Chapter XXXII: Appendix: Historical References to the Manóbos of Eastern Mindanáo

EARLY HISTORY UP TO 1875

From 1521 until 1877 Manóbo history is for the most part veiled in the obscurity of traditional accounts of the past. Now and then it is brightened by the transient light of a missionary's pen only to relapse into the unfathomable darkness of the past. The few traditions that come down to us in Manóbo legendary song and oral tradition furnish but little light in the darkness, arid that little is probably not the pure and simple light of truth, but the multicolored rays of the popular imagination that have transformed warriors into giants and enemies into hideous monsters. Thus Dábao, of whom mention will be made presently, was a giant according to the general tradition. The Moros that invaded the Agúsan are spoken of as "tailed men." There is, however, one tradition--persistent and universal--to the effect that up to 1877, and even later, though in a lesser degree, there was war--ruthless, relentless, never-ending war. This tradition is borne out by the events that succeeded the advent of the missionaries and their efforts to thrust Christianity upon a people who neither understood its doctrines nor relished its rigorous precepts.

1521

Mention of the Agúsan River and of Butuán is found in the writings of various historians, notably of Father Francisco Combes[1] who states that Magellan landed in Butuán in 1521. It is believed by various historians that the first mass in the Philippine Islands was celebrated here, and that the planting of a cross on a small promontory at the mouth of the Agúsan River was intended by Magellan as a formal occupation of the Philippine Islands in the name of Spain.[2] A later governor, to commemorate this event, erected a monument which stands to this day near the mouth of the Agúsan River.

[1] Historia de Mindanáo y Jolo (Madrid, 1897), 76.

[2] It is strange that Pigafetta who records the doings of Magellan with such marvelous minuteness, does not mention this first mass.

1565-1574

A letter from Andrés Mirandola to Philip II[3] some time after the arrival of Legaspi in 1565 states that Mirandola was ordered to explore the islands of Magindanáo and to seek a port called Butuán. Upon arrival in that town he made friends with the chief. He found Moros trading at the port. He describes the people as being of a warlike character. In another letter of Mirandola,[4] dated 1574, we find Butuán spoken of as a district with much gold.

[3] E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 34: 202, 1906.

[4] Ibid., 3: 233.

1591

In various letters and other documents translated by Blair and Robertson from original sources we learn that the district of Butuán was an _encomienda_[5] and that tributes were collected as early as 1591.

[5] An _encomienda_ was a royal allotment or grant of land, including the natives that lived thereon, to a Spaniard for the purpose of government.

1596

In Chirino's[6] relation it is set forth that in 1596 the Jesuits, Valero de Ledesma and Manuel Martinez, began their missionary labors in the Agúsan Valley where they found the inhabitants "by no means tractable on account of their fierce and violent nature." Christianity, however, made surprising advances, so great that the principal chief of the district, Siloñgan, divorced five of his wives, and protected the missionaries in every way possible.[7] Religious fervor is said to have reached such a height that the people publicly flagellated themselves until the blood flowed.

[6] Ibid., 12: 315.

[7] Ibid., 13: 47, et seq. It is interesting to note here that Ledesma in one of his letters mentions the fact that the Ternatans were accustomed to swoop down on the coast of Mindanáo and kept the natives of Mindanáo on the alert. In citations from other writers quoted by Blair and Robertson we find evidence of dealings of the Ternatans, both friendly and unfriendly, and with the natives of Mindanáo.

Ledesma and Martinez were succeeded by other Jesuit missionaries who preached the doctrine to the Hadgaguanes,[8] "a people untamed and ferocious--to the Manóbos and to other neighboring peoples."[9]

[8] Perhaps the Hadgaguánes here referred to are the Higagáons or Banuáons of the present day.

[9] Ibid., 44: 60.

There must have been opposition to the propagation of Christianity as we find that a fort was constructed in Línao[10] some time after 1596. The headman, however, of the Línao region invited one Father Francisco Vicente to visit his people and it seems that "even the blacks[11] visited him and gave him hopes of their conversion."[12]

[10] Línao was a town situated some miles to the south of Veruéla. It and the surrounding country subsided in recent times. Its former site is now under a maze of mad torrents that carry the waters from the upper to the middle Agúsan.

[11] We should bear in mind that Spanish historians frequently referred to the mountain people as _little blacks_ (Negrillos), otherwise we might be led to believe that the ancestors of the present people living in the vicinity of the old townsite of Línao were Negritos.

[12] Ibid., 44: 60, et seq.

Morga in his Sucesos[13] speaks of Butuán as being peaceable. He makes mention of the industry of obtaining civet from the civet cats.

[13] Ibid., 15.

1597

In the General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers, by Fray Andres de San Nicolas,[14] we learn that missionaries had penetrated the district of Butuán as early as 1597, but that they had been unable to withstand the hostility of the mountain people.

[14] Ibid., 21.

1622

In 1622 the Recollects succeeded the Jesuits in ecclesiastical administration of Butuán district. Father Jacinto de Fulgencio seems to have been the most energetic of the band of eight that undertook the conquest, for it is related[15] that he traveled 50 leagues up the river, preaching the faith to the villages. "He had serious and frequent difficulties in making himself heard," polygamy and slavery being the two great obstacles to the reception of the Christian doctrines. The results, however, were successful, for he is said to have converted 3,000 souls, and to have founded three _conventos_[16] one of which was in the village of Línao.[17] At this period Butuán is said to have had 1,500 Christians, and Línao, or Laylaía as it was also called, 1,600 souls.

[15] Ibid., 21: 221.

[16] A convento is a building erected for the accommodation of the spiritual administrators of a town and their assistants.

[17] Ibid., 21: 221.

1629

In 1629[18] there was a general uprising of the Súlus and of the Karágas. One Balíntos arrived in Butuán with letters from the famous Corralát, decreeing the death of all the missionaries and urging the people of Butuán to rebel, but they, "with a faithfulness that has ever been a characteristic of them," refused to follow the orders of Corralát, and instead of killing the missionaries, protected them by every means in their power.

[18] Ibid., 35: 65.

1648

The arrival of the Dutch in Manila[19] in 1648 incited the natives to sedition. A decree, issued by the Governor of Manila, Don Diego Faxardo, helped to foment the restlessness into rebellion. Santa Teresa[20] sets forth some of the results of the rebellion among the Manóbos.

[19] Ibid., 36: 126.

[20] Historia de los religiosos descalzos, translated by Blair and Robertson (36: 128, et seq.).

He says that there were certain wild Indians in the mountains of Butuán in the Province of Karága.[21] "They had kinky hair, oblique eyes, a treacherous disposition, brutish customs, and lived by the hunt.[22] They had no king to govern them nor houses to shelter them. Their clothing was just sufficient to cover the shame of their bodies, and they slept wherever night overtook them. They were pagans, and in their manner of life almost irrational. They were warlike and waged an incessant war with the coast people." Santa Teresa describes how Dábao, a Manóbo chieftain of great strength and sagacity and undoubtedly the original of the legendary giant that still lives in Manóbo tradition, stirred up rebellion and succeeded in killing many Spaniards in Línao.[23]

[21] The Province of Karága at this time extended from Dapítan on the northwest of Mindanáo to Karága on the southeast.

[22] The reference to the possession of kinky hair might lead us to think that the ancestors of the present Manóbos were Negritos. The only trace of curly hair among the Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley is observed among those who occupy the northwestern parts of the valley, and northeastern contiguous to Butuán.

[23] Santa Teresa says that a poisoned arrow pierced the leg of a soldier. This reference to the use of poisoned arrows, taken in consideration with Santa Teresa's description of the Manóbos of that region as being kinky haired, and living by the hunt, seem to indicate that the Manóbos of those days were Negritos. A further evidence is added by the application of the term _Negrillos_ (little Negroes) to Manóbos. The use of poisoned arrows is, to this day, a distinctly Negrito custom. At the present time the use of poisoned arrows is unknown to Manóbos and, as far as I have been able to learn, no tradition as to the former employment of them exists.

The rebellion extended all over the valley and Fray Augustin and other churchmen lost their lives as a result. It was finally suppressed by the capture of innumerable slaves. "Manila and its environments were full of slaves." "The Butuán chiefs, who were the mirror of fidelity, suffered processes, exiles, and imprisonments; and although they were able to win back honor, it was after all their property had been lost."[24] In 1651 peace was restored by the return of the innumerable slaves captured by the Spanish forces.

[24] Blair and Robertson, 36: 134.

1661-1672

Between the years 1661 and 1672 the Recollects pursued their evangelical labors in the Agúsan Valley, notwithstanding the constant opposition of the Manóbos. Father Pedro de San Francisco de Asis describes the natives as being "robust and very numerous." He says that in time of peace they were tractable, docile, and reasonable, had regular villages, lived in human society, were superior to the surrounding mountain people, and were easily converted. He claims that there were 4,000 converts living between Butuán and Línao. The people to whom he refers are most probably the ancestors of the Bisáyas of the present day, because, as we shall see later on, the Christianized Manóbo towns of the present day did not exist before 1877.

Father Combes[25] is the authority for the statement that Butuán was the origin of "the rulers and nobility of all the islands of Jolo and Basilan." The following is the extract:

[25] Ibid., 40: 126.

But the rulers and nobility of all the islands of Jolo and Basilan recognize as the place of their origin the village of Butuán (which, although it is located in this island, is within the pale of the Bisáyan Nation) on the northern side, in sight of the Bóol, and but a few leagues away from Leyte and from Bóol, islands which are in the same stage of civilization. Therefore, that village can glory at having given kings and nobility to these nations.[26]

[26] San Francisco in his Cronicas (see Blair and Robertson, 40: 312) says: "They [the Butuáns] are the origin of the best blood and nobility of the Basílans and Joloans, for the king of Jolo even confessed that he was a Butuán." It is surprising to note the dialectical similarity between Súlu and the variety of Bisáya spoken in the Agúsan Valley. Words that are not found in any other Bisáya dialect, are common to these two dialects. It is therefore probable that formerly there was intercourse between the two peoples.

Speaking of the native peoples and their customs San Antonio[27] in 1744 says that "Some of the Manóbos in the mountains of Karága (who are heathen and without number, although some are Christians, a people civilized and well inclined to work, who have fixed habitations and excellent houses) pay tribute."

[27] Ibid., 40: 298,

We learn from the same authority that one of the missionaries obtained wonderful results in the conversion of Manóbos in Línao. He was unable to specify the number but says that it increased greatly, for up to that time there were only 3,000 converts in the whole district of Butuán. My authority seems to believe that there were two classes of people around Línao, the one whom he distinctly calls Manóbos--"tractable, docile, and quite reasonable," living in villages in human society in a very well ordered civilization--and the other, an inferior people leading a brutish life. It is reasonable to suppose that the people whom San Antonio refers to as Manóbos are the ancestors of the present Bisáyas of Veruéla, Bunáwan, and Talakógon, who have traditions as to the pagan condition of their ancestors.

Concepcion[28] gives a detailed record of the Moro raids in Mindanáo. "Butuán was laid waste and some 200 captives seized; the little military post at Línao, up the river, alone escaped." The tradition of the fight between the Moros and the people of Línao still exists among the Bisáyas of the Agúsan Valley. A statue of the Virgin is still preserved in Veruéla that is said to have been struck by a ball from a Moro _lantaka_ (small cannon). It is believed that this unseemly accident aroused the anger of the Virgin herself, who promptly turned the tide of battle against the Moros. The only tradition regarding this invasion that I found extant among the Manóbos is the legend of the tailed men, and of their own flight.

[28] Ibid., 48: 163.

FROM 1875 TO 1910 1800-1877

For the nineteenth century we have few historical records of the Manóbos until the Jesuits who had been expelled from the Philippines in 1768 and returned in 1859, resumed their work in eastern Mindanáo in 1875. The material concerning the Manóbos is contained in a series of selected letters[29] from the missionaries in the field to their provincial and higher superiors. Though containing little ethnological data of a detailed character, they afford in their ensemble, a vivid picture of the work of the missionaries in reducing the pagan tribes of Mindanáo to civilization and outward Christianity. Dates of the formation of the various town and _rancherias_[30] are furnished; with the names of the chiefs, friendly and in many cases unfriendly, the opposition on the part of the mountain people to the adoption of Christianity, and the armed resistance on their part to its implantation, as well as the interclan feuds, frequently with details as to the number of slain and of captives, and the number of converts in each district are stated. In a word, these letters form a most valuable and accurate account of the Christian subjugation of a large portion of the pagan peoples of Mindanáo.

[29] These letters are called Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús de la mision de Filipinas, and were printed consecutively in Manila from 1876 to 1902 and probably later.

[30] A rancheria is a small dependent settlement of Christianized people.

1877

In the Agúsan Valley the first efforts of the missionaries were directed to the Bisáyas or old Christians, as they are called, of Butuán, Talakógon, Veruéla, and Bunáwan. Father Bove[31] in 1877 writes that he reunited many Bisáyas of Híbung and Bunáwan in Talakógon, which is at present one of the few municipalities in the sub-Province of Butuán. He notes the extent of the slave trade between Manóbos and Bisáyas, and that he made a preliminary trip to the upper Agúsan and to the upper Sálug. In the same year Peruga visited Bunáwan and organized the church among the Bisáyas of Bunáwan who had not been annexed to Talakógon. In the meantime Urios and others rounded up the stragglers of Butuán, Tolosa (now Kabarbarán), and Maínit.

[31] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 3.

1879

In 1879 Urios reports the establishment of Las Nieves, Remedies, Esperanza, Guadalupe, Maásam (now Santa Ines), and San Luis, all of which _rancherias_ of _conquistas_[32] or Christianized Manóbos are still in existence.

[32] _Conquista_ is a Spanish word meaning conquest. It is of universal use in the Agúsan Valley to denote a recently Christianized member of a non-Christian tribe.

In the same year Luengo, who was in charge of the Bisáya settlement of Talakógon, succeeded in settling the Manóbos to the south of Talakógon in the town of Martines. These Manóbos were for the most part from the Rivers Pudlúsan, Lábnig, and Aniláwan. He comments on the ignorance of the Talakógon Bisáyas who came, he asserts, from the Rivers Sulibáo and Híbung, and from the district west of Mount Magdiuáta.

The same year Pastells converted 771 Manóbos of the Simúlao River. He then visited the upper Agúsan, and negotiated with the pagans of that district--a conglomerate group of Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Manóbos, and Debabáons--for the foundation of Compostela and Gandia. He founded Moncayo, and Jativa (pronounced Hativa), with Debabáon and Manóbo converts, respectively.

Urios took up the work of Pastells on the River Simúlao and baptized 1,000 Manóbos, whom he induced to found the town of Tudela. He then pursued his work among the Manóbos to the south of Veruéla and founded the town of Patrocinio. He reports that for some trifling reason the town was moved not long after. From 1905 to 1909 I know that the site of the town was changed five times.

La Concepcion,[33] near Nasipit, San Vicente, San Ignacio, and Tortosa were founded the same year. Urios remarks that the class of people that he induced to settle in the last-mentioned town were half-Negrito. The present inhabitants are known as Manóbos but a casual glance will convince one of their Negrito derivation.

[33] This rancheria is not in existence.

During the same year Urios founded Loreto on the Umaíam River, and succeeded in getting the Manóbos of San Rafael to settle in Túbai. This is interesting as the inhabitants of Túbai pass for Bisáyas at the present day.

1881-1883

From 1881 to 1883 we find continuous reports of the armed opposition of all the unconverted peoples to the adoption of Christianity, so much so that troops had to be stationed in Esperanza and Talakógon. Guadalupe and Amparo were abandoned, the ostensible reason being fear of Doctor Montano who was taking anthropometrical measurements of Manóbos in the towns through which he passed, but as Urios remarks, this was only a pretext for withdrawing from a form of life that did not suit them. Guadalupe was burned by the pagans shortly after its abandonment. Several new towns had been formed, namely, Maásao, Bugábus, Óhut, Los Remedies, and Hauilián, but the opposition of the still un-Christianized people increased, and, as a result, all the newly formed towns on the lower and middle Agúsan, except La Paz, Loreto, and the Simúlao towns, were abandoned. One reason assigned for this was the fear entertained by the inhabitants that revenge might be taken on them for the murder of certain Butuán Bisáyas who had been killed by the _conquistas_ of Esperanza. However, there is little doubt but that the real reason for the abandonment was the fear on the part of the newly Christianized people toward their mountain congeners and relatives, for it must be borne in mind that the newly Christianized people were the tools used by the missionaries to reach the pagans. These _conquistas_ were prevailed upon to act as intermediaries, interpreters, guides, carriers, and soldiers. It is obvious that their cooperation with the missionaries, especially in armed expeditions, brought upon them the enmity of the pagan peoples whom the missionaries intended to convert, sometimes _nolens volens_. To avoid the ill feeling of the pagans and the results that would follow as a consequence, the _conquistas_ preferred to flee and join the pagans, or at least to maintain a neutral attitude.

1883

The desertion of all the towns on the lower Agúsan meant the return of some 5,000 _conquistas_ to their original manner of life, for at this period the total number of converts in the valley was 11,000.[34] The upper Agúsan had 1,500, La Paz, 1,000, and the Simúlao district, 2,000.

[34] Ibid., 5: 71.

On the upper Agúsan affairs followed the same trend. The Mandáyas of the Kati'il River killed 180 on the Húlip River. Jativa and Búal were attacked by Mandáyas, the latter place being abandoned immediately. Baóbo, "the river of _bagáni_,"[35] continued to keep Patrocinio, Búai, and Gracia on the alert.

[35] A _bagáni_ is a Mandáya, Mañgguáñgan, Debabáon, or Manóbo warrior who has a certain number of deaths to his account and who gives evidence of being under the influence of war deities.

Notwithstanding these vicissitudes, the missionaries succeeded in establishing Pilar, a Mañgguáñgan town, on the Mánat. It is described as being made up of the most ignorant and depraved people on the upper Agúsan. In the same year (1883) Gracia was founded between Patrocinio and Jativa. This town is not now in existence, and I am unable to state just where its location was, unless it may have been near the present site of Langkiláan. On the lower Agúsan, Gángub, or Nuevo Guadalupe, and Tortosa on the Kabarbarán River were formed. Neither of them is in existence at the present day.

The missionaries, not yet being able to reunite the Manóbos, directed their activities to the conversion of Mamánuas. Hence in 1883 we read that the Mamánua settlements of Santa Ana, San Roque, San Pablo, Santiago, and Tortosa were formed, the total number of converts being about 800. Most of these settlements are still in existence, though there are times when not a soul may be found in any of them.

1884

In 1884 little is recorded. It was calculated that at this time there were still 6,000 unconverted pagans in the upper Agúsan district. Jativa, which was the headquarters of the mission, and which had a population of 156 families, was attacked by Mandáyas. On the lower Agúsan matters were at a standstill, the conversion of 134 Mamánuas being the only important item that is recorded in the letters.

1885

On the Pacific coast the labors of the missionaries had been confined to the Bisáyas up to 1885, in which year Peruga converted the pagan Mandáyas of Marihátag and Kagwáit. He also ascended the Tágo River converted the pagan Mandáyas of Alba, establishing at the same time a town of that name.

Guardiet worked among the Manóbos to the west of Hinatu'an and baptized 217 in Ginhalínan near Javier (pronounced Havier). He made his way over to the Híbung River and founded Los Arcos with 80 converts.

There is no record of the work in 1885 among the Manóbos of the lower Agúsan except that Urios founded the town of San Ignacio near Butuán. On the upper Agúsan, however, things took a turn for the worse. Eighty families, or a little more than half of Jativa, abandoned the town. All the people of Gandia went out but were finally persuaded to return and associate themselves with the people of Compostela. The Mañgguáñgans of Clavijo (pronounced Claviho)[36] moved to Gandia. Not long afterwards Compostela, Gandia, and Jativa were abandoned, the town of Compostela having been burned on two separate occasions. The same year, however, they were re-formed.

[36] I can not state just where the town of Clavijo on the upper Agúsan was located. Up to 1908 there was a town of the same name on the middle Agúsan, near the mouth of the Ihawán River, but it consisted entirely of Christianized Manóbos, and not of Mañgguáñgans such as are stated by my authority to have been the people of Clavijo on the upper Agúsan.

1886

In 1886 Moncayo and Pilar were deserted and Jativa was attacked. On the lower Agúsan affairs remained in status quo. The Mamánua settlements were increased by one which was located on the Dáyag River, near Maínit.

In the middle Agúsan, Gracia and Concepcion were founded on the Ihawán River.

It is interesting to note that the total number of converts in the Agúsan Valley from 1877 to 1886 is put down at 17,840 souls, living in 42 towns.[37]

[37] Ibid., 11, appendix.

1887

In 1887 it became necessary to increase the number of troops in Jativa, owing to the flight of the inhabitants of Moncayo, Compostela, and Gandia. As a consequence of this move, these towns re-formed. San Isidro was abandoned this same year.

1887-1888

On the lower Agúsan the missionaries, notably Urios, continued their labors and succeeded in gaining over to Christianity many of the Banuáon people of the upper hut and Libang Rivers. The year 1887-88 seems to have been one of comparative peace except in the district to the west of La Paz, on the Argáwan River, where it became necessary to make use of armed troops.

1889

In 1889 cholera got into the Agúsan Valley. The inhabitants of Tortosa abandoned their town. On the Pacific coast Puntas penetrated among the Manóbos of the Tágo River above the town of Alba, and Alaix visited the Mamánuas of Kantílan and Lanusa, among whom he made 84 converts. In the same year Peruga made more Mandáya converts in Alba on the Tágo River.

1890

In 1890 Moncayo and Gandia had a feud, as a result of which the people of the former abandoned their town. Matters progressed so favorably on the Argáwan that Sagunto was pacified and Asuncion was founded farther up on the same river. This town is no longer in existence, but a small _rancheria_ called Tilyérpan was founded in 1906 nearer to Sagunto. Bása on the Kasilaían River and San Isidro on the Bahaían River were founded the same year, but, on the other hand, an outbreak of fever led to the abandonment of Gracia and Concepcion on the Ihawán. Many Mamánua and Mandáya converts were added to Los Arcos. The conversion of these is attributed to the fighting that had previously taken place in Las Navas and Borbon, on the same river. Milagros on the Óhut was founded this same year.

1891

The year 1891 does not show any further special development except the foundation of a Banuáon settlement, called Concordia, on the Líbang River.

In 1892 Vigo and Borja (pronounced Borha) on the Baóbo River were established. Manóbos of the Sibágat River were converted and a settlement was founded at its juncture with the Wá-wa. This settlement is now called Pait. San Miguel on the Tágo River was founded with 25 families, most of whom were Manóbos. This town is no longer in existence. Amparo, on the other hand, was abandoned, and my authority for this statement remarks that this was the seventh time since its foundation that the town had been abandoned. Other towns had passed through the same experience, though not so many times.

1893

In 1893 Misericordia, now no longer in existence, was reestablished on the Bugábus River. San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labáo River, was founded this year. It is not in existence under this name. Santa Fe is the present name and the settlement occupies a new site, selected in 1908, I think.

On the Tágo River the conversion of the Mandáyas was completed and more Manóbos were added to the roll of Christians, thus bringing the number of Christianized Manóbo families to 80.

In the Agúsan Valley, Moncayo and Milagros were abandoned.

1894

In 1894 Castellon was founded at the mouth of the Lángkilaan River. At the present day no such town is in existence, though near the old town site of Castellon there is a small rancheria called Lángkilaan.

During the same year Pilar, which up to this time had been on the Mánat, was transferred to the Agúsan, between Gandia and Compostela. Another town is said to have been founded on the Mánat River. Gerona, between Moncayo and Gandia, Cuevas on the Bahaían, and Corinto on the Agsábo, a branch of the Óhut, were founded during this year, and San Isidro was re-formed.

1900-1905

I have been unable to peruse the letters of the missionaries from 1894 to the present day, but I was given to understand by well-informed Bisáyas of Butuán that at the time of the Philippine insurrection in 1898 the Christianized Manóbos lived in a state of comparative tranquillity. During the time of the revolution few outbreaks are recorded, notwithstanding the fact that the missionaries had abandoned their upriver parishes and the Spanish troops had been withdrawn. From 1900 to 1905 affairs on the lower and middle Agúsan, excepting along the upper Kasilaían, Argáwan and Umaíam, were very peaceful, a fact that was due to the enthusiasm with which the Christianized Manóbos devoted themselves to the culture of _abaká_ and to the production of its fiber. On the upper Kasilaían, Argáwan and Umaíam, Ihawán, and Baóbo there occurred occasional killings and the country was always in a condition of alarm.

On the upper Agúsan, especially in the region of Compostela, the old feuds broke out and it became necessary for the government of the Moro Province to station troops at Compostela.[38]

[38] Upon my arrival in the Agúsan Valley in 1905 I found the following _rancherias_ in existence:

On the main river, Butuán (a Bisáya settlement), San Vincente, Amparo, San Mateo, Las Nieves, Esperanza, Guadalupe, Santa Ines, San Luis, Martines, Clavijo, San Pedro, Veruéla (a Bisáya settlement), Patrocinio, Langkiláan, Hagimítan, Tagusáb, Búai, Moncayo, Gerona, Gandia, Pilar, Compostela, and Taga-únud.

On the Óhut River, Milagros and Remedies.

On the Wá-wa River, Vérdu.

On the Líbang River, Concordia.

On the Kasilaían River, Basa.

On the Híbung River, Borbon, Ebro, Prosperidad, Azpeitia, and Los Arcos.

On the Súlibao River (tributary of the Híbung), Novele and Rosario.

On the Argáwan River, La Paz and Sagunto.

On the Umaíam River, Loreto, Kandaugong.

On the Simúlao River, San Jose, Bunáwan (a Bisáya settlement), Libertad, Basa, Tudela, and San Isidro.

On the Nábuk River, Dugmánon.

From 1905 to 1910 the following towns were formed:

Santa Fe, at the mouth of the Labáo River.

Pait on the Wá-wa, at the mouth of the Sibagat River.

Nuevo Trabajo (pronounced Trabaho), a few hours up the Maásam River.

Ba'ba', on the Híbung River between Prosperidad and Azpeitia. Tilierpan and Kamóta, above Sagunto on the Argáwan.

Violanta, Santo Tomas, and Wálo, on the upper Umaíam.

Maitum, on the river of the same name, which is a tributary of the Híbung River.

Mambalíli, below Bunáwan on the Simúlao River.

Comparing the towns in existence at the beginning of 1910 with those whose establishment is reported in the Jesuit letters we find that the following towns have ceased to exist:

Tolosa, some few hours up the Kabarbarán River.

Tortosa, on a river to the west of the present Máasao.

San Ignacio, a little to the south of Butuán.

Concepcion, near the town of Nasípit.

San Rafael (I do not know the location of this town, but I am under the impression that it was located near Túbai).

Nuevo Guadalupe, near the present Guadalupe.

Misericordia, about 12 miles up the Bugábus River.

Hauwilián, at the mouth of the Hauwilián River.

San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labáu River.

Patai, between Martires and Borbon.

Basa, on the Kasiliágan River.

Las Navas, on the Híbung.

Asuncion, on the Argáwan River.

Clavijo, on the Agúsan near the mouth of the Ihawán River,

Gracia and Concepcion, on the Ihawán River.

Bigo and Borja, on the Baóbo River.

Castellon, Gracia, Clavijo, and Jativa, on the upper Agúsan

San Miguel, on the Tágo River (Pacific coast).

The number of converts from the pagan peoples in the Agúsan Valley up to 1898 must have reached 25,000, divided as follows: Mamánuas, 1,000; Banuáons and the branch of Manóbos occupying the northeastern part of the valley, 3,000; Mandáyas, 2,000; Mañgguáñgans, 1,000; Debabáons, 1,000; Manóbos, 17,000. These came finally to live in some 50 towns, including the unstable settlements of Mamánuas. From 1898 until the present time the conversion of pagans in the Agúsan Valley has been insignificant.

METHODS ADOPTED BY THE MISSIONARIES IN THE CHRISTIANIZATION OF THE MANÓBOS

The methods adopted by the missionaries in the conversion of the pagans in Mindanáo are made clear in a report by Father Juan Ricart, S. J., to the Governor General of the Philippine Islands.[39] The following extracts are pertinent:

[39] Ibid., 11, appendix.

The first thing that the missionaries seek to attain before penetrating the territory occupied by these pagans is a knowledge of the various races or tribes dwelling therein, of their customs and superstitions, of their feuds and wars, who are their enemies and their allies, respectively, the names of the principal chiefs, their traits of character, and finally their particular dialect as far as it may be possible to acquire it. Then they dispatch selected and trustworthy emissaries, preferably inhabitants of the Christian towns who have commercial dealings with the pagans, bidding them announce the intended visit of the missionary. On the appointed day, the missionary, armed with meekness and condescension, presents himself, speaking to them with dignity and authority. He tells them that he is their friend, that he wishes them well, that he has known of such-and-such misfortunes that have befallen them, and that in pity he comes to succor them. He invokes the name of the king and of the governor of the district, whose power they had learned to fear and respect through their dealings with the Christians. He reminds them of some wrong that either they or their neighbors had committed on the Christians, for it is seldom that they are not guilty of some fault or other, and intimates to them that it is the intention of the governor to send soldiers to punish them for their conduct. He (the missionary), however, has interceded with the governor on their behalf and has received a promise from him that he will not only pardon their fault but that he will take them under his protection and defend them against their enemies. He (the missionary) goes on to explain the advantages of civilized life, and the mildness of Spanish rule, as far as their limited understanding can grasp. He undoes their suspicions, forestalls their misgivings, and overcomes their fears; and by means of presents and kind words, especially to the little ones, he strives to soften their hearts. These interviews and lengthy discussions are repeated as often as it is opportune or necessary, every effort being made in the meanwhile to convince and gain over the chiefs and elders, a result that will be attained all the more quickly if he succeeds in settling their differences, in bringing about peace with some more redoubtable enemy, or in helping them in the attainment of any proper object that they may have in view. All this does not take place without great long-suffering and bitterness on the part of the missionary. Having decided on a site that is to their own liking and even according to their superstitions, though sometimes it be not best adapted for the purpose, a day is selected for the clearing, a plaza[40] and streets are plotted out, and then the erection of the tribunal and of the private dwellings begins.

[40] A public square.

It is at this period that the constancy and firmness of the missionary is taxed, for he has to overcome the unspeakable sluggishness of the uncivilized people, and to defeat the futile and continuous pretexts that they invent for the purpose of desisting from the work and of returning to the obscurity of the forest. It is helpful to be able to provide sufficient alimentation for them for a few days at least, so that it will not be necessary for them to return to the mountains in search of food. At the same time it is expedient to give them little rewards to induce them to begin their plantations near the new town by planting _camotes_ and other crops which yield quickly.

The appointment of officers for the government of the settlement is the next step and must be conducted in a most solemn manner, it being sometimes necessary to increase the number of jobs in order to satisfy the ambition of the chiefs and of the elders. The chosen ones are presented with the official staff of command in the name of the governor, and with the traditional jacket. Thus the new town is established. It is placed under the rule and guardianship of the Gobernadorcillo[41] of the nearest Christian town, for the purpose of bringing about compliance with the orders that emanate from the chief of the province.

[41] This means in Spanish "little governor," and was the name given to the chief executive of a municipality in Spanish days. It corresponds to "mayor" at the present time.

The missionary maintains his power and influence through an inspector, who is usually a person of trust and worth among the older Christians, and through two teachers, preferably a married couple selected from among the best families. These then take up their residence in the new town and begin their teaching.

As soon as the new settlement gives evidence of stability and perseverance, an effort is made to have the governor of the district visit it in order that the newly converted Christians may lay aside their fear, gain new courage, and learn to become devoted to the government.

The presence of an armed force upon suitable occasions is also calculated to have some effect at this early period, as it serves to keep quiet the dissatisfied and grumbling ones, of whom there are always some, as well as to infuse a feeling of fear into outside enemies who might be inclined to trouble the settlement, either because they do not regard it in an auspicious light or because they wish to satisfy a desire for revenge which they have harbored for a long time. Up to this time these unhappy people (the pagans) have had no other law than the caprice of their chiefs, nor other justice than oppression by the strong, nor other customs than an amorphous mass of practices that are at once repulsive and opposed to the natural law. Their guides and their teachers have been augurs or visionary women who, in connivance with the chief, sometimes make them abandon the territory in which they live for fear of some invisible deity, sometimes make them launch themselves on neighboring peolpe[sic] in order to avenge some supposed grievance, or sometimes induce them to sacrifice a slave to appease the anger of their gods. While such influences are paramount, there can be no firmness nor possible security for the new settlement; on the day least expected it will be found deserted and even burned. On the other hand, it becomes necessary to give these people, recently denizens of the forest, a simple code that contains the principal duties of man, that sets forth the relation of one to another, that teaches subjects to obey their superiors, the strong to protect the weak, and parents to teach their children, and that enjoins upon all work and mutual respect.

It is also necessary to satisfy the innate desire, if we may so speak, for a cult, that natural feeling for a religion which these people, like all others, have. It is necessary to substitute for their barbarous and inhuman practices others that may lift them up and revive their drooping and pusillanimous spirits. It is necessary that in the town there should be something to attract and to hold them with irresistible charm. In a word, the faith must be preached to them and they must be baptized; a religion and a church are necessary. Until a great part of the inhabitants of a new settlement have been baptized, until the feast of the patron saint and other religious ceremonies have been solemnly celebrated, it is useless to hope for the stability of the new town. The Catholic religion is a simple and powerful means for transforming those savages into good Spanish subjects; it is the mold wherein they leave their barbarous practices and shape themselves perfectly unto ours.

The missionaries do not speak of baptism nor of religion till they have gained the good will of the pagans, until they realize that they are being listened to willingly and that they (the pagans) put trust in their words. When they begin to like the Spaniards, and to hold in esteem their customs and ideas, then the missionaries gently insinuate themselves and begin to teach them the truths of our holy faith and to show them the observances and rites of our religion. At the beginning some sick person or other is baptized: afterwards, when there is some prospect of stability, the children, and finally the adults, provided that they have been instructed as much as their capacity and the circumstances permit. With this prudent procedure the missionary encounters no serious obstacle. His evangelic[sic] eloquence easily convinces those simple people of truths so much in harmony with human nature and of practices so much in accord with the good inclinations of mankind. The tendency that they still retain to maintain their ancient superstitions vanishes before the sway exerted by that superior man from whom they have received so many favors. The greatest difficulty for them consists in leaving the free life of the forest and in bringing themselves to live in a settlement with its attendant restrictions; this is especially true in the case of the chiefs and of such others as previously had exercised any authority. But having once adopted Christianity, baptism costs them nothing. Here and there one finds a chief who is opposed at the beginning to being baptized because he has several wives, but this condition, though it is not approved, is tolerated, provided he does not trouble the others nor disturb the settlement. But as a rule all become ashamed and repent, and end by yielding and by following the example of the rest. The grace of God is of transcendent power in these transformations. The savage, as long as he continues pagan, is governed in all his acts by ancient observances inspired by superstition and fanaticism. It is only when he has been baptized that he understands the necessity of a change of life and customs. Then he ceases to be Manóbo or Mandáya, in order to be a Christian; he relinquishes his pagan name and in the course of time can hardly be distinguished from the inhabitants of the ancient Christian towns. Even the Mamánuas, a group of Negritos usually considered to be recalcitrant, now live submissively and joyfully in their settlements.

THE SECRET OF MISSIONARY SUCCESS

I endeavored during my tours in the interior of eastern Mindanáo to ascertain definitely the secret of the success of the Spanish missionaries in inducing forest-loving people to leave their ancient homes and ways and adopt a life of dependence, political, economic, and religious, and I have arrived at the following conclusions, based on the information furnished me by the _conquistas_, both those who are still living under the effective control of the Government and those who have returned to their primitive haunts.

(1) In a great many regions the first factor of success is the personal equation. Some of the missionaries, notably Urios and Pastells, must have been men of wonderfully winning ways and of deep tact, if I am to believe my informants. In districts such as the upper Sálug, where many of the Christianized Debabáons had retired for many years, I was told stories of the wonderful condescension of Urios, and of his understanding of Debabáon ways and customs. The pagans present on one occasion assured me that if Urios were to visit them, they would all be baptized. In other districts I heard other missionaries spoken of whose names were so garbled that I have been unable to identify them. In most of the districts there were kind inquiries for one or another of the missionaries and expressions of regret that they could not see them again.

(2) In other regions (upper Umaíam, upper Argáwan, and others) the chief means used were threats of extermination, and, in cases, armed expeditions were actually sent out to overcome opposition to the adoption of Christianity. I base this statement on the testimony of _conquistas_ who asserted that they were acquainted with the facts, and who went into such minute details as to lead me to believe that they were telling the truth.

How far such action is due to irresponsible and overzealous officers leading these expeditions I am unable to say, but the impression given me by my informants invariably was that such expeditions were planned by the missionaries for the purpose of forcing Christianity upon the pagans. Bisáyas were frequently in charge of native soldiers and for commercial reasons were interested in the conversion of the mountain people to Christianity, so that it would not be surprising if they took unauthorized measures to effect the Christianization of the pagans.

(3) The third factor of success was the distribution of presents and alms by the missionaries. Frequent mention is made of this throughout the Jesuit letters. It undoubtedly did a great deal toward attracting the pagan people and convincing them of the friendship, from their point of view, of the missionaries toward them. It has been my experience that with a people of this stamp one present has more persuasive force than ten thousand arguments. It opens the way to conviction more readily than kind words and condescending manner, as it puts the tribesmen under a feeling of obligation.

(4) The fourth factor was the general policy adopted by the missionaries of posing as mediators between the Government and the pagans. This, coupled with a previous general knowledge of the conditions of the country, and of the customs and language of the people, and accompanied by a dignified but condescending and genial manner, enabled the missionaries to ingratiate themselves at once into the favor of the people they were visiting.

(5) The next and last factor in the conversion of the pagan peoples was the religious character of the men who undertook it. Religion appeals strongly to all primitive people and especially to the peoples of eastern Mindanáo, in which, as will be seen in the fourth part of this monograph, there seems to occur periodically a religious movement that for the time being subverts the ancient religious beliefs. It is natural then, that the pomp and glitter of Catholic ceremonial appealed strongly to the Manóbo. I can not say, from my observation, that he became a very devout worshiper in his new faith. In fact, I know that the average Christianized Manóbo understands little, and practices less, of the Catholic doctrines. In so far, however, as the imposition of the doctrine was a means to an end, namely, to radicate[sic] him in selected centers where he fell within social and governmental control, it can not be criticized. On the other hand, the effect of the change was, I am inclined strongly to believe for the worse, for he lost that spirit of manliness and independence that is a characteristic of the pagan, and he became a prey to the more Christianized people within whose sphere of influence and exploitation he fell. I have always been struck by the differences, moral, economic, and even physical, between the debt-ridden, cringing _conquistas_, and his manly, free, independent, vigorous pagan compeer. One-half of the _conquista's_ time is consumed in contracting debts to the Bisáya trader, and the other half in paying them. His rice is sold before it is harvested. His _abaká_ patch often is mortgaged before the planting is completed. He is an economic serf to an inconsiderate taskmaster.[42]

[42] The special government established in the subprovince of Butuán took immediate steps toward ameliorating the condition of the _conquistas_ by opening trading posts on the lower and middle Agúsan, so that the above observations refer to the period preceding the formation of the special government.

EXPLANATION OF PLATES

PLATE 1. _a_, _b_, Manóbo women. Lankilaan, upper Agúsan. Note tattooing. _c_, Forearm of woman in _d_. _d_, Mandáya woman. Compostela. Note shaven eyebrows and personal ornaments.

PLATE 2. _a_, Mañgguáñgan man and Manóbo woman. Jativa, upper Agúsan. _b_, Debabáon man and Manóbo woman. Upper Agúsan. _c_, Manóbo woman. Tagusáb, upper Agúsan. _d_, Mandáya man. Compostela, upper Agúsan.

PLATE 3. _a_, Manóbo man. Tagusáb, upper Agúsan. _b_, Manóbos. Ihawán River, Agúsan Valley. PLATE 4. _a_, Manóbo women. Umaían River, Agúsan Valley. _b_, Manóbo house. Moncayo, upper Agúsan. Note thatched roof, notched pole, and opening around the sides above the walls.

PLATE 5. _a_, Manóbo house, built for defense. Near Veruéla, upper Agúsan. _b_, Manóbo house, Gandia, upper Agúsan. Note notched pole, numerous posts, smoke vent, gable pieces, thatched roof, and bamboo shingles.

PLATE 6. _a_, Typical Manóbo house. Near Compostela. _b_, Manóbo house. Central Agúsan. Built on a tree stump for defense. Such houses are now very rare.

PLATE 7. _a_, Armor coat made of _abaká_, with war chief's red jacket inside. Upper Agúsan Manóbos. _b_, Manóbo _abaká_ skirt, woven in red, white, and black. This is the only lower garment worn by women. It serves at night as a blanket. _c_, White trousers made of _abaká_. Central Agúsan. _d_, Trousers made of blue cotton cloth. Upper Agúsan. _e_, Mandáya _abaká_ skirt. Worn by Manóbos when obtainable. The design is produced by the tie and dye process.

PLATE 8. _a_, _b_, Women's jackets of cotton and _abaká_, embroidered with red, yellow, white, and black cotton yarn. Upper Agúsan. _c_, War chief's red jacket. Insignia of _bagáni_-ship used by Manóbos of the upper Agúsan. _d_, War chief's red headkerchief. This indicates that the wearer has killed at least three people. _e_, Hat of sago palm bark. Middle Agúsan. _f_, Man's jacket worn by wild Manóbos of the eastern and central Cordilleras. _g_, Man's jacket. Upper Agúsan style. _h_, Central Agúsan style. _i_, Hat worn in the Agúsan Valley south of 8° latitude. _j_, Woman's jacket. Central Agúsan. _k_, Ihawán and Baóbo style. _l_, Manóbo-Mañgguáñgan style. _m_, Manóbo betel-nut bag. _n_, Betel-nut bag made of Mandáya _abaká_ and cotton cloth.

PLATE 9. _a_, Cage for keeping the sacred omen bird. _b_, _d_, Bamboo guitars. _c_, Wooden two-stringed guitar. _e_, _f_, _h_, Bamboo flutes. _g_, Bamboo jew's-harp. _i_, Drum with head of deerskin. _j_, _l_, _m_, _n_, Fish traps and fishing line. _k_, _o_, _p_, _q_, _r_, Rattan baskets. _s_, _t_, Women's incised bamboo combs. _u_, _z_, _cc_, Bead necklaces, worn by Manóbo men and women. _v_, _y_, Seed and shell necklaces, worn by Manóbo women. _w_, _aa_, _bb_, _dd_, _ee_, Women's incised bamboo combs. _x_, Woman's silver breastplate. Made by Mandáyas out of coins; worn by upper Agúsan Manóbos. _ff_, _ll_, _rr_, _Nito_ bracelets, worn by Manóbo men and women. _gg_, _ii_, _kk_, Shell bracelets, worn by Manóbo women. _hh_, _jj_, Beaded girdles made of _nito_ and human hair, worn by Manóbo women. _mm_, _nn_, _oo_, _pp_, Wooden ear disks and pendants. _qq_, Black coral bracelet, bent by heating. Worn by Manóbo men and women. _ss_, _Nito_ armlet, worn by Manóbo men. _tt_, Bear's bracelet, worn by Manóbo men and women.

PLATE 10. _a_, Fish spear. Central Agúsan. _b-f_, Fishing bows and arrows. The arrows have detachable points. _g_, Mandáya spear used by Manóbos of upper Agúsan. _h_, Central Agúsan spear. _i-k_, Manóbo bow and arrows. _l_, Manóbo shield. Upper Agúsan. _m_, Mandáya shield. _n_, Shield. Central Manóbo. _o-r_, Mandáya daggers and sheaths, used by Manóbos. Upper Agúsan. _s_, Mandáya betel-nut knife, used by Manóbos. _t-v_, Manóbo bamboo lime tubes. _w_, Moro brass box, used by Manóbos. _x_, _y_, Manóbo work bolo and sheath. _z_, _aa_, Mandáya war bolo and sheath. Highly prized by Manóbos.

PLATE 11. _a_, Mandáya woman in a dancing attitude that is characterisitc of Manóbos. Compostela, upper Agúsan. _b_, Men of the mixed Compostela group in a dancing attitude that is characteristic of the Manóbo war dance.

PLATE 12. _a_, Altar house, used during the greater sacrifices. Upper Agúsan. _b_, Religious house. Lankilaan upper Agúsan. Note superiority of this house over the ordinary dwelling house. This kind of house was built by the Manóbos during the great religious movement.

PLATE 13. _a_, Sacred image and offering stand. Note the egg on the stand. Gerona, upper Agúsan. _b_, c, Sacred posts with offering trays for the _Magbabáya_, used on the upper Agúsan during the great religious movement.

PLATE 14. _a_, _d_, Ceremonial birth canoes. _b_, _c_, Blood oblation trays, used by warrior priests and for invoking the spirits of blood. _e_, Ceremonial stand, offering plate, and rice paddle. _f-i_, Sacred images, used to attract Manóbo divinities. _j_, Sacred shield. _k_, _l_, Sacred jars. _m_, _o_, Wooden stands used on the upper Agúsan during religious ceremonies. _n_, _p_, War chief's charms, worn during war raids. They contain magic herbs. _q_, Ceremonial birth offering stand. Middle Agúsan. _r_, Ceremonial ladder for a religious house, ceremonial chair, and sacred image. Bamboo guitars like that shown were used constantly during the great religious movement. Upper Agúsan. _s_, Bukídnon man. Silay, Bukídnon subprovince.