Chapter XXIX: The Great Religious Movement of 1908-1910

THE EXTENT OF THE MOVEMENT

The religious revival of 1908 to 1910 began, according to universal report, among the Manóbos of the Libagánon River.[1] It was thence propagated eastward till it extended over the whole region that lies south of the eighth parallel of north latitude and east of the Libagánon and Tágum Rivers. If the rumors that it spread among the Manóbos of the upper Paláñgi, among the Subánuns, and among the Atás be true (and the probability is that it is so), then this great movement affected one-third of the island of Mindanáo, exclusive of that part occupied by Moros[2] and Bisáyas. I am acquainted with some Bisáyas who, moved by the extent and intensity of the movement on the upper Agsúan[sic], became adherents.

[1] The Libagánon River is the western influent of the Tágum River, which empties into the northern part of the gulf of Davao.

[2] I am informed by Capt. L. E. Case, P.O., deputy-governor of Davao, that the Moros of Máti took a zealous part in the movement. It is then not improbable that the Moros of the gulf of Davao participated in it likewise.

Among the Christianized and non-Christianized Manóbos, Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, and Debabáons I know of only a few men and of not a single woman or child old enough to walk who did not take part in it.

Upon my arrival in Compostela I was told about this religious revival, but to make myself better informed I went to the settlement of the one who had introduced the movement into the Agúsan Valley. The following is his story, corroborated since that time in every detail by unimpeachable evidence.

REPORTED ORIGIN AND CHARACTER OF THE REVIVAL

One Meskínan,[3] a Manóbo of the Libagánon River, was taken sick with what appeared to be cholera. He was abandoned by his relatives. On the third day, however, he recovered and went in search of his fugitive people. Naturally his appearance caused consternation, but he allayed the fears of his fellow tribesmen by assuring them that his return was not due to the influence of any evil spirit but to that of a beneficent spirit, who, he asserted, had presented him with a medicine which he showed them. They readily gave credence to his story in view of his marvelous recovery, and also because of the extraordinary state of trembling and of apparent divine possession into which he fell after recounting his story. Accounts of this event spread far and wide, until it reached the Mawab River,[4] but in so altered a form that it not only attributed to Meskínan an ordinary priesthood but declared that he had actually been transformed into a deity, and that as such he could impart himself to all whom he might desire to honor. The chief of the Mansáka group of Mandáyas on the Mawab sent an urgent message to relatives of his near Compostela. My informant was one of these, and he described to me the midnight exodus of the whole settlement on its way to Mawab. The following is substantially his account.

[3] Meskínan is the religious pseudonym of Mapákla, a Manóbo of the Libagánon River.

[4] A tributary of the Híjo River which empties into the gulf of Davao.

Upon their arrival at Mawab the most powerful chief on the river laid before them the messages that had been received from Libagánon; how Meskínan had been changed into a deity and had ceased to perform the natural functions of eating and drinking. On the following day a messenger arrived at Mawab settlement, purporting to come directly from Meskínan. He stated that Meskínan had announced the destruction of the world after one moon. The old tribal deities would cease to lend their assistance to those that garbed themselves in black.[5] In the intervening time he (Meskínan) would direct men how to save themselves from destruction.

[5] My informant interpreted this as meaning non-Christianized people. This reference to dark-colored dress is not clear.

My informant said that the following orders were issued by Meskínan:

(1) All chickens and pigs were to be killed at once; otherwise they would devour their owners.

(2) No more crops were to be planted.

(3) A good building for religious purposes was to be erected in each settlement.

(4) In each settlement there was to be one priest[6] who must have received his power from Meskínan himself, and several assistants[7] who were to help to propagate the news and to perform the prescribed services in distant "churches."

[6] Called _pun-ó-an_.

[7] _Tai-tái-an_, that is, "bridges," meaning probably that these emissaries were to be the bridge over which the religious doctrines would pass in spreading from settlement to settlement.

(5) The services were to consist of praying to Meskínan, performing sacred dances in his honor, and _forwarding offerings to him_.

My informant described to me how several people of Máwab settlement went over the Libagánon for the purpose of ascertaining the truth of the numerous messages and of the ceaseless rumors. On their return they reported that Meskínan was truly a deity; that his body was all golden; that he ate only the fragrance of offerings made to him; and that he bestowed his special protection on those alone who made these offerings. The visitors to Libagánon brought the news that the toppling over[8] of the world would take place within one moon, and that the orders of Meskínan, the Magbabáya, should be carried out at once, for otherwise, when the day of destruction arrived, all would be irretrievably lost; husband would be separated from wife, and mother from child; pigs and chickens would prey upon whomsoever they could catch, and all would live a life of darkness and despair. But those who had complied with instructions would be saved; their bodies, at the moment of the fall of the world, would become golden and they would fly around in the air with never a care for material wants, _the men on their shields, and the women on their combs_.

[8] _Kíliñg_.

A high priest from the Tágum River conferred a "_Magbabáya_"[9] or spirit upon my informant and upon several others who were to act as his assistants and emissaries.

[9] As the narration proceeds an attempt will be made to explain this term.

The people who had assembled at Máwab settlement decided accordingly to erect an immense house for the performance of the religious acts enjoined by the Magbabáya of Libagánon. In this edifice they passed one month in expectation of the impending cataclysm. Men, women, and children, half starving as my informant assured me, danced and sang to the sound of drum and gong, while he and his assistants broke out at intervals into supplications to the Magbabáya of Libagánon and fell into the state of violent exaltation that was the outward manifestation of the fact that a spirit had taken possession of them.

SPREAD OF THE MOVEMENT

Toward the end of the month word was received from Meskínan that the end of the world would not take place for three more moons in order that every settlement might have an opportunity of erecting its religious house and of saving itself thereby from the impending doom. The priests and their assistants were bidden to spread the news far and wide, even in the most inaccessible haunts of the land.

My informant and his relatives then returned to their settlement on the Báklug River, but only to find that their pigs and chickens had been stolen by Christianized people of Compostela. They constructed a religious house of very fine appearance and faithfully fulfilled all the other behests of the Magbabáya.

All this time reports and messages as to the approach of the end of the world kept pouring into Compostela from Libagánon, so that it was not long before my informant was invited to establish a religious house in Compostela. As this town is the principal intertribal trading point to which Christianized Manóbos, Mañgguáñgans, and Mandáyas resort, it is evident that within a short time word of the approaching calamity was received and believed by all the surrounding peoples, and my informant, the high priest, was invited to establish "churches" in all the settlements of Mandáyaland. Through the instrumentality of other priests and their assistants the movement spread among the Debabáons of the Sálug country, among the Mañgguáñgans of the Mánat and Sálug districts and among the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan, the Baóbo, the Ihawán, and the Simúlau Rivers.

This great religious movement was known as "Túñgud."[10]

[10] I am unable to give any suggestion as to the meaning of this word, nor have I been able to find anyone, from high priests down, who pretended to know its meaning.

ITS EXTERIOR CHARACTER AND GENERAL FEATURES

When I arrived on the upper Agúsan the movement was in full swing, and I had every opportunity to hear the messages and rumors from Libagánon and to watch the proceedings of the high priests and of their assistants. I was handicapped by my inability to follow the language used in the sacred songs and supplications, but I had many of them interpreted to me. With this exception the following statements as to the character of the movement are first hand.

The first and most tangible feature of the revival was the lack of food. No rice nor taro had been planted because of the Magbabáya's injunction, so that the whole population of the upper Agúsan and of the Mandáya country had been compelled to subsist for the months preceding my arrival on the taro that had already been planted and on the _camote_ crop. Hence on my arrival rice was so scarce that it cost me three days' wandering, no little amount of begging, and a good round sum of money to procure a supply sufficient for my own needs. The scarcity or utter lack of food was further made evident by the fact that on several occasions I had to leave settlements because I was unable to get food.

When in their homes the people showed fear at all hours, but especially during the night. The falling of a tree in the forest, the rumbling of thunder, an earthquake, an untoward report from Libagánon, and similar things would draw from them the repetition, in low fearful tones, of the mystic word "túñgud" and would send them off in a hurry to the religious house. In Compostela the people vehemently denied to the visiting Catholic missionary their adherence to the new movement, but as he was leaving the town an earthquake occurred and the words "_túñgud, túñgud_," broke from the lips of one of the most influential men in the town.

Another and very noticeable feature of the movement, indicative of its profound influence, upon these people, was the cessation of all feuds and quarrels. After all that has been said on the subject of Manóbos in general and their social institution of revenge in particular, one can readily realize and greatly marvel at the paramount influence exerted by the great revival of those two years. Bisáyas and others more or less conversant with Manóbo ways and character were amazed at the wonderful effect which this religious movement exerted on these peoples, one and all. From tribe to tribe, from settlement to settlement, from enemy to enemy, traveled priests, assistants, everybody. Mañgguáñgans, who seldom or never visited Compostela, might be found performing their religious services there. Some of them even went so far as to penetrate into the almost inaccessible haunts of the upper Manorígao Mandáyas, the hereditary and truculent enemies of Compostela whom even the Catholic missionaries could never convert. Debabáons from the Sálug-Libagánon region went fearlessly over to the Karága, Kasaúman, and Manái districts and returned unscathed. Many a time in Compostela and other places I heard it remarked concerning a particular individual that, were it not for the order of the Magbabáya of Libagánon to refrain from quarrels and to forego revenge, he would be killed.

So great then was the sway of this religious movement that the natural law of vengeance yielded to it and its adherents almost starved themselves for it.

THE PRINCIPAL TENETS OF THE MOVEMENT

NEW ORDER OF DEITIES

In the first place the spirit that received a particular individual under his tutelary protection was either a new divinity communicable to others or one of a new class of divinities. I incline to the latter interpretation as being more in accordance with general Manóbo religious ideas. In either case the old order of deities was relegated to an inferior position, and no further worship was paid to them. The Magbabáya, whether one or more, had come, according to all the statements of Meskínan, to announce the dissolution of the world or at least of that part of the world inhabited by those who dressed in black--that is, pagan peoples--and to teach men to save themselves from a future life of darkness and desolation.

After his deification Meskínan acquired the power to impart himself to such as he deemed worthy, if they presented themselves to him. They were said, after being thus endowed, to have a _Magbabáya_, in much the same way as we speak of a person having got the spirit. Upon further development of the movement certain individuals acquired the power of imparting their spirit to others, but a spirit bestowed personally by Meskínan was considered to be of greater potency than that granted by others.

OBSERVANCES PRESCRIBED BY THE FOUNDER

The means prescribed by Meskínan through his priests and emissaries for escaping from the consequences of the approaching demolition were:

(1) The construction of well-made and clean religious buildings[11] in each settlement.

[11] _Ka-má-lig_.

(2) The frequent worship of him in these buildings by dance and chant under the direction of local priests or of their assistants.

(3) The material offerings of worldly goods to these same officiants.

That these injunctions were carried out faithfully and in the most remote regions I can personally testify. All through the mountainous Mandáya country (Kati'il, Manorígao, Karága, and the very sources of the Agúsan) I found the same religious structures, the same class of priests and faithful congregations. As I learned in my last trip in 1911 up the Karága, the Christianized Mandáyas of the coast towns in the municipalities of Karága, Bagáñga, and Kati'il had joined the movement. From Bagáñga to the point on the Libagánon that was the cradle of the movement is a linear distance of some 120 kilometers, and it takes under very favorable conditions at least seven days of continuous travel over unspeakable trails to communicate from one point to the other. Yet the religious movement spread from Libagánon to Bagáñga and to more distant points in an incredibly short time.

As a further proof of the fidelity with which the observances were carried out, let me say that I frequently dropped into settlements only to find the houses practically empty and the inhabitants all assembled in the religious house. While passing along the trails I could hear on all sides the roll of drums from the distant almost inaccessible settlements as the settlers danced in honor of their unseen gods. Upon my arrival probably the first words that greeted me would be "Túñgud, túñgud."[12] In some places, as on the central Kati'il, I could not open my mouth to speak without hearing the women and children utter at once these strange words. Perhaps it was their idea that my conversation might bring about the consummation that they feared so much.

[12] Besides this there was another mystic word equally unintelligible, _ta-gá-an_.

In many places I was not allowed to enter the religious buildings, being assured that the new local deity might be displeased, but in such places as I was permitted to enter I noticed the following:

(1) A small alcove[13] in one corner, frequently provided with a door, sometimes of the folding type. The purpose of this alcove was to serve as a sanctuary solely for the priests and for their assistants. Within they were supposed to hold closer communion with their deities, while the worshipers chanted and danced outside. As the story of the movement proceeds, the real purpose of this alcove or stall will be explained.

[13] Called _sin-á-buñg_.

(2) An altar consisting of a shelf supported on two legs and having on it offerings of bolos, daggers, lances, and necklaces, together with a supply of drink.

(3) A drum and gong, a mat or two for dancing, and a hearth made out of four logs set upon the floor.

(4) Eight or more rudely carved posts supporting the house. Along the walls small carved pieces of wood intended for ornamentation.

(5) Great cleanliness under and in the immediate vicinity of the building. In Compostela the devout worshipers actually carried sand from the river and spread it on the ground around the building. Flowers, a variety of wild begonia, I think, were planted around some of the buildings. Such actions as these showed the zeal with which the movement inspired them, for in the regulation of their homes such ornamentation is unprecedented.

(6) An offering stand close to the building. On this were placed offerings of betel nut and drink, which were deemed acceptable to the deities.

RELIGIOUS RITES

Several rites, such as that of the conferring of a Magbabáya, I was unable to witness, because up to the time of my departure from the upper Agúsan they were not usually performed there, but nearly always over on the Libagánon, Tágum, or Mawab Rivers. The investment of priests and emissaries with Magbabáya spirits did take place a few times in Compostela, but I was not permitted to attend, the assigned reason being that my presence might be displeasing to these deities. The ordinary religious performance, however, in honor of Meskínan I witnessed repeatedly, and will now describe a typical one.

The ceremony was performed at a settlement on the central Kati'il. The high priest and his assistants were my guide and carriers who had taken advantage of my trip to earn a little and at the same time to spread the new religion.

Upon our approach to the settlement one of the assistant priests went ahead to announce our arrival. The first building we reached was the religious house. Before ascending the notched pole that served for a stairs the high priest gave a grand wave of his arm and asked in a loud voice: "Art thou here already, perchance?" In answer I heard a distinct whistle proceeding, as I thought, from the building. The priest went on: "When dids't thou get here?" This was answered by several low whistling sounds which the priest interpreted to mean "early this morning." The dialogue was continued in a similar strain for several minutes, the responses always being in the form of low prolonged whistling or low sharp chirps, and always proceeding, as it seemed to me, from the building, though to others the sound appeared to come from the opposite direction or from the sky, so they said. I questioned the priest and he pointed his hand in a diametrically opposite direction to that from which the sounds appeared to me to come.

When we went up into the building we found nearly the whole settlement assembled. The high priest gave the latest report from Libagánon, which was to the effect that Meskínan had determined not to overthrow the world for three months more in order to give the settlements that had not yet joined the movement an opportunity to do so and thereby to save themselves. The high priest went on to tell the listeners how the Magbabáya of Libagánon had departed to the underworld and had taken up his abode near the pillars of the earth; how he had been engaged in weaving a piece of cloth and had only 1 yard to finish, upon the completion of which the world would be destroyed. After having convinced the audience of the necessity of making known these particulars to neighboring clans and of complying with the orders of Meskínan, he announced the request of Meskínan that a certain number of lances be donated from each settlement. When he had concluded his narration, which was substantiated by his assistants, it was proposed by the assembled people that he perform the _túñgud_ services, whereupon he and his assistants danced and chanted for about an hour, the tenor of the chants being, according to the interpretation given to me, the latest doings and orders of the great Magbabáya of Libagánon.

The following morning it was decided to hold a sacrifice in honor of Meskínan, so the chief of the settlement with great difficulty procured a pig. All being ready and the pig being in position on the sacrificial table with the usual fronds, the ceremony began. Even while vesting himself in a woman's skirt, according to the customs adopted in the performance of the religious dance, the high priest manifested signs of the influence of his Magbabáya, for he trembled noticeably. One feature of the dance was different from those of the ordinary religious dance in that the priest carried a small shield in one hand and a dagger in the other, though he did not make any pretense of performing the dagger dance as described in a previous part of this monograph.[14] The use of this shield was enjoined as part of the new ritual and was intended to remind the congregation that faithful male followers would be saved by means of their shields when the world toppled over.

[14] It may be noted here that the Mandáya dance is neither so graceful nor so impressive as the Manóbo dance. The feet move faster and there are fewer flexings of the body and no mimetic movements, so characteristic of the Manóbo dance. Neither is a woman's skirt worn nor are handkerchiefs carried in the hands.

The high priest danced only about two minutes, because his spirit came upon him, and he fell down upon one knee, unable to rise. I never saw a more gruesome spectacle. A bright unnatural light gleamed in his eyes, his countenance became livid, the eyeballs protruded, a copious perspiration streamed from his body, the muscles of his face twitched, and his whole frame shook more and more vehemently as the intensity of the paroxysm increased. Fearing an utter collapse, I assisted him to his feet and left him resting against the wall.

As soon as the high priest fell under the spell of his spirit, one of the assistants broke forth into a loud chant, which ever and anon he interrupted with a loud coughlike sound followed by the words, "_túñgud, túñgud, tagáan_." This chant, as well as the subsequent ones, was taken up by several of the assistants successively and, according to the interpretation furnished me, dealt with the wondrous doings of Meskínan in the underworld and described in detail the end of the world as announced by Meskínan. In succession each of the priests, including the local ones, danced and fell under the influence of their deities, but not with such vehemence as the high priest whose spirit was declared to be "very big."

An important point to be noted in the dance was the removal by the dancer at some part of the dance of his sacred headdress,[15] the emblem of his new priesthood. This was a kerchief which was supposed to have been given personally by Meskínan to everyone upon whom he had conferred a _Magbabáya_. Removing his handkerchief the priest waved it over the heads of the congregation and finally over or near any object that he desired. This was an intimation that such object became consecrated and thereby the property of the great Magbabáya of Libagánon. A refusal to surrender it was tantamount to perdition when the end should come. Such was the doctrine universally preached and as uniformly believed and practiced.

[15] _Mo-sá_.

Continuing the ceremony, the high priest made several efforts to dance, but always with the same result. He chanted, however, frequently, but always made use of many words that had been taught him by his spirit and which were unintelligible to my interpreters.

After about two hours we all left the religious building and took up our positions around the sacrificial table, the priests in the center. Those whose spears, daggers, bracelets, and other property had been consecrated by the waving of a priest's headdress now deposited them under or near the table.

The high priest was the principal officiant, but was assisted by his fellow priests from the Agúsan and by the new local priests. None of the priests of the old religion took any part, the old gods being supposed to have yielded to the new Magbabáya.

The only divergences from the usual ceremonial proceedings on the occasion of a sacrifice were the placing of the sacred headdresses over the victim and the omission of omen taking, blood libation, and blood drinking. The pig was killed by plunging a dagger through its left side, the blood was caught in a pan, and the meat was consumed in a subsequent feast in which the priests did not participate, not being permitted, they said, by their respective deities.

The scene that followed the killing of the pig was indescribable. The priests covered their heads and faces with their sacred kerchiefs and trembled with intense vehemence, some leaning against the posts of the sacrificial table, the high priest himself groveling on the ground on all fours, unable to arise from sheer exhaustion. When the death-blow had been dealt to the victim they broke into the mystic words, "_túñgud, túñgud, tagáan_," with loud coughs at the end. These words were taken up by the bystanders and shouted with vehemence. Many of them, especially the small girls, fell into paroxysms of trembling. Many of the men and adult women divested themselves of their property, such as necklaces, bracelets, and arms, and laid them near the sacrificial table. Others promised to make an offering as soon as they could procure one.

THE REAL NATURE OF THE MOVEMENT AND MEANS USED TO CARRY ON THE FRAUD

I can state unqualifiedly that the whole movement carried on in the Agúsan Valley among the Mandáyas, Debabáons, and Mañgguáñgans of the Sálug-Libagánon region was a fraud from beginning to end. I state this on the testimony of the high priest who introduced it into the Agúsan Valley, on that of the other priests, and on my own discovery of the fraud. The abandonment of the movement and the open avowal of the Mandáyas of the Karága, Manorígao, Bagáñga, Mánai, and Kasáuman Rivers, who are still bemoaning the loss of many valuables that they had given as offerings, is unimpeachable evidence that the whole movement was a great religious deception.

I have no reason for doubting the wonderful recovery of Meskínan, whose real name was Mapákla, nor do I see any improbability in the report that he fell suddenly under the influence of a spirit, for such an occurrence is not without precedent in Manóboland. I will admit even that at the beginning belief in the revival was sincere, but as time went on and the reputation of the power of Meskínan's spirit became greater, abuses crept in, so that shortly after my arrival in Compostela the whole system became an atrocious deception for the purpose of wheedling innocent believers out of their valuables.

The scheme was most probably engineered by some Mandáyas of the Tágum River in league with one of the men of the Mawab River and two of the upper Sálug. The Mandáyas of the Tágum River have had dealings with Moros from time immemorial, and undoubtedly they learned from them much craft and chicanery. It is far from being impossible that they were prompted by Moros in the present case or that Moros themselves set the movement afoot. I have one reason for being inclined to adopt the latter opinion, namely, that the Moros did actually originate a movement of this kind in the seventeenth century as stated by Combes in his "Historia de Mindanáo," and a similar movement about the year 1877, as is mentioned in one of the Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús.

Let us now examine the various artifices by which the fraud was carried out.

THE SACRED TRAFFIC

Meskínan lived somewhere up the Libagánon River, far from the Tágum, and was therefore practically out of communication with the Agúsan. Hence there was little danger of discovery in reporting him deified and his body all golden. After his deification he was always absent, either "down at the pillars of the earth" or on an "island at the sea" or winging his way "on a shield through the starry region." It is easy to understand how difficult it would be to secure an interview with him under these circumstances.

As soon as it was reported from the Tágum and Máwab Rivers that Meskínan could take anyone under his special protection--in other words, that he could bestow his spirit upon others--several went over to Tágum and Mawab and did actually receive a spirit, but only at the hands of those who purported to be the representative of Meskínan. Now those who received this spiritual influence were expected to give a consideration[6] for the gift, or _Magbabáya_, as it was called. As time went on this usage developed into the custom of paying the equivalent of a slave (P30) for every _Magbabáya_ received from the representatives of Meskínan. This payment had to be made not only for the original bestowal of these spirits but also in case of their flight and return, for they were of a fugitive disposition. I have seen several young fellows start off for Libagánon in fear and trembling to redeem their runaway spirits. It may be noted here that the flight of a spirit was ascribed to some act on the part of its possessor that provoked its displeasure. Thus one young fellow assured me that his _Magbabáya_ had fled because of his failure to abstain from eating rice.

[6] Called _á-lo_. Perhaps this is an abbreviated form of the Spanish word _regalo_, which means gift, and which is a word of frequent use among those with whom the Catholic missionaries came in contact.

I have seen Mandáyas of the Kati'il River, men of influence and of renown, travel over to the Mawab--a wearisome journey of some four days--loaded down with lances, bolos, daggers, slaves, and other chattels, with which to purchase a _Magbabáya_. I saw them return, too, happy in the possession of their newly acquired spirits but worse off in a worldly way.

But the religious traffic was not confined to the sale of _Magbabáya_ alone. Wooden images and sacred handkerchiefs, supposed to proceed from Meskínan, were sold at very profitable rates, as were also religious shields, and various other objects. Thus on one occasion I made a present to a high priest of several yards of cloth. My astonishment may be imagined when I discovered that he had cut it up into handkerchiefs which he had disposed of far down the Kati'il River for the equivalent of 5 pesos apiece, assuring the purchasers that they had been made and consecrated by the great _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon, and that they were of the utmost efficacy in case of sickness, and above all on the day of dissolution. I asked my friend, the high priest, why he dared to perpetrate such a fraud on his fellow tribesmen. He said that the Mawab and Tágum people had fooled him out of all his possessions and that he was taking this means to get back the equivalent.

A chief from the upper Sálug sold a wooden religious image for the value of P15 on the Bahaían River. He asserted that it was presented to him by Meskínan as a marvelous cure for all the ills of life. I was present in the house of this selfsame chief and high priest while he was whittling out similar ones.

During my recent trip to the Manorígao River I was shown kerchiefs of khaki that had been sold by a highpriest of Compostela about two years before. The indignation and threats of the owners were terrible when I explained to them that I had traded the khaki for some Mandáya skirt cloth. One cunning individual made a feint at throwing the responsibility on me, but happily I was able to evade the liability.

RELIGIOUS TOURS

In order that the pious fraud might be carried out more effectively and with less risk to the missionaries of it, it was proclaimed at the beginning that all feuds should cease and that all quarrels were tabooed. This permitted intercourse between former enemies and enabled the priests and their assistants to travel unmolested from settlement to settlement. Together with an injunction that prohibited any controversy as to the truth of the movement or of any of its tenets, under penalty of failing to participate in its ultimate advantages, the proscription of feuds and quarrels insured personal safety to all who might desire to visit other settlements.

To provide a lodging for the great number of priests and others who would presumably visit settlements outside of their own, the originators of the fraud decided and proclaimed that religious structures should be erected in every settlement. It was thought, probably, that the erection of these would give greater eclat to the affair and thereby tend to bring about a general and more ready adherence to the movement.

As a safeguard against the discovery of the fraud, it was taboo to dispute or to express doubts about any detail of the doctrines, even the most minute. As a further precaution against the suspicions of doubting Thomases, great care was exerted in the selection of priests and of their assistants. In nearly every case the persons selected were active, popular, and, apparently at least, guileless young men. I myself was shocked on discovering to what length these young fellows, in all other respects attractive and popular, went in their propagation of the fraud and of their insidious utilization of its benefits.

They traveled from settlement to settlement, bearing the latest reports about Meskínan; how he had failed to come to an agreement with the ancient deities, how he was wandering around in the starry regions; how he had assistants who were forging chains of steel with which to pull up the religious building in the hour of the earth's doom. After convincing their listeners of the gravity of the situation and of the necessity for renewed efforts, they would dance, chant, tremble, prophesy, shake their sacred kerchief at or over some desired object, receive a harvest of donations, and go on their way rejoicing with the sacred booty in their possession.

An idea of the magnitude of the pious offerings sometimes made may be gained from the following list of articles received by a high priest from the upper Sálug during a religious tour from the Agúsan to the Manorígao, Karága, Mánai, and Kasaúman districts.

3 old English muzzle-loaders.

100 ornamental silver breastplates.

300 old Spanish and Mexican pesos.

60 pieces of Mandáya skirt cloth.

9 pigs (not including those that had been sacrificed in the course of the tour).

30 various other objects, such as suits of clothes.

I estimate the cash value of the above to be, more or less, 1,000 pesos, an amount with which the priest could have purchased 33 slaves or 5 of the most costly maids in his tribe.

The case of a high priest who was under old financial obligations to me is another instance of the extent of the sacred traffic. Upon my arrival I advised him of my purpose and told him to get ready to settle his debt. Though he had absolutely no property at the time, he assured me that he could pay as much as a thousand pesos, so he started out for a trip among the Mandáyas of Manorígao and within a few weeks received enough pious offerings wherewith to pay his debt.

THE WHISTLING SCHEME

The greatest deception of all was the whistling scheme. This was carried on usually at night, because it was distinctly against the spirit of the movement to call upon one's _Magbabáya_ for an answer except at nighttime and in the absence of a bright light, unless the _Magbabáya_ of the priest or priests present first intimated his desire to speak.

The method of audible communication between the priest and his familiar deity was very simple. The priest called out in his ordinary voice, "_Magbabáya_." If the deity was present, and had not gone off on some errand of his own, or had not run away, he answered by a long, low whistle. The interrogating priest then went on to consult the deity about the matter which he had in view, whether the end of the world was nigh, whether the prospective trip would be dangerous, or whether a boar hunt would be successful. The deity answered by a number of whistles, intelligible to the priest only, and long or short according to the amount of information supposed to be conveyed.

That this procedure was fraud I need not say. I investigated the matter personally and found that the whistling was done either by the priest himself or by a colleague of the priest. Thus in Kati'il, where I first heard it, I slyly looked into the alcove whence the sound proceeded and descried[sic] one of my companions, an assistant of the priest, squeezed into one corner with his hand over his mouth for the purpose of disguising the direction of the sound.

Upon the first favorable opportunity I quietly upbraided my companion, the high priest, for his complicity, but he merely conjured me not to reveal it to anyone else lest he and his companions be killed.

On another occasion I heard a high priest question his divinity as to the amount of a fine to be imposed and distinctly heard 15 low chirps proceeding from the supposed _Magbabáya_ in answer. The priest interpreted this to signify 15 pesos. As the priest continued to consult his familiar on various subjects, I proceeded to investigate and saw a young friend of mine seated in a hammock, his head bent down and his hand placed at his mouth in an effort to divert the direction of the sound. I was within a few feet of this young fellow and could plainly see by the light of the kitchen fire the attitude of the impersonator and distinctly hear his whistling. The seance continued for some 10 minutes, the impersonator chirping out answers to the questioning priest. The listeners were fully convinced that the sounds were of divine origin and expressed that conviction by uttering some such expressions as, "Oh what a beautiful voice the Magbabáya has," "Túñgud, Túñgud," "Oh, he is up on the roof now!" As it is often difficult to determine the direction whence a sound comes, the people would sometimes dispute as to where the god was, one maintaining, for example, that he was above the house, while another maintained that he was below it. Of course such matters were referred to the priest, who always knew the exact location of the imaginary god.

Some priests made use of small bamboo contrivances and some used their little hawk bells to produce the voice of their spirits. In one case the use of a small jingle bell elicited expressions of great admiration for the softness and sweetness of the supposed deity's voice. "Oh, what a melodious voice," one would say, while another would respond, "Yes; it is like a tiny flute."

Seances of this kind were of constant occurrence and yielded the priest a harvest of donations. Those who desired to acquire definite knowledge concerning any subject of importance had to ask a priest to consult his deity, and after the consultation they were expected to make a suitable offering. I once called upon a priest to find out for me the name of the individual who had stolen my scissors. The deity did not respond at the first call, for the reason that, as the priest informed me, he had gone on a trip to Libagánon, so we postponed the consultation in order to afford him time to recall the absent divinity. I can not say what means he was supposed to have taken to bring about the return of the spirit, but the extra service cost me a trifle more. Not long after, when the fire did not cast such a glare and the light had been extinguished, there was a fairly audible chirp proceeding, as all those present said, from the _camote_ clearing. "Ah! he is here," they all said. The priest then accosted the deity in this manner: "Why dids't thou delay, Magbabáya?" and then went on to find out the name of the stealer of my scissors. The supposed deity, however, would not reveal the actual name lest I should quarrel with the individual--a proceeding that would be in violation of a current taboo--but he vouchsafed me the information that it was a female that was guilty. As it turned out subsequently the supposed divinity erred on this point, so as a matter of policy I claimed the restitution of what I had paid the priest for the consultation.

PRETENDED CHASTITY AND AUSTERITY

Chastity and austerity also were means calculated to promote faith in the sincerity of the priest, and consequently in the truth of their assertions and divine interpretations. The abstention from sexual intercourse was strictly enjoined on all who had received a _Magbabáya_, and observance of the restriction was rigid apparently. The priests and their wives slept in the religious building, but did not cohabit, the men sleeping in one place and the women in another. But, as I was told by one high priest before my departure that he had observed the injunction only in appearance, I am inclined to think that the same was true of all the other priests.

Abstinence from food was also enjoined by the decrees of the great _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon. Hence priests pretended to abstain from all food when in their own settlements but during their religious tours ate and drank on the plea that the spirits had forbidden them to abstain, as such abstinence might cause offense because of the laws of hospitality, which require a visitor not to refuse the bounty of his host. The customs as to abstinence were not uniform. One priest maintained that his deity required from him total abstinence while he was in his own settlement. Another asserted that only partial abstinence was required of him, as, for example, from rice, or from chicken, or from drink, and he observed the rule rigidly. Total abstinence, however, was only a pretense. I had occasion to verify this fact in the case of a priest who maintained emphatically that he had not eaten a morsel for three whole days. I went to his house and found him eating inside the mosquito-bar. Of course I was fined for my curiosity.

The doctrine of the withdrawal of the ancient tribal divinities and the substitution for them of the new-fangled ones at a time of such common peril was well calculated to arouse the inherent religious fanaticism and fear of these primitive peoples. Let us review the principal points of the creed. The ancient deities had abandoned the world in disgust and decreed its downfall. The great _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon had gone down to the pillars of the world and was prepared to shake the earth to its very foundations until it toppled over. He and the spirits with whom he communicated were powerful deities, able and disposed to rescue their worshipers not only in the awful moment of dissolution when the earth would become a vast charnel house full of darkness and desolation, but also in all the concerns of life up to the very end.

These new-fangled spirits were endowed with marvelous powers. They could resuscitate the dead, restore the sick to health, discern the future, impart invulnerability and other wondrous qualities, and in the moment of final dissolution rescue their faithful worshipers from the irrevocable vengeance of the ancient tribal divinities. Many and many a Manóbo told me, when I suggested to him the possibility of error or of deception in the whole system, that it was better to be sure than sorry, and that it was well worth the loss of the worldly goods to be sure of securing immunity from the threatened danger. Who would not be afraid when even the mighty _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon would at times demand a lance from every settlement and keep careful watch? When many of them began to discover the fraud they were ashamed to confess their credulity and fanaticism, and so, seeing a good opportunity to recover their pecuniary losses, joined in the fraud and deliberately swindled others out of their temporal goods.

THE END OF THE MOVEMENT

The beginning of the end came about December, 1910. The various inconsistencies in the reports from Libagánon, the continual postponement by Meskínan of the end for one flimsy reason or another, the discovery by individuals of lies and fraudulent conduct on the part of the priests, the hunger and misery consequent upon the abandonment of the crops, the constant advice on the part of Bisáyas and others, and the ever-increasing scarcity of valuables that might be given as offerings to the priests and to their assistants--all these contributed to bring about the termination of a religious swindle that victimized at least 50,000 people.

It is evident that when the time announced for the dissolution approached some reason for its failure to take place would have to be patched up and propagated. Thus in the beginning the catastrophe was to take place after one moon, but Meskínan made a long journey for the purpose of interceding with the old tribal gods and succeeded in getting a prorogation of three moons. Toward the end of the three moons, Meskínan decided to wait for one more before putting into execution the fatal decree. And so things went on from moon to moon. Now the end would be postponed because Meskínan had to finish a mystic piece of cloth on a loom near the pillars of the world. Then it would not take place because he had hied him to an "island of the sea." And thus things continued until people began to weary of the suspense and to suspect the fraud.

At the time of my departure from the upper Agúsan the whole country was getting into a turmoil. The Mandáyas, enraged at the loss of their property bootlessly bestowed on the priest, threatened to make an attack upon the people of the Agúsan. The Manóbos announced their intention of raiding the Debabáons. The Mañgguáñgans menaced the Tágum Mandáyas. In a word trouble was so imminent that had it not been for the establishment of government on the upper Agúsan to protect the Christianized peoples already settled in towns, probably there would have been much bloodshed.

SIMILAR MOVEMENTS IN FORMER YEARS

In the "Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús" I find similar movements reported. One is reported in a letter of Father Pastells of May 2, 1877, and the other in some other letter, the date and writer of which I am unable to cite. The general features were the same, that is, the appearance of a person, in one case a woman, in another a child, with body all golden, who announced the destruction of the world. Crops were not to be planted, domestic animals were to be killed, and all were to await in prayer and fasting the consummation. The object of these frauds was to make the Christian conquest of the upper Agúsan peoples impossible.

On my trip to the upper Karága a venerable old Mandáya informed me that in his youth there had been a similar fraud which was engineered by the Moros of Súmlug, on the east side of the gulf of Davao, and that when the Mandáyas of Karága discovered the fraud they made a raid on the authors of it and killed many.

I also find mention of a similar movement in a letter from Father Urios,[17] dated Jativa, July 26, 1899. It seems that one Manáitai, a Manóbo chief, residing at the headwaters of the Bahaían River, was told by his familiar spirit, Sindatúan, to lead all the Manóbos of Patrocinio back to the mountains. By orders of Sindatúan the whole clan was to meet in one house and for the space of one moon they were to unite in prayers and shouts, at the end of which time all would be transported, body and soul, into the sky.

[17] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9; 533, 1891.

The letter states that Manáitai was obliged to abstain from everything except roots, sugar-cane, and fish. The worshipers of Sindatúan complied with directions in every particular, even to the burning of candles; but as there was no immediate prospect of a celestial assent, the belief was abandoned and the parties concerned returned to their original creed and observances.

From these examples it does not seem too bold to state that religious revivals of a similar character may be looked for periodically, perhaps every 10 or 15 years, especially on the occurrence of public perils such as contagious diseases or fear of invasion.