication between France and Quebec, but the harbour would likewise be a safer retreat for British vessels, than any other harbour in North America. In 1745, a plan for the invasion of Cape Breton was laid at Boston, and New England bore the expense of it. Colonel Pepperell, who has been already introduced to the reader’s notice, was entrusted with the command of an army of six thousand men, levied for the expedition; and these forces, convoyed by a squadron from Jamaica, brought the first news to Cape Breton of the danger that threatened it. The invaders had to encounter but six hundred regular troops, and eight hundred inhabitants armed in haste. Still, the success of the undertaking would have been precarious, if the soldiers on the island had fought with their accustomed spirit. It so happened, however, that, for the last six months, they had in fact, been in open rebellion. The construction and repairs of the fortifications of Louisbourg, sometimes called “the Gibraltar of America,” had always been left to the care of the garrison; but the troops had been so defrauded of the profit of their labours, that they had determined to assert their rights; and their indignation had risen to such a pitch, that they now despised all authority. The soldiers, indeed, made advances against the invaders; but, after a siege of seven weeks, the Governor of Cape Breton was obliged, on the 16th of June, to sign a capitulation, whereby the island, and its harbour of Louisbourg, became the possession of his Britannic Majesty. On the news reaching London, the conquest was celebrated by the firing of cannons, the illumination of the public offices, the ringing of bells, the lighting of bonfires, and all the other usual demonstrations of national thankfulness and joy.[127]

These remarks will help to explain the following letter:――

“BOSTON, _July 29, 1745_.

“You will be surprised that a messenger of the Prince of peace
should beat up to arms. No doubt, you have judged me, as well
you may; but Providence seemed to force me into it.

“The Cape Breton expedition was begun and finished before
it could be scarcely known to you at home. Worthy Colonel
Pepperell was fixed upon to command. The day before he
accepted the commission, he purposed to dine with me, to ask
my advice. I told him, I hoped, if he did undertake it, he
would beg of the Lord God of armies to give him a single
eye; that the means proposed to take Louisbourg, in the
eye of human reason, were no more adequate to the end, than
the sounding of rams’ horns to blow down Jericho; but that,
if Providence really called him, he would return more than
conqueror. He thanked me; and, his lady having given her free
consent, he commenced general.

“The sound now was, ‘To arms! to arms!’ New recruits were
eagerly sought after, and my worthy friend Mr. Sherburne was
appointed one of the commissaries. Being at his house one
evening, he told me that he was preparing the flag, and that
I must give him a motto, and that the people must know I had
given it. I absolutely refused, urging that it would be out of
character. He replied, he believed the expedition was of God,
and that if I did not encourage it, many of the serious people
would not enlist. I still refused. He desired me to consider,
and to sleep upon it, and to give him my answer in the morning.
I retired, I prayed, I slept; and, upon his renewing his request
in the morning, I told him he might take this motto, ‘_Nil
desperandum Christo duce_.’

“Upon this, great numbers enlisted; and, before their
embarkation, their officers desired me to preach them a sermon.
I preached from these words: ‘As many as were distressed, as
many as were discontented, as many as were in debt, came to
David, and he became a captain over them.’ Officers, soldiers,
and others attended. I spiritualized the subject, and told them
how distressed sinners came to Jesus Christ, the Son of David;
and, in my application, exhorted the soldiers to behave like the
soldiers of David, and the officers to act like David’s worthies;
then, I made no manner of doubt but we should receive good
news from Cape Breton. After this, I preached to the general
himself, who asked me if I would not be one of his chaplains.
I told him, I should think it an honour; but believed, as I
generally preached three times a day, in various places, to
large congregations, I could do my king, my country, and my God
more service, by stirring up the people to pray, and, thereby,
strengthening his and his soldiers’ hands.

“Through Divine grace, I was enabled to persist in this practice
for some weeks; but, at last, news arrived that the case was
desperate. Letter upon letter came from the officers to those
who planned the expedition, and did not know the strength of
the fortress. I smiled, and told my friends, that I believed
now we should have Louisbourg; for all having confessed their
helplessness, God would now reveal His arm, and make our
extremity His opportunity. I was not disappointed of my hope;
for one day, having taken a weeping leave of dear Boston, and
being about to preach a few miles out of town, news was brought
that Louisbourg was taken. Numbers flocked with great joy from
all quarters, and I immediately preached to them a thanksgiving
sermon from these words, ‘By this I know that Thou favourest me,
since Thou hast not permitted mine enemies to triumph over me.’

“Here ends, dear madam, my beating to arms. It is left to you to
judge as you please of yours, etc.,

“GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

To say the least, this is a curious episode in English history,――Whitefield, the despised Methodist preacher, associated with one of England’s conquests,――a conquest so important, that King George II. raised Colonel Pepperell to the dignity of a baronet of Great Britain; and London and other places went mad with joy.[128]

It is impossible, through want of materials, to trace the course of Whitefield during the next twelve months. Dr. Gillies says, “As his bodily strength increased, he began to move farther southward; and, after preaching eastward as far as Casco Bay and North Yarmouth, he went through Connecticut, Plymouth, and Rhode Island, preaching to thousands, generally twice a day.” Whitefield himself writes:――

“Though there was much smoke, yet every day I had convincing
proof that a blessed gospel fire had been kindled in the hearts
both of ministers and people. At New York, I found that the
seed sown had sprung up abundantly; and also at the east end of
Long Island. In my way to Philadelphia, I had the pleasure of
preaching, by an interpreter, to some converted Indians, and of
seeing near fifty young ones in a school near Freehold, learning
the Assembly’s catechism. A blessed awakening had been begun
among the Delaware Indians, by the instrumentality of Mr. David
Brainerd.[129] Mr. William Tennent seemed to encourage his
endeavours with all his heart. I found Mr. Gilbert Tennent, in
Philadelphia, settled in the place” (building) “erected at the
beginning of the awakening. The gentlemen offered me £800 per
annum, only to preach among them six months in the year, leaving
me at liberty to travel the other six months where I would.”

The offer here mentioned was made in the month of September, 1745.[130] Where and how he spent the remainder of the year cannot be ascertained.

On the 1st of January, 1746, he was at Bethesda, in Georgia, where he remained during the next three months.[131] It is a strange fact, that the most adverse rumours had been circulated respecting the Orphan House, and that, in New England, affidavits had been made that the institution did not exist.[132] To silence such calumnies, Whitefield and Habersham appeared before Henry Parker and William Spencer, bailiffs of Savannah, to whom they submitted the Orphan House ledger, and swore that the book contained “a just and true account of all the moneys collected by or given to them, or any other, for the use and benefit of the said House; and that the disbursements had been faithfully applied to and for the use of the same.” Whitefield further swore that “he had not converted or applied any part thereof to his own private use and property, neither had he charged the said House with any of his travelling, or any other private expenses whatever.”

Besides this, William Woodroofe, William Ewen, and William Russel, of Savannah, appeared before the same bailiffs, and swore that they had “carefully and strictly examined all and singular the accounts relating to the Orphan House, contained in forty-one pages, in a book entitled ‘Receipts and Disbursements for the Orphan House in Georgia;’ and had also carefully and strictly examined the original bills, receipts, and other vouchers, from the 15th of December, 1738, to the 1st of January, 1746;” and found “that the moneys received on account of the said Orphan House amounted to the sum of £4,982 12s. 8d. sterling, and that it did not appear that the Reverend Mr. Whitefield had converted any part thereof to his own private use and property, or charged the said House with any of his travelling or other private expenses; but, on the contrary, had contributed to the said House many valuable benefactions.” The three auditors further swore, “that the moneys disbursed on account of the said House amounted to the sum of £5,511 17s. 9¼d. sterling, all of which appeared to have been faithfully and justly applied to and for the use and benefit of the said House only.”

To the two affidavits, the substance of which is here given, the bailiffs appended the following:――

“Sworn this 16th day of April, 1746, before us bailiffs of
Savannah; in justification whereof we have hereunto fixed our
hands, and the common seal.

“HENRY PARKER.
“WILLIAM SPENCER.”

Whitefield acted wisely in thus submitting his accounts to official auditors. It was the only way to silence the falsehoods of his enemies. His friends, also, were entitled to such an audit, and to such a magisterial declaration.

After all his efforts, Whitefield was still in debt to the amount of £529 5s. 1¼d.; and he now, with a confessedly honest front, appealed to his friends, in America and England, to defray the debt, and told them that any one wishing to contribute might send their gifts “to Mr. Branson, iron merchant, in Philadelphia; the Rev. Mr. Smith, in Charleston; Mr. John Smith, merchant, in Boston; the Rev. Mr. Shutlift, in Portsmouth, New Hampshire; the Rev. Mr. Pemberton, in New York; Mr. James Habersham,[133] merchant, in Savannah; Gabriel Harris, Esq., in Gloucester; Mr. James Smith, at St. Philip’s Plain, in Bristol; Mr. John Kennedy, at Exon; Mr. Jonathan Houlliere, in Queen Street, Upper Moorfields; and Mr. William Strahan, printer, in Wine Office Court, Fleet Street.”

After all this, no one could reasonably dispute the existence of the Orphan House, or Whitefield’s honesty; but it might be asked, had the £5,511 17s. 9¼d. been well expended? An answer to this question will be found in the following testimony, given by one of Whitefield’s enemies,――a gentleman who had made a tour through most of America, and, in his travels, visited the Orphan House, in 1743. After describing a magnificent vista, of nearly three miles’ length, cut through the pine groves between Wormsloe and Bethesda, the gentleman observes:――

“It gave me much satisfaction to have an opportunity to see
Mr. Whitefield’s Orphan House, as the design had made such a
noise in Europe, and the very being of it was so much doubted
everywhere, that, even no farther from it than New England,
affidavits were made to the contrary.

“It is a square building of very large dimensions, the
foundations of which are brick, with chimneys of the same; the
rest of the superstructure is of wood. The whole is laid out
in a neat and elegant manner. A kind of piazza surrounds it,
which is a very pleasing retreat in the summer. The hall and all
the apartments are very commodious, and prettily furnished. The
garden, which is very extensive, and well kept, is one of the
best I ever saw in America; and you may discover in it plants
and fruits of almost every climate and kind. The outhouses are
convenient; and the plantation will soon surpass almost anything
in the country.

“We were received by Mr. Barber, a Dissenting minister, in a
genteel and friendly manner. They were at dinner when we arrived,
the whole family at one table; and never was there a more
orderly, pretty sight. If I recollect aright, besides Mr. Barber,
the schoolmaster, and some women, there were near forty young
persons of both sexes, dressed very neatly and decently. After
dinner, they retired, the boys to school, the girls to their
spinning and knitting. I was told, their vacant hours were
employed in the garden, and in plantation work.

“Prepossessed with a bad opinion of the institution, I made all
the enquiries I could, and, in short, became a convert to the
design, which seems very conducive to the good of the infant
colony. Whatever opinion I may have of the absurdity of some
of their religious notions, tenets, and practices, yet, so far
as they conduce to inculcate sobriety, industry, and frugality,
they deserve encouragement from all well-wishers of the
country, I could not here perceive anything of that spirit
of uncharitableness and enthusiastic bigotry, for which their
leader is so famed, and of which I heard shocking instances all
over America.”

The writer then proceeds to speak of the road which Whitefield made from the Orphan House to Savannah,――a “road cut through the woods, and which had a hundred curiosities to delight the attentive traveller.” He describes Savannah; speaks of the air as “pure and serene;” and concludes by deploring the ingratitude, ignorance, opposition to government, and the “cursed spirit of dissension amongst” the people, which had nearly ruined the colony.[134]

So much from an unfriendly visitor. What says the founder? In the “Further Account of God’s Dealings” with him, published in 1747, there is a long letter, written only five days after the date of the affidavits just mentioned. The following is an extract from it:――

“BETHESDA, IN GEORGIA, _March 21st, 1746_.

“MY VERY DEAR FRIEND,――It is now some months since I arrived
here. Blessed be God! Bethesda has proved to be a house of mercy
to many. Several of our labourers, as well as visitors, have
been born of God here, and have given proofs of it, by bringing
forth the fruits of the Spirit. Many boys have been put out
to trades; and many girls put out to service. One boy, whom
I brought from New England, is handsomely settled in Carolina;
and another, from Philadelphia, is married, and lives very
comfortably at Savannah. How so large a family has been
supported, in such a colony, without any visible fund, is
wonderful. I am surprised, when I look back, and see how,
for these six years last past, God has spread a table in the
wilderness for so many persons.

“I cannot yet say, that I have surmounted the first year’s
expense, which indeed was very great; but, by the blessing of
God, I doubt not, in a short time, to pay off my arrears; and
then the family will be maintained at a small expense.

“My standing annual charges are now but trifling to what they
have been; and my friends have raised an annual subscription
sufficient for discharging them, till the family may be able to
provide for itself. This, I hope, will be, in a good measure,
speedily effected. We have lately begun to use the plough; and
next year I hope to have many acres of good oats and barley.
We have near twenty sheep and lambs, fifty head of cattle, and
seven horses. We hope to kill a thousandweight of pork this
season. Our garden, which is very beautiful, furnishes us with
all sorts of greens. We have plenty of milk, eggs, and poultry;
and make a good deal of butter weekly. A good quantity of wool
and cotton has been given me, and we hope to have sufficient
spun and woven for the next winter’s clothing. If the vines hit,
we may expect two or three hogsheads of wine out of the vineyard.

“The family now consists of twenty-six persons. Two of the
orphan boys are blind; one is little better than an idiot. But,
notwithstanding, they are useful in the family; the one in the
field, and the other in the kitchen. I have two women to take
care of the household work, and three men and two boys employed
about the plantation and cattle. A set of Dutch servants has
lately been sent to Georgia; the magistrates were pleased to
give me two of them. I took in a poor old widow, aged nearly
seventy, whom nobody else cared to have. A valuable young
man, from New England, is my schoolmaster; and, in my absence,
performs duty in the family. On Sabbaths, the grown people
attend on public worship at Savannah, or at Whitebluff, a
village near Bethesda, where a Dutch minister officiates.
My dear friends, who have hitherto been my assistants, being
married and having each one or two children, thought it best to
remove, and are now comfortably settled――some at Savannah, and
some elsewhere.

“Many have applied to me to erect a public school, and to take
their children as boarders; but I have not yet determined. If
there should be peace, it is certain that such a school would
be exceedingly useful, not only for these northern parts of
the colony, but also for the more southern parts of Carolina,
and for Parisburgh and Frederica, where are many fine youths.
I have been prevailed on to take one from Frederica, and another
from Purisburg, and it may be shall admit more. For the present,
considering the situation of affairs,[135] I think it most
prudent to go on in making what improvements I can on the
plantation, and to bring a tutor with me, from the north, in
the fall, to teach a few youths the languages, and enlarge the
family when affairs are more settled. The house is a noble,
commodious building, and everything is sweetly adapted for
bringing up youth. Here is land to employ them and exercise
their bodies, and keep them from idleness out of school hours.
Here are none of the temptations, to debauch their tender minds,
which are common to more populous countries, or in places where
children must necessarily be brought up with negroes.

“What God intends to do with the colony is not for me to enquire;
but it has hitherto been wonderfully preserved; and the Orphan
House, like the burning bush, has flourished unconsumed. No
doubt the government has its welfare much at heart; and I intend
to carry on my design till I see the colony sink or swim. The
money that has been expended on the Orphan House, and Orphan
House family, has been of vast service to this part of the
country.

“I have had a very comfortable winter. The people of Savannah,
having no minister till lately, gladly accepted my labours; and,
at Frederica, the gentlemen and soldiers of General Oglethorpe’s
regiment, as well as the inhabitants of the town, received me
very gladly. Major Horton[136] seems to behave well. He has a
fine growing plantation. I saw barley in the ear on the 1st of
March. Georgia is very healthy. Only a little child has died out
of our family since it removed to Bethesda. If the inhabitants
were sufficiently numerous, I think the colony is capable of as
much improvement as any on the continent.”

Such then were the bold and benevolent schemes of the indigent young clergyman, who, for the last eight years, had been abused and lampooned by thousands of professing Christians, of all descriptions. While they reviled, Whitefield worked.

In England, Howell Harris faithfully did his utmost, as Whitefield’s _locum tenens_. He writes:――

“LONDON, _February 18, 1746_.

“Since I came here, the Lord has been very kind to us. He is
returning apace to the despised Tabernacle. All disputing has
quite ceased, and we go on harmoniously together. We are now
settling the Society in classes; and re-settling all the
scattered bands. I have been through every class. Many propose
to join the bands and Society. We have had a letter from Mrs.
Whitefield, giving an account of the progress of the gospel in
America. The Indians and negroes are baptized, twelve or
fourteen in a day; and many of them are filled with the grace of
the Holy Spirit.”[137]

Harris was full of hope; but his hope was not realized. Whitefield’s presence among the Calvinistic Methodists was sorely needed. Cennick’s secession had been a peril and a disaster. Both people and preachers suffered loss. James Hutton, with more sourness than sanctity, observed: “Of all the crowds of the Tabernacle people that offered to come amongst us” (the Moravians), “we have found scarce two or three that are good for anything.”[138]

When Cennick seceded in 1745, the Association at the Tabernacle “gave up” to him and the Moravians the Societies in Wiltshire; but some of the Societies objected to this arrangement, and, since then, had requested Whitefield’s preachers to revisit them. At the Association held in Bristol, March 7, 1746, the matter was discussed; and Howell Harris wrote a letter “to the Brethren at Fetter Lane,” endeavouring to promote a common understanding with respect to the fields of labour to be occupied by the two Societies, and with respect to transferring members from one Society to the other. James Hutton’s answer to the Association, written on behalf of “the Brethren in Fetter Lane,” was as arrogant and scolding as Harris’s letter was meek and loving. The imperious printer and publisher wrote:――

“We cannot at all consent to any one going into Wiltshire that
belongs to your Association. Your business would chiefly be to
confound poor souls, by preaching strange doctrine, and
spreading scandalous lies. Should any of you go thither, after
receiving this, you will act contrary to all honesty. It is for
the sake of Mr. Howell Harris that we answer you at all. For
him we have regard; but with the rest of you we cannot have any
kind of fellowship at all. You are vainly puffed up,――the enemies
of Christ, and of His blood and atonement, which some of you
blaspheme. To say that we believed _you_ to be _fellow-labourers_
in the vineyard of Christ, would be dissimulation in us. We look
upon you as the destroyers of that vineyard; and we are much
grieved to see Mr. Whitefield’s labours and blessings so spoiled
and ruined by such evil-labourers. We are, however, sincerely,
your well-wishers,

“THE BRETHREN IN FETTER LANE.”[139]

Was there _any_ reason for the use of this strong and offensive language? It is to be feared there was. Howell Harris, in his autobiography, written in 1749, remarks:――

“About the year 1746, I saw a spirit creeping into the work
different from that which had been before; namely, the spirit
of levity, pride, foolish jesting, unwatchfulness, and carnal
rejoicing. This took place immediately after extensive frames
and transports, which many seemed to enjoy at the hearing of the
word, and singing, etc.; but the real and serious spirit that
began the work was at length almost extinguished. The spirit of
awakening sinners in the ministry was also, in a great measure,
lost; together with its real and solid fruits in the hearts of
men. I beheld a tendency in the ministry to please men, and to
appear wise and popular in the world; and the spirits of many of
my nearest friends grew great and proud, and would not take the
word of reproof or exhortation.”[140]

The work, however, was still prosecuted. At an Association, held in London, June 18, 1746, it was determined to retain the “room” at Lambeth; and an offer of “the playhouse, in the Haymarket, Westminster,” was prayerfully considered. It was also resolved that, “henceforth, the tickets should be delivered to every band and class by their visitors; who, after consulting the minister, should take care of the money” collected. The preachers, likewise, were stationed; some to Deptford and Lambeth; some to Essex, Wiltshire, and Gloucestershire; one to Portsmouth, and another to Bristol; and others to Chinnor, Tewkesbury, Hereford, Ludlow, Shrewsbury, and Wales.

At another Association, held in Bristol, January 22, 1747, Wesley and four of his assistants were present. It was enquired: “1. How we may remove any hindrances of brotherly love which have occurred? 2. How we may prevent any arising hereafter?” It was agreed that Wesley’s and Whitefield’s preachers should “endeavour to strengthen each other’s hands, and prevent separations in the several Societies.” Harris, also, was requested to go to Plymouth and the west, “to heal the breach there made, and to insist on a spirit of love and its fruits among the people.”

On July 1, 1747, at the Association, held in London, the Rev. Mr. Bateman, rector of St. Bartholomew, was present. Preaching arrangements were made for London, Portsmouth, Olney, Chatham, Bristol, Birmingham, Gloucestershire, Wiltshire, Staffordshire, Salop, Essex, and Wales. It was also determined that Syms, Whitefield’s agent, at Hoxton, should give up “his office of keeping the books and accounts into the hands of Harris.”[141]

In public labours, Harris was indefatigable, and generally joyous. On October 13, 1746, he writes:――

“Since I came home, I have discoursed in three counties; and the
spirit of praise and thanksgiving has been so poured down upon
us, in several places, that we could not cease praising,
rejoicing, and crying, ‘Hallelujah!’”[142]

Again, on October 16, 1747:――

“Things in Wales have a lovely aspect. Fresh doors are opening;
many are awakened and added to us; and a spirit of love,
discipline, and subordination runs through the whole. We have
settled Friday, November 6, as a day of prayer and humiliation,
for our own, the churches’, and the nation’s sins; and if the
Society in London joins us, we shall be glad. In two days, I
begin a round through North Wales, where, if my work be done, I
expect to be sent home, or, at least, imprisoned. For ten days,
my life will be in continual danger.”[143]

Again, February 4, 1748:――

“This day, our Welsh Association broke up. Scores have been
added since our last Association. Fresh doors have been opened,
and several new Societies settled. At Builth, last Sunday, the
new house we have built there was crowded, and a great number
stood without. I am now going on my rounds to Pembrokeshire,
Carmarthenshire, Glamorganshire, and Monmouthshire; and have
to-night begun collecting for the Orphan House; but, as we
have built a house in Builth, and are building two houses in
Carmarthenshire, and as last year we raised £40 towards the law
suit, I cannot expect such encouragement as I should otherwise
have had.”

Whitefield’s other assistants were labouring with equal bravery and success. Thomas Adams tells of preaching in a barn at Gosport; and of a soldier gathering a society at a place seven miles from Portsmouth.[144] Another preacher writes: “We cannot get a peaceable meeting at Gosport. The rude men of the King’s Dock, Portsmouth, come into the barn, and make great disturbances, sometimes pelting us with eggs, and, at other times, with dirt and stones.”[145]

James Relly writes: “June, 1747. I examine the whole Society in Bristol once a week, the brethren on Sunday evening, and the sisters on Wednesday evening; and our Saviour has blessed it to the quickening of many. There seems also to be a good prospect at Bath.”[146] Again, “December 21, 1747. I formed twenty or more into a Society at Birmingham; and, on examining them, was quite satisfied of the spirit of grace working in all their hearts. Yesterday, many assembled to hear the word at Tewkesbury, but we were assaulted by such a furious mob, that all was turned into confusion. They flapped the tables, stamped on the floor, pushed the people, swore, cursed, laughed, pricked with pins, threw handfuls of snuff, and brickbats, and dirt. I discoursed about an hour; but the noise still increasing, I left off.”[147]

Herbert Jenkins relates, “August 9, 1747,” that he had been, “almost a month at Edinburgh, continually exercised in preaching, and visiting Societies with vast pleasure and delight.”[148]

John Edwards says: “July 21, 1747. Yesterday, I met the young children at Shrewsbury; and discoursed, sung, and prayed with them about two hours. The Saviour of little children was there: the Lamb smiling upon His lambs.”[149]

These extracts might easily be multiplied; but one more must suffice. It refers to a disgraceful scene at the Tabernacle in Plymouth, on Sunday, November 29, 1747.

“At five o’clock in the evening, when we were met together to
worship the Lord God of our fathers, being in number about a
thousand, after I had sung and prayed, and gone over the first
head of my discourse, a strong party of sailors, belonging to
the _Windsor_ man of war, came in amongst us. They entered, and
continued, with their hats on. Four of them came up and stood
just under the pulpit, and betrayed, by their looks and sneers,
that they had a mind to put me out of countenance; but I went
on preaching the word of truth with boldness. In about fifteen
minutes, those near the door began to stamp, and to swear
most bitterly. Some of our friends very mildly entreated them,
either to be still, or else to go out peaceably; but, so far
from taking their advice, they laid the weight of their heavy
bludgeons, with unspeakable fury, upon the poor people’s heads.
The cries and groans of the poor women and children were fearful.
There was but one door, and that was guarded by a company of
resolute persons, who swore that the first who attempted to
escape should have his brains blown out by a pistol. The sailors
then beat down the candlesticks, and blew out the candles, to
darken the place; but one of our friends had presence of mind
to push up one of the chandeliers, suspended by a pully, so that
we had a little light preserved. The fury of our foes increased.
Many of the people were knocked down, and had their heads broken.
The windows were dashed to pieces; and the benches taken up as
weapons of warfare. I entreated our friends to march from every
corner of the place, and arrest some of the rioters. This was
done, and three of them being secured, the rest fled as fast as
they could. We concluded the Sabbath with prayers and
thanksgivings.”[150]

In these jottings, the reader has glimpses of the sunshine and shadows of the Calvinistic Methodists in England and Wales, during Whitefield’s absence in America. It is now time to turn again to their youthful moderator across the Atlantic.

For five months, from March to August in 1746, hardly anything is known of Whitefield’s wanderings. He seems, however, to have visited New York, and to have found favour among the people. The following is an extract from the _New York Post-Boy_, of April, 1746:――

“Mr. Whitefield’s excellent parts, fine elocution, and masterly
address; his admirable talent of opening the Scriptures, and
enforcing the most weighty subjects upon the conscience; his
polite and serious behaviour; his unaffected and superior
piety; his prudence, humility, and catholic spirit, are things
which must silence and disarm prejudice itself. By these
qualifications of the orator, the divine, and the Christian,
he has not only fixed himself deeper in the affections of his
former friends, but greatly increased the number wherever he has
preached; and has made his way into the hearts of several, who,
till this visit, had said all the severe things against him that
enmity itself seemed capable of.”[151]

Soon after this, on his way to Philadelphia, Whitefield wrote to Howell Harris, as follows:――

“_May 2, 1746._

“MY VERY DEAR, DEAR BROTHER HARRIS,――I am glad to hear the Welsh
Brethren continue steady; and that, amongst our English friends,
Antinomianism seems only to be speculative. This is a great evil,
but not so great as when it affects the practice, and leads the
people of God unwarily into licentiousness. The late outward
troubles, I hope, will do good, and put a stop to the many
disputes, and various sects, which always spring up when the
Lord suffers false principles to abound. I expect to hear that
Jesus has made thee immoveable like a wall of brass, as bold as
a lion, but as meek as a lamb. Blessed be His name! He continues
to be very kind to us. The Orphan House is in a promising way.
My temporal affairs begin to be settled; and I am blessed to
many souls. Jesus causes many of my professed and embittered
enemies to be at peace with me. I know you will help me to
praise Him, and beg Him to continue to stand by a poor unworthy
creature, who simply desires to spend and be spent for the good
of precious and immortal souls. You will remember me to your
dear wife, and all our Welsh brethren, in the most endearing
manner. We frequently pray for them, and do not despair of
seeing them once more. My dear wife loves them exceedingly, and
often warms her heart by reflecting on past times.

“Ever, ever thine in Jesus,

“GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”[152]

After this, nothing more is known of Whitefield until the month of August next ensuing. On the 16th of April, at the battle of Culloden, the Jacobites were utterly defeated, and the cause of the Pretender entirely ruined. When the news reached Pennsylvania, Whitefield’s loyalty gushed forth in a sermon, which was immediately printed, with the title, “Britain’s Mercies, and Britain’s Duty. Represented in a Sermon preached at Philadelphia, on Sunday, August 24, 1746; and occasioned by the Suppression of the late unnatural Rebellion. By George Whitefield, A.B., late of Pembroke College, Oxon. Printed at Philadelphia, 1746.”[153] The sermon was almost altogether political, and need not be further noticed. It was a sufficient answer, however, to those who doubted Whitefield’s loyalty.

Two days after preaching his thanksgiving sermon, Whitefield wrote to his mother, as follows:――

“God is exceeding good to me and mine. We have all things
pertaining to life and godliness. Many offers are made me; but
the Lord Jesus keeps me from catching at the golden bait. Favour
is given to me in the sight of the rich and great, and the door
for my usefulness opens wider and wider. I love to range in
the American woods, and sometimes think I shall never return to
England. I was never better in health. My dear wife would send
you a few lines, but she is weak by reason of a miscarriage four
days ago.”

Immediately after this, Whitefield went to Maryland, where he spent, at least, a month in preaching to large congregations, in seven different counties. Excepting its slavery, Maryland had great attractions. Its soil was rich, and its hospitality unique. The young traveller, who visited Whitefield’s Orphan House in 1743, writes concerning the province:――

“Mush,[154] milk, and molasses, homine,[155] wild fowl, and fish,
are the principal diet of the meaner inhabitants, whilst the
water presented to you, by one of the barefooted family, in a
copious calabash,[156] with an innocent strain of good breeding
and heartiness,――the cake baking upon the hearth, and the
cleanliness of everything around you,――put you in mind of the
golden age, the times of ancient frugality and purity. All over
the colony, there are full tables and open doors; and the kind
salute, and generous detention remind one of the roast-beef ages
of our forefathers. Their breakfast-tables have generally the
cold remains of the former day, hashed or fricasseed, together
with coffee, tea, chocolate, venison, pastry, punch, rum, and
cider. The dinner consists of good beef, veal, mutton, venison,
turkeys and geese, wild and tame, fowls boiled and roasted,
pies, and puddings. Suppers are the same as dinners, with small
additions, and a good hearty cup to precede a bed of down. This
is the constant life the planters lead, and to this fare every
comer is welcome.”

More than one half of the population of Maryland were slaves, and to these oppressed and cruelly treated fellow-creatures the planters owed their riches and their luxuries. Details of Whitefield’s labours in the colony do not exist. He simply states: “Everywhere almost, the door is opened for preaching; great numbers flock to hear; and the power of an ascended Saviour attends the word. I have preached with abundant success.”[157]

And, again, in a letter to Wesley, dated, “Queen Ann’s County, Maryland, October 14, 1746,” full of buoyancy, he writes:――

“If you ask, how it is with me? I answer, ‘Happy in Jesus, the
Lord my righteousness.’ If you ask, what I am doing? I answer,
‘Ranging and hunting in the American woods after poor sinners.’
If you ask, with what success? I would answer, ‘My labours were
never more acceptable; and the door, for fifteen hundred miles
together, is quite open for preaching the everlasting gospel.’
Congregations are large, and the work is going on, just as it
began and went on in England.

“Notwithstanding the declining state of Georgia, the Orphan
House is in a better situation than ever; and, in a year or
two, I trust, it will support itself. I am going there to
spend some part of the winter, and to begin a foundation for
literature.”[158]

Soon after this, Whitefield sent off his wife and a young lady through “the woods,” to Georgia; and, on November 8, he himself started for Virginia.

The first settlers in Virginia were almost all members of the Church of England. Episcopacy was established by law.[159] A small number of Presbyterians from Scotland, and a smaller number of Dissenters from England, were scattered through the colony; but until about the time of Whitefield’s first visit, in 1740, there was no ecclesiastical organization different from the Established Church of the mother-country. The state of religion in the province was deplorable. The Rev. Samuel Davies,[160] so justly famed for his sermons and pulpit oratory, wrote, in 1751:――

“Religion, in most parts of the colony of Virginia, has been,
and still is, in a very low state: a surprising negligence
in attending public worship, and an equally surprising
unconcernedness in those that attend; vices of various kinds
triumphant, and even a form of godliness not common.”

Such a state of things was the natural result of an unfaithful ministry. Shortly before the year 1740, Samuel Morris began to read, to his neighbours, Luther on the Galatians, and several pieces of honest Bunyan, but the effects produced were not great. In 1743, a young Scotchman brought to Virginia a volume of Whitefield’s sermons, which Morris read to his cottage congregations on week-days, as well as Sundays. He writes:――

“The concern of some of the people now was so passionate and
violent, that they could not avoid crying out and weeping
bitterly. My dwelling-house became too small to contain the
congregation, and we determined to build a meeting-house, merely
for reading; for having never been used to extempore prayer,
none of us durst attempt it. When the report was spread abroad,
I was invited to read the sermons at several distant places;
and, by this means, the concern was propagated. About this time,
our absenting ourselves from the Established Church, contrary
to the laws of the province, was taken notice of, and the
court called upon us to assign our reasons, and to declare to
what denomination we belonged. As we knew but little of any
denomination of Dissenters, except Quakers, we were at a loss
what name to assume. At length, recollecting that Luther was a
noted Reformer, and that his books had been of special service
to us, we called ourselves Lutherans.”[161]

The result of this movement was the introduction of Presbyterianism. Morris and his converts were visited in succession by the Rev. Messrs. Robinson, Blair, Roan, Tennent, Finley,[162] and other ministers, until, in the year 1747, Mr. Davies became their settled pastor. These were the people Whitefield visited in November, 1746; but, unlike himself, he has left no record of what he saw and did. All that is known is contained in the following sentence, written by Morris, the lay-revivalist: “Mr. Whitefield came and preached four or five days, which was the happy means of giving us further encouragement, and of engaging others to the Lord, especially among the Church people, who received the gospel more readily from him than from ministers of the Presbyterian denomination.”[163]

From Virginia, Whitefield wended his way to Georgia, where, having received an account of the backsliding and disturbances in London and elsewhere, which have been already mentioned, he wrote as follows, to Howell Harris:――

“HANOVER, VIRGINIA, _November 16, 1746_.

“About a week ago, I had the pleasure of receiving a long letter
from you. I was glad to find, that, the Tabernacle was given up
to your care. Whether its breaches are yet repaired, or whether
it be entirely fallen down, I know not. I suppose, when I come
to England, I shall have all to begin again.”[164]

In another letter, written at Bethesda, December 14th, he says:――

“The account you gave me made me mourn. You and all who
attended on my preaching, and had opportunities to converse with
me privately, know how many hints I gave of what has happened.
It might be foreseen; and, consequently, it did not so much
surprise me when I found it had come to pass. But I trust the
storm is now blown over, and that the little flock will enjoy
a calm. Oh that your eyes may be looking towards the blessed
Jesus! From Him alone can come your salvation. He will be better
to you than a thousand Whitefields. I am afraid you are too
desirous of having me with you. Indeed, I long to see you all;
but, for some time, America seems to be my place of action.
The harvest is great in many places, and the labourers are very
few.”[165]

In another letter to Howell Harris, dated “Bethesda, December, 1746,” he writes:――

“Blessed be God for the good effected by your ministry at
the Tabernacle; of which I have been informed by letters
from Herbert Jenkins and Thomas Adams. The good Countess of
Huntingdon has been there frequently, and has been much pleased,
I am told. She shines brighter and brighter every day; and will
yet, I trust, be spared for a nursing mother to our Israel.[166]
This revives me after the miserable divisions that have taken
place among my English friends. I trust the storm is now blown
over. Her ladyship’s example and conduct, in this trying affair,
will be productive of much good. My poor prayers will be daily
offered up to the God of all grace to keep her steadfast in
the faith, and to make her a burning and shining light in our
British Israel.”[167]

It is a curious fact that, though the Countess of Huntingdon became acquainted with Whitefield as early as the year 1739, and took a deep interest in his ordination,[168] there is no evidence of her becoming a frequent attendant at his Tabernacle, except in the winter of 1742, until nearly eight years afterwards. Just at the time when the Society there, and, indeed, when the Societies in general, with which Whitefield was connected, were in danger of being broken up, her ladyship allied herself with him, and, to the end of life, became his chief assistant. There is no proof of her being invited to this position. It would be uncharitable to suppose she was prompted by ambition. The incident was one of those providential interpositions, which so strikingly marked Methodism’s early history.

Whitefield remained at Bethesda till towards the end of January, 1747; and then, leaving his wife with the orphans, he again set out on a preaching tour. He wrote to Herbert Jenkins as follows:――

“CHARLESTON, _January 23, 1747_.

“I lately came from Bethesda, where I found my family
well――happy in Jesus, and happy in one another. Our Lord bowed
the heavens several times, and came down among us, in the
power of His eternal Spirit. In the beginning of March, I
purpose to set out northward. I am sorry to hear the leaven
of Antinomianism is not yet purged, and that animosities are
not yet ceased among you. I can say nothing at this distance;
but I pray that the God of peace may direct and rule all your
hearts.”[169]

The Orphan House was still a cause of great anxiety. Whitefield had there a family of twenty-six children. He had also opened a sort of boarding school, or, to use his own language, had begun “a foundation for literature.” He was, likewise, more than £500 in debt. To provide for such necessities, he now took one of the strangest steps in his chequered life. The people at Charleston gave him £300, which he expended in buying land and _negroes_! and thus the great preacher became a slave-owner and a planter! He shall tell his own story.

“CHARLESTON, _March 15, 1747_.

“Blessed be God! I hope I can say, that, Bethesda was never in
better order than it is now. On my arrival there, this winter,
I opened a _Latin_ school, and have now several children of
promising abilities who have begun to learn. One little orphan,
who a year ago could not read his letters, has made considerable
proficiency in his accidence. The blessed Spirit has been
striving with several of the children, and I hope, ere long, to
see some ministers sent forth from Georgia.

“The constitution of that colony is very bad, and it is
impossible for the inhabitants to subsist without the use of
slaves. But God has put it into the hearts of my South Carolina
friends, to contribute liberally towards purchasing, in this
province, a plantation and slaves, which I purpose to devote to
the support of Bethesda. Blessed be God! the purchase is made.
Last week, I bought, at a very cheap rate, a plantation of six
hundred and forty acres of excellent land, with a good house,
barn, and out-houses, and sixty acres of ground ready cleared,
fenced, and fit for rice, corn, and everything that will be
necessary for provisions. One negro has been given me. Some more
I purpose to purchase this week. An overseer is put upon the
plantation, and, I trust, a sufficient quantity of provisions
will be raised this year. The family at Bethesda consists of
twenty-six. When my arrears are discharged, I intend to increase
the number. I hope that God will still stir up the friends of
Zion to help me, not only to discharge the arrears, but also to
bring the plantation, lately purchased, to such perfection, that,
if I should die shortly, Bethesda may yet be provided for.

“As you have been such a benefactor, I thought it proper to give
you this particular account.

“GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”[170]

In all respects, this is a hateful letter. No doubt, it is injurious to Whitefield’s character and fame; but it could not be honestly withheld. Some people, perhaps, may be able to invent excuses for Whitefield’s odious act; but I am not disposed to help them. His motives might be good, but the transaction itself was bad. Let it pass, as one of the blots of a distinguished life.

A week after the letter was written, Whitefield and his wife set out for Maryland, and occupied about five weeks in reaching Bohemia. Here he spent a month, and wrote:――

“Glad would I be to come and offer myself once more to do New
England service; but I am afraid many of the ministers and the
heads of the people would not bear it. However, were this my
only reason, it would soon be answered; but here are thousands
in these southern parts who scarce ever heard of redeeming grace.
Is it not my duty, as an itinerant, to go where the gospel has
not been named? Those who think I want to make a party, or to
disturb churches, do not know me. I am willing to hunt in the
woods after sinners; and could be content that the name of
George Whitefield shall die, if thereby the name of my dear
Redeemer could be exalted.”

Here, as elsewhere, his labours were incessant. Under the date of “May 21, 1747,” he writes:――

“I have now been upon the stretch, preaching constantly, for
almost three weeks. My body is often extremely weak, but the joy
of the Lord is my strength; and, by the help of God, I intend
going on till I drop. These southern colonies lie in darkness,
and yet, as far as I find, are as willing to receive the gospel
as others. I have been a three hundred mile circuit in Maryland;
and everywhere the people have a hearing ear, and, I trust, some
have an obedient heart.”

From Maryland, Whitefield proceeded to Pennsylvania. “We travelled,” says he, “very pleasantly through the woods; and purpose returning to South Carolina and Georgia in the fall. We lead a moving life; but I trust we move heavenward.”

On arriving at Philadelphia, Whitefield was in a fever; and no wonder, considering his outdoor preachings amid the burning sunshine of South America. The following is from a letter to Howell Harris:――

“PHILADELPHIA, _May 30, 1747_.

“MY DEAREST BROTHER,――Had I strength equal to my will, you
should now receive from me a very long letter; but, at present,
I have such a fever upon me that I can scarce send you a few
lines.

“You are very dear to me,――all of you are very dear to me.
I thank you ten thousand times for all expressions of your
tender love, and your steadiness in the truths and cause of
Christ. Sometimes I hope your prayers will draw me to England
more speedily than I imagine. But what shall I say? Here are
thousands and thousands, in these parts of America, who, as to
spiritual things, know not their right hand from their left;
and yet are ready to hear the gospel from my mouth. Within these
four weeks, I have been a circuit of four hundred miles, and
everywhere found the fields white already unto harvest. No one
goes out scarcely but myself.

“I trust the power of religion will be kept up in England and
Wales. Though my coming may be delayed, I hope, when I am sent,
it will be with a greater blessing. I am daily finishing my
outward affairs, and shall think my call to England clearer,
when I have provided for the support of the Orphan House.

“My dear man, I could write all night, but I am so giddy by hard
riding, and preaching daily in the heat, that I must defer being
more particular till another opportunity. I hope my dear wife
will supply my deficiencies. Remember me in the tenderest manner
to all. Bid them pray me to England. Have you seen my last
volume of five sermons? I hope the gates of hell will never
prevail against the Tabernacle. Amen and amen!”[171]

The next is an extract from Mrs. Whitefield’s letter, also addressed to Harris, and written at the same date:――

“PHILADELPHIA, _May 30, 1747_.

“MY VERY DEAR FATHER AND FRIEND,――What shall I say to him I
so much love and honour? My dear friends, in England, at the
Tabernacle, and in Wales, can never be forgotten by me.

“The Lord has done great things for and by my dear master. Since
last October, great numbers of precious souls have been brought
from darkness to light, in the six provinces. Last night, my
dear came here from a four hundred miles journey, during which
he preached about thirty times. We left Charleston on March 21st,
and came to Bohemia, in Maryland, on April 27th. He preached
all the way, which has very much fatigued him, and now he has
a great fever upon him.

“Yours in the best of bonds,

“ELIZABETH WHITEFIELD.

“P.S.――Since writing the above, the Lord has enabled my very
dear master to preach, in the _new building_,[172] a most moving
discourse upon growing in grace. I thought it would have been
impossible for his strength to have held out.”[173]

A few days afterwards, Whitefield wrote as follows:――

“PHILADELPHIA, _June 4, 1747_.