Chapter VII: Part 7

"Il vient d'y avoir un grand changement entre plusieurs nobles dames et messieurs, tant de la ville que de la cour.... Madame d'Argenson, vacante par la mort du chevalier d'Oppède, a choisi pour consolation le marquis d'Alleurs, jeune homme d'une discrétion au-dessus de son âge" (December 27, 1717). As we have seen, her husband did not go comfortless. See p.16.]

[Footnote 52: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 15.]

[Footnote 53: A number of d'Argenson's early drawings are preserved in the Library of the Arsenal (MS. 6164). They are distinguished chiefly by care of execution, and a natural loyalty to the ancestral domain. They consist principally of views of the family seats in Touraine.]

[Footnote 54: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 16.]

[Footnote 55: Ibid., I. p. 17.]

[Footnote 56: Émond, "Histoire du Collège Louis-le-Grand."]

[Footnote 57: "Des gens du monde à bonnes fortunes" (Journal, Rathery, I. p. 17).]

[Footnote 58: Ibid., I. p. 17.]

[Footnote 59: Ibid., I. p. 17. The metaphor is of d'Argenson's compounding.]

[Footnote 60: The man who is known to history for having reviled the young Voltaire, now one of d'Argenson's schoolfellows, as the future coryphæus of deism in France.]

[Footnote 61: We are indebted to St. Simon for this explanation of the young d'Argensons' escape. See "Mémoires," XIII. pp. 213, 214. The incident aptly illustrates the mysterious power which the Chief of Police exercised.]

[Footnote 62: "Je me trouvais trop sot de n'en avoir profité, et j'en ai eu depuis de longs repentirs" (Journal, Rathery, I. p. 19).]

[Footnote 63: "L'épopée royale" (Arsène Houssaye, "La Régence," p. 4).]

[Footnote 64: See Martin, "Histoire de France," XIV. pp. 366-617.]

[Footnote 65: See p. 15; St. Simon's "Mémoires," VII. p. 71; and Fontenelle, I. p. 315.]

[Footnote 66: With this, the most famous society of the time, d'Argenson was only remotely connected. He tells us ["Loisirs d'un Ministre," I. p. 187 (1785)] that he had met and talked with Chaulieu occasionally at the Duchesse de Maine's, whither the "Anacreon of the Temple" was attracted by his passion for the famous Mdlle. de Launay.]

[Footnote 67: _E.g._, Journal (Rathery), I. p. 186.]

[Footnote 68: Ibid., I. p. 6, _cf._ p. 16.]

[Footnote 69: See p. 17., _cf._ Journal (Rathery), I. p. 42.]

[Footnote 70: See p. 16., _cf._ St. Simon, XIV. p. 315.]

[Footnote 71: We are continually sensible of the sulphurous atmosphere through which Marc René d'Argenson is seen in contemporary memoirs.]

[Footnote 72: _E.g._, one which crops up incidentally in a letter of the Marquis de Balleroy, July 26, 1722. "Effectivement tout le monde dit qu'il fait son intendance à merveille, et mieux que bien des gens qui ont l'esprit plus brillant que lui" (Barthélemy, II. p. 270). _Cf._ also a letter of St. Pierre to d'Argenson, quoted p. 41.]

[Footnote 73: The father of the famous Controller-General.]

[Footnote 74: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 125.]

[Footnote 75: The edition here cited is that of Count Édouard de Barthélemy, lately published in two volumes. The edition consists of a series of extracts from certain of the letters, and represents only a fraction of the whole correspondence, which occupies eight volumes. (Bibliothèque Mazarine, MS. 2341).]

[Footnote 76: See Lacroix, "xviii. Siècle--Le Libraire."]

[Footnote 77: The great "Constitution Unigenitus," which served as a rallying cry for the rival factions for half a century.]

[Footnote 78: Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. p. 109.]

[Footnote 79: St. Simon speaks of Marc René d'Argenson's efforts to break the weight of the religious persecution; and the modest expression of gratitude which closes Fontenelle's "Éloge" was evoked by the protection d'Argenson had given him in the storm which gathered round the "Histoire des Oracles."]

[Footnote 80: Marais, "Journal," I. p. 287. "A la vérité, il disait, et c'est à moi-même qu'il l'a dit, que les jésuites étaient des fripons aussi, et qu'il avait la preuve de l'un et de l'autre."]

[Footnote 81: Barthélemy, I. p. 141.]

[Footnote 82: Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. p. 40.]

[Footnote 83: Barthélemy, I. p. 208.]

[Footnote 84: Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. p. 65.]

[Footnote 85: _Cf._ Aubertin, "L'esprit public," chap. iii.]

[Footnote 86: _Cf._ Journal (Rathery), I. 123.]

[Footnote 87: Journal (Rathery), I. 23.]

[Footnote 88: See p. 18.]

[Footnote 89: See pp. 71-3.]

[Footnote 90: November 12, 1719. Barthélemy, II. p. 83.]

[Footnote 91: Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. 55.]

[Footnote 92: Ibid., XV. p. 56.]

[Footnote 93: Buvat, "Journal," II. p. 35.]

[Footnote 94: D'Argenson became Master of Requests on his marriage with Mademoiselle Méliand, who brought him the position as part of her dowry. See Journal (Rathery), IV. p. 29.]

[Footnote 95: Barthélemy, II. p. 130.]

[Footnote 96: St. Simon, "Mémoires," XVI. p. 435. "On n'avait jamais oui parler d'un conseiller d'état et intendant de Hainaut de vingt-quatre ans; ni d'un lieutenant de police encore plus jeune." D'Argenson, as a matter of fact, was twenty-six.]

[Footnote 97: D'Argenson's first notice of his Intendancy is dated April (Journal, Rathery, I. p. 35). We have however a letter written by him to Madame de Balleroy from Valenciennes on March 22nd. He says so little as to suggest that he had just arrived, and had little pleasant to say. On April 7th he writes the charming letter, part of which is quoted below.]

[Footnote 98: See Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. p. 64. In a witty satire upon the System which appeared upon the walls at this period, we read: "Jean Law, médecin empirique, directeur des hôpitaux; d'Argenson, chirugeon-major" (Arsène Houssaye, "La Régence ").]

[Footnote 99: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 43, and note. See also Buvat, II. p. 195.]

[Footnote 100: The translation here is from d'Argenson's handwriting (Bibliothèque Mazarine, MS. 2341, V. fol. 130). The passage is rendered by Barthélemy (II. p. 153): "Un très joli lansquenet, _un bon_ picquet, quadrille et même brélan." The manuscript has: "Nous avons un très joli lansquenet, _ombre_, picquet, _cela ne manque en province_, quadrille et memo brélan." It is without stops, but otherwise there is no difficulty.]

[Footnote 101: Letters are addressed to her at her château "near Bayeux."]

[Footnote 102: See Aubertin, "L'esprit public," chap. iv.]

[Footnote 103: The Chevalier's letters are sufficiently amusing, but not sufficiently frequent. He has sometimes to apologise for remissness on the old ground of lack of news.]

[Footnote 104: Barthélemy, I. p. 257.]

[Footnote 105: "La proposition n'est peut-être pas encore bien mesurée" (Barthélemy, I. p. 256). The word is more probably "proportion."]

[Footnote 106: Barthélemy, II. p. 475.]

[Footnote 107: Ibid., II. p. 475.]

[Footnote 108: For a sketch of the Caumartin character, see Aubertin, "L'esprit public," chap. iv.]

[Footnote 109: For a slight reflection of the feeling with regard to him, see Marais, "Mémoires," I. p. 308.]

[Footnote 110: Barthélemy, I. pp. 110, 111.]

[Footnote 111: Louis XIV. was dead, and his ministers were deserted.]

[Footnote 112: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 66.]

[Footnote 113: Édouard Goumy, "L'Abbé de St. Pierre," p. 50.]

[Footnote 114: D'Argenson, Journal (Édition Jannet), IV. p. 341.]

[Footnote 115: A remark of Marais ("Mémoires," III. p. 74) in expressing surprise at d'Argenson's resignation: "On dit que c'est volontairement, et qu'il aime mieux se reposer au conseil à trente ans, que de régir cet intendance, plus militaire que de justice et de finance."]

[Footnote 116: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 35.]

[Footnote 117: Ibid., I. 36.]

[Footnote 118: Ibid.]

[Footnote 119: Buvat, "Journal," II. p. 421.]

[Footnote 120: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 45.]

[Footnote 121: _Cf._ a very significant remark of the Marquis de Balleroy in a letter of July 26, 1722. See note 72.]

[Footnote 122: See p. 33.]

[Footnote 123: Journal (Rathery), IV. p. 30.]

[Footnote 124: Journal (Rathery), IV. pp. 28, 29. _Cf._ also Caumartin de Boissy's letters of May 12 and 14, 1721. (Barthélemy, II. pp. 328, 329.) See also Marais, II. p. 147.]

[Footnote 125: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 58.]

[Footnote 126: Ibid., I. pp. 55-61.]

[Footnote 127: The word is d'Argenson's, and characteristic of him.]

[Footnote 128: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 57.]

[Footnote 129: Ibid., I. p. 49.]

[Footnote 130: Ibid., I. p. 58.]

[Footnote 131: Count d'Argenson had become chief of police in succession to Machault in the spring of 1720. In June he was involved in his father's disgrace: see p. 34. Shortly afterwards he received the Intendancy of Touraine, and only returned to Paris in the early part of 1722, when he resumed the direction of the police. In the autumn of 1723, he became chancellor of the Orléans household, and held that position at the Regent's death in December. His dismissal from the police followed a few weeks afterwards: see below (Marais, "Journal," III. p. 73). Before the end of January 1724, through the influence of the young Duke of Orléans, he was provided with a seat at the Council of State.]

[Footnote 132: Mentioned by d'Argenson in the course of the letter of January 4 quoted below. _Cf._ Marais, "Journal," III. p. 77, and Barbier.]

[Footnote 133: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 59.]

[Footnote 134: Marais, "Journal," III. p. 73.]

[Footnote 135: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 59.]

[Footnote 136: Ibid., I. p. 63]

[Footnote 137: Ibid., I. p. 60.]

[Footnote 138: Ibid., I. pp. 64-67]

[Footnote 139: Ibid., I. p. 44.]

[Footnote 140: Ibid., I. pp. 67-70]

[Footnote 141: Ibid., I. p. 53.]

[Footnote 142: Ibid., I. p. 54.]

[Footnote 143: "L'esprit public au XVIII. siècle," p. 197. See also par. p. 200.]

[Footnote 144: As d'Argenson himself admits ("Essais," II. pp. 84,85).]

[Footnote 145: "Essais dans le goût de ceux de Montagne," (Montaigne) II. p. 84 (1785).]

[Footnote 146: Ibid., II. p. 86.]

[Footnote 147: These papers, after a chequered career, fell into the hands of the Abbé d'Olivet, Voltaire's correspondent, who published a selection of them as "Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de Louis XIV., par le feu M. l'Abbé de Choisy, de l'Académie Française" ("Essais," II. p. 86).]

[Footnote 148: The essay in which he refers to it was written some years after the suppression of the Entresol.]

[Footnote 149: "Essais," II. p. 103 (1785). The meetings were held every Tuesday. The tone prevailing in the little coterie is suggested by the amusing criticism of Perrault's poem, "On the Creation of the World:" see "Essais," II. p. 105.]

[Footnote 150: "Lettres de Henry St. John" (Grimoard), III. p. 193. In another letter of October 6th, he asks to be remembered to "our little society" (III. p. 206). The letters are in French.]

[Footnote 151: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 91.]

[Footnote 152: Ibid., I. p. 102. "Je demandai de moi-même à admettre l'abbé."]

[Footnote 153: Journal (Édition Jannet), I. p. 67.]

[Footnote 154: This account of the Entresol is derived from d'Argenson's Journal (Rathery), I. pp. 91-111; "Essais dans le goût de ceux de Montagne, ou Loisirs d'un Ministre," _passim_; "Lettres de Henry St. John," edited by Grimoard, 1808: see Appendix, III. p. 459. There is also a conscientious account in a paper by M. Tessin, "Un membre de l'Entresol" (Bibliothèque Nationale).]

[Footnote 155: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 96.]

[Footnote 156: Grimoard, III. p. 466, and Journal (Rathery), I. p. 97.]

[Footnote 157: Grimoard, III. p. 473.]

[Footnote 158: Journal (Rathery), VI. p. 168. "J'eus au conseil le bureau des affaires ecclésiastiques," &c.]

[Footnote 159: See below, note 399.]

[Footnote 160: "Loisirs d'un Ministre," II. pp. 180,181.]

[Footnote 161: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 99.]

[Footnote 162: Ibid., I. p. 104.]

[Footnote 163: "Le Comte de Plélo" (J. B. Rathery), p. 101]

[Footnote 164: Ibid.]

[Footnote 165: Ibid., p. 102.]

[Footnote 166: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 103. "Son Éminence montrait un grand goût pour l'Entresol."]

[Footnote 167: Ibid.]

[Footnote 168: Ibid.]

[Footnote 169: Ibid.]

[Footnote 170: Ibid., I. p. 107.]

[Footnote 171: Ibid., I. p. 110.]

[Footnote 172: "Lettres de Henry St. John" (Grimoard), III. p. 478]

[Footnote 173: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 72.]

[Footnote 174: Ibid., Introduction, I. p. xvii.]

[Footnote 175: During the Commune, May 23.]

[Footnote 176: Édouard Goumy, "L'Abbé de St. Pierre," p. 56.]

[Footnote 177: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 115.]

[Footnote 178: See p. 57. Journal (Rathery), VI. p. 168.]

[Footnote 179: Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. p. 166.]

[Footnote 180: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 118. July, 1732.]

[Footnote 181: Ibid. I. p. 117.]

[Footnote 182: Goumy, "L'Abbé de St. Pierre," p. 57.]

[Footnote 183: Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. p. 166.]

[Footnote 184: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 123, August, 1732. It might be contended that the proposal was never serious. The contention would be just if the offer had been made a year afterwards; but at this time the impression produced by d'Argenson was still fresh, and Chauvelin's sincerity is above reproach.]

[Footnote 185: See pp. 28-9.]

[Footnote 186: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 123.]

[Footnote 187: Ibid., I. p. 120.]

[Footnote 188: Ibid., I. p. 131.]

[Footnote 189: Chauvelin placed his library at his disposal, gave him valuable hints as to the manner in which to pay court to the Cardinal, and even deigned to instruct him in the etiquette of card-playing, one of the necessary arts of Court life. "In fact," says d'Argenson himself, "there is no denying that this first minister neglects no opportunity of drawing me out and bringing me into prominence; and that, if I myself were not concerned, I might say that one should think well of him for helping in this way a zealous and unobtrusive man, who tries to be of use without knowledge of the brazen art of pushing himself forward" (Journal, Rathery, I. p. 140).]

[Footnote 190: Ibid., I. p. 137.]

[Footnote 191: Goumy, "L'Abbé de St. Pierre," p. 60. In reference to another memoir, relating to a method of procuring cavalry horses, St. Pierre writes: "I shall not preach to you the necessity of enthusiasm in undertaking--you have quite enough,--but assiduous work in order to perfect" (Goumy, p. 59).]

[Footnote 192: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 184.]

[Footnote 193: Ibid., I. p. 205.]

[Footnote 194: Ibid., I. p. 206.]

[Footnote 195: Ibid., I. p. 207.]

[Footnote 196: Ibid., I. pp. 207-9.]

[Footnote 197: See his mournful complaint to Chauvelin (Ibid., I. p. 141).]

[Footnote 198: This was the real nature of the "divorce" he speaks of. See below, note 207.]

[Footnote 199: On November 31. See the Marquis de Balleroy's letters of November 31 and December 1, where a circumstantial account is given of the ceremony (Barthélemy, I. pp. 378, 379). _Cf._ pp. 33, 43, 47, 71-73. Notes 94, 202, 207.]

[Footnote 200: A copy of the contract, a purely business document, exists in the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal (MS. 6115).]

[Footnote 201: See the Marquis de Balleroy's letter of November 22, 1718 (Barthélemy, I. p. 373).]

[Footnote 202: See especially that of December 8, 1718. It is sufficiently amusing to quote in the original. "J'ai eu grand soin, ma chère tante, d'inspirer à Madame d'Argenson tous les sentiments qui vous sont dus. Pardonnez si ce qu'exigent vôtre mérite et vôtre esprit n'a moins arrêté que les bontés et l'amitié que vous avez pour moi. J'espère que vous ferez par la suite autant de cas de son amitié que de son admiration, et je vous assure que je l'élèverai à être tout ce qu'il y aura de plus respectueux dans vôtre népotisme. Me voilà-t-il pas bientôt assez à parler en mari fort supérieur d'âge? Je me trouve respectable par près de dix années de cette supériorité; je ne m'y serois pas attendu en me mariant aussi jeune." (He was now twenty-four.) "Je vois l'approbation de tout le monde qui me parle naturellement sur ce mariage, bien conforme à la vôtre. Je vous assure que je suis fort éloigné du repentir," &c. (Barthélemy, I. p. 385).]

[Footnote 203: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 180. See p. 43 and note 228.]

[Footnote 204: Ibid., I. pp. 180, 181. "La femme la plus avare de Paris." "La séquestration de bonne compagnie, même de toute compagnie."]

[Footnote 205: Ibid., I. p. 181.]

[Footnote 206: Ibid., I. p. 182.]

[Footnote 207: In the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal (MS. 6141, fol. 295) there exists a "Counsel's opinion" obtained by Mme. d'Argenson, signed "De Lambon," and dated September 28, 1756. It throws much light upon Madame d'Argenson's character, and confirms her husband's estimate of her. After twenty-two years she had not forgiven; and feeling it an indignity to be dependent upon her husband for the handsome allowance he had consented to make her, she proposed to have the separation, both of person and property, judicially confirmed. Her counsel evidently thought her claim unwarrantable, and in some of his most moderate words he says: "But to-day, after more than twenty-two years that they have lived apart, and after the legal arrangements made by Madame d'Argenson with her husband in January, 1733, and October, 1747 (le ... ? janvier, 1733, et le ? octobre, 1747), her desire would not be countenanced for a moment. She would not be permitted to revive the old facts, and to form a demand for a (judicial) separation, so long as M. d'Argenson adheres faithfully to that concluded by agreement." The document closes with the crushing words: "Il vaut mieux se condamner soimême, que de plaider pour être condamné."]

[Footnote 208: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 215.]

[Footnote 209: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 219.]

[Footnote 210: Ibid., September 3, and November 13 and 26, 1736.]

[Footnote 211: Ibid., I. p. 228.]

[Footnote 212: See Journal (Rathery), III. p. 13, and De Tocqueville, "Histoire Philosophique du règne de Louis XV.," I. p. 416.]

[Footnote 213: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 235.]

[Footnote 214: Ibid., I. p. 237.]

[Footnote 215: Ibid., I. p. 238.]

[Footnote 216: Ibid., I. p. 242.]

[Footnote 217: D'Argenson had held the same post in the beginning of his career (see pp. 28, 30). It was not important, but it presented opportunities which Count d'Argenson was astute enough to turn to account. He held it in conjunction with the chancellorship of the Orléans household, which had been given him by the Regent in 1723, and which he retained after his dismissal from the Lieutenancy of Police in January, 1724. See p. 46.]

[Footnote 218: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 246.]

[Footnote 219: Ibid., I. p. 260.]

[Footnote 220: Ibid., I. p. 262.]

[Footnote 221: Ibid., I. p. 263.]

[Footnote 222: Ibid., I. p. 262.]

[Footnote 223: Ste. Beuve, "Causeries du lundi," XII. and XIV.]

[Footnote 224: Journal (Rathery), I. pp. 240-41.]

[Footnote 225: Ibid., I. p. 260.]

[Footnote 226: At this time Portugal, completely dominated by English influence, was a thorn in the side of the Bourbon powers. _Cf._ "Considérations," p. 89 (1764) and p. 78 (1784).]

[Footnote 227: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 264.]

[Footnote 228: See pp. 43, 72. _Cf._ also Journal (Rathery), I. p. 208, where he speaks of himself as the poorest man in the Council. We know that in preparing for this embassy, d'Argenson spent considerable sums (_cf._ Journal, Rathery, IV. p. 81), and that the primary cause of his delay in setting out was the refusal of Fleury to indemnify him. See Journal (Rathery), I. p. 310: see also Journal (édit. Jannet), IV. p. 348.]

[Footnote 229: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 268.]

[Footnote 230: Ibid., I. p. 284.]

[Footnote 231: Ibid., I. p. 291.]

[Footnote 232: Ibid., I. p. 301.]

[Footnote 233: _Cf._ p. 79. "We should be happy----."]

[Footnote 234: Journal (Rathery), II. p. 35.]

[Footnote 235: Ibid., II. p. 73.]

[Footnote 236: Ibid., II. p. 107. March 10, 1739.]

[Footnote 237: Journal (Rathery), II. p. 185. 1 July, 1739. It was on this very day that d'Argenson received an order from Amelot, the Foreign Minister, to dismiss the train which he had engaged for the Portuguese embassy; and it is evident that his forbearance breaks down at last.]

[Footnote 238: Ibid., II. p. 142.]

[Footnote 239: The Journal at this period is one long and often luminous survey of the events of the time. In Appendix C. reference is given to the more important passages under the several departments to which they refer.]

[Footnote 240: For a brief and intelligible account of the Court opposition to Fleury, see De Tocqueville, "Histoire Philosophique du règne de Louis XV.," I. pp. 416-20.]

[Footnote 241: See p. 74.]

[Footnote 242: At the Collège Louis-le-Grand: see pp. 24, 25. We may gather from a letter from d'Argenson to Voltaire (June 20, 1739. Nisard) that some of Voltaire's school squibs had found a refuge among the papers of his "camarade."]

[Footnote 243: On Voltaire's connection with this circle, see d'Argenson, "Essais dans le goût de ceux de Montagne," I. p. 187 (1785).]

[Footnote 244: May, 1726. (Morley, "Voltaire," p. 44.)]

[Footnote 245: The baroness de la Fontaine-Martel. See Journal (Rathery), I. p. 147, and Voltaire's "Correspondance," _passim_.]

[Footnote 246: A person called Desfontaines, not unknown at that date.]

[Footnote 247: For particulars of d'Argenson's share in the incident, see Voltaire, "Oeuvres" (Édition Garnier XXXV.). Letters of 7th and 24th March, 16th April, 2nd May, 4th and 21st June. D'Argenson's letters of 7th February (Garnier), 20th June, and 7th July (Charles Nisard, "Mémoires et Correspondance"). See also letters of Madame du Châtelet of about the same date.]

[Footnote 248: D'Argenson's letter of 20th June. This letter appears in none of the editions of Voltaire. It was published, with another of 7th July, by Charles Nisard ("Mémoires et Correspondance inédits 1726-1816."), and was found by him among the papers of Suard.]

[Footnote 249: March 24, 1739. In a letter to d'Argenson of January 26, 1740, Voltaire speaks of those views upon history of which he afterwards became the apostle. (_Cf._ Morley, "Voltaire," p. 298). "Another idea of mine. We have only had the history of kings, and that of the nation has not been written. It would seem that for fourteen hundred years we have had nothing in Gaul but kings, ministers, and generals; our manners, laws, customs, ideas, are they then nothing?"

This letter closes with the post-script: "Pardon; there was a great figure in optics on the other leaf; I have torn it off."]

[Footnote 250: May 8, 1739. Édition Garnier XXXV. pp. 272-3. The idea of d'Argenson as Frederick's first minister occurs not unfrequently in future letters.]

[Footnote 251: Ibid., 289-292.]

[Footnote 252: July 28, 1739. For further details see letters of 8th May, 21st June, and 28th July, and d'Argenson, 7th July.]

[Footnote 253: For references to the Portuguese embassy, see letters of 16th April, 28th July, and 17th August; and d'Argenson, 20th June (Nisard).]

[Footnote 254: See Note 420.]

[Footnote 255: Voltaire, 16th April, 1739. It may be presumed that d'Argenson was unable to keep his satisfaction to himself; for Voltaire writes to his business agent in Paris, asking him to call upon d'Argenson and thank him for the care he had taken of the letters, as a gentle suggestion that he should take more of it in future. See Voltaire to Moussinot, 30th May, 1740 (Édit. Garnier, XXXV. p. 440).]

[Footnote 256: Journal (Rathery) III. p. 105.]

[Footnote 257: Journal (Rathery), III. p. 247.]

[Footnote 258: Ibid., IV. p. 96.]

[Footnote 259: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse, Impératrice" (for 1745), and "Maurice de Saxe et le Marquis d'Argenson" (for 1746): Zevort, "Le Marquis d'Argenson et le Ministère des affaires étrangères, 1744-47."]

[Footnote 260: "Considérations sur le gouvernement de la France," d'Argenson's famous treatise upon French politics, which is examined in Chapter VI.]

[Footnote 261: "But in stirring the fire we must be careful not to set it in a blaze. This nation (the English) is awakened promptly and powerfully by the pressure of necessity; all parties unite: and in spite of the public debt, the wealth in private hands is a fund of great resources" (p. 325). After recommending preparation for a great maritime war, he proceeds, "If we succeed, the flourishing English colonies will dwindle to nothing" (p. 326, "Considérations," edit. 1764-5).]

[Footnote 262: "Autre Traité des Principaux Interêts de la France avec ses voisins à l'occasion du projet d'un tribunal Européen par M. l'Abbé de St. Pierre, Novembre, 1737." See the four manuscripts, Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal. This superscription does not appear in the printed editions.]

[Footnote 263: Journal (Rathery), III. p. 259.]

[Footnote 264: Zevort, p. 5.]

[Footnote 265: See Appendix C.]

[Footnote 266: M. de Broglie speaks of d'Argenson as having been "among the severest censors of Fleury, whom he reproached bitterly for having compromised the fair name of France by repudiating his engagements as to the Austrian succession" ("Marie Thérèse," I. p. 207).

The passages (Journal, Rathery, III. pp. 296, 299, 328) upon which this statement is possibly based cannot mean, as the historian would seem to imply, that d'Argenson was in favour of those engagements and opposed to their repudiation. He is merely exclaiming against Fleury because, by his iniquitous acceptance of those engagements, he had been driven to the further iniquity of violating them. D'Argenson, like everybody else, had thought the Pragmatic Sanction preposterous, and no one was more astounded than he at the calm which followed the death of Charles VI. Here is one passage which is chosen from a score:

"Quelle conduite! Tout ne demanderait qu'à aller, animer et fortifier le plus faible, rompre la glace, diviser le grand morceau des États Autrichiens; voilà à quoi nous n'arriverons point, et quelle occasion perdue!" (Journal, Rathery, III. p. 230).

When at last the ice was broken by Frederick, and there is talk of an offensive alliance between France and Prussia, it is true that d'Argenson recoils; but he is careful to make the reason clear: for he dreads the effect of a war of ambition on the prosperity of the French provinces (Ibid., III. pp. 305, 310). Yet no sooner does the war resume the aspect of a triumphal march than all his old enthusiasm for the dismemberment of the Hapsburg dominion revives (Ibid., III. pp. 342, 344, 409, &c.).

For the whole episode see passages indicated in Appendix C.

D'Argenson's real quarrel with Fleury was (1) that he had subscribed to the Pragmatic Sanction at all; (2) not that he had repudiated it, but that he had neglected to provide himself with a decent excuse for doing so (Ibid., III. pp. 296, 328, &c.).]

[Footnote 267: See pp. 74, 75.]

[Footnote 268: Voltaire, "Correspondance," May 2, 1739, and March 30, 1740 (Garnier, XXXV.).]

[Footnote 269: In speaking of St. Pierre, Journal (Rathery), I. p. 102.]

[Footnote 270: See letter to Fagel, Secretary to the States-General, from Paris, February 25, 1743 ("Lettres et négociations de M. de Van Hoey," pp. 204-10. London, 1745).]

[Footnote 271: Journal (Rathery), III. pp. 105-9.]

[Footnote 272: Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, MS. 6113, fol. 186.]

[Footnote 273: Zevort, p. 131.]

[Footnote 274: "Mémoires du Ministère" (Rathery), IV. pp. 253, 254.]

[Footnote 275: Zevort, p. 133.]

[Footnote 276: "Mémoires du Ministère" (Rathery), IV. p. 257.]

[Footnote 277: Ibid., IV. pp. 248-56.]

[Footnote 278: Ibid., IV. p. 249.]

[Footnote 279: Ibid., IV. p. 250.]

[Footnote 280: Ibid., IV. p. 247.]

[Footnote 281: M. de Broglie represents ("Marie Thérèse," I. pp. 202-4) that d'Argenson's policy involved the abandonment of the allies of France. The grounds for the contention are not quite clear. It would be equally true of Frederick's own recent proposal for an immediate peace (Zevort, p. 131). France at this time actually held sufficient territory to satisfy her allies upon the terms proposed by Frederick ("Mémoires du Ministère," Rathery, IV. p. 258); and she had only to defend it, as d'Argenson said, with foresight and success, to weary her enemies and force upon Maria Theresa conditions of peace which would be acceptable to her allies as well as to herself.

The occurrence of such suggestions is easily explained. M. de Broglie makes no secret of his strong approval of the campaign in Flanders, and of his strong antipathy to Frederick II. In both respects, though in the case of the Flemish campaign he would appear to have no suspicion of it, he is at absolute variance with the French Foreign Minister; and he is consequently constrained to regard him in a spirit which does not conduce to critical appreciation. In the view of the writer, his account of d'Argenson's share in the events of 1745 cannot be taken as even approximately just.

Upon the merits of the rival policies it is not our business to decide. It is sufficient to show that d'Argenson's plans were sound and statesmanlike, and that successive disasters were entailed by the failure of the Government to support him.]

[Footnote 282: "Mémoires du Ministère" (Rathery, IV. pp. 257, 258)]

[Footnote 283: Zevort, pp. 135, 136.]

[Footnote 284: Ibid., p. 135.]

[Footnote 285: Ibid., Appendix, p. 349.]

[Footnote 286: Ibid., Appendix, p. 348.]

[Footnote 287: Ibid., Appendix, p. 349.]

[Footnote 288: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 128.]

[Footnote 289: Ibid., I. p. 129.]

[Footnote 290: Zevort, p. 136.]

[Footnote 291: Ibid., p. 137.]

[Footnote 292: Ibid., Appendix, p. 350.]

[Footnote 293: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 131.]

[Footnote 294: But three lines appearing in a despatch drafted by him (January 31, 1745. Zevort, Appendix, p. 352) are sufficient to prove what might have been suspected:

"En effet n'en aurions-nous tant fait en faveur de la liberté germanique que pour la revoir tombée dans son ancien esclavage."

Only one hand could have written the word "esclavage."]

[Footnote 295: "Where we should look for the breadth of view and the decision of the statesman, we find but the emotion of a doctrinaire who has attained to office full of confidence in his theories, and who finds himself suddenly thrown into a confused medley of practical complications which he had not even suspected; it is the bewilderment of a solitary who issues from obscurity and is blinded by the unexpected play of light" (De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 208).

Upon this we remark that the above is based upon "the first instructions which he sends after the unforeseen event of Munich;" that that event destroyed a great system, and created what Frederick described as "a terrible crisis"; and that it was just because d'Argenson realised, with a statesman's breadth of view, the appalling consequences either at home or abroad, that he hesitated to take his choice of disasters. When grave issues are so nicely balanced, precipitation is a sign, not of strength, but of weakness.

Frederick, it is true, did not hesitate; and M. de Broglie aptly supplies the reason. A man does not hesitate about the next move when he has no alternative but to throw up the game (De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 219, &c., _cf._ Zevort, pp. 137, 138).]

[Footnote 296: On the evidence of a certain note, M. de Broglie suggests ("Marie Thérèse," I. p. 213) that d'Argenson was by no means at one with the Council, and that he accepted with reluctance a policy which was forced upon him.

The note may be read with equanimity, for it only marks the reappearance of an ideal regret, to be met with occasionally in d'Argenson's Journal--a regret for the policy of merely indirect interference which he sometimes mentions in connection with "un habile homme tel que M. Chauvelin." His true feeling with regard to the crisis is conveyed by some important words in the note immediately preceding:

"Il en arrivera ce qui pourra, bien, j'espère; _mais pour la paix et un armistice dans le statu quo, il n'y faut plus penser_" (De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse." I. p. 211).

It is admitted that d'Argenson was not the prime mover in the policy of the Council; he looked upon that policy as little short of desperate; but he accepted it as a choice between two evil alternatives; and, as we shall find, he did everything mortal man could do to make it a success.]

[Footnote 297: Zevort, Appendix, p. 351.]

[Footnote 298: Ibid., pp. 138, 139.]

[Footnote 299: Valori, "Mémoires," I. p. 207. "Il me semble que le parti que le roi de Pologne avait à prendre pour sa gloire, sa grandeur, son interêt et celui de sa maison, était en premier lieu de se prêter aux desseins que les rois de France et de Prusse avaient de l'élever à la dignité impériale," &c.]

[Footnote 300: Zevort, p. 140.]

[Footnote 301: That this was d'Argenson's real attitude is suggested by a multitude of minute hints to be found in nearly all the available documents. It is the only attitude consistent with his known opinions and with his subsequent conduct.]

[Footnote 302: Zevort, p. 139.]

[Footnote 303: Ibid, p. 140.]

[Footnote 304: Had Frederick imagined for a moment that Valori's mission had the slightest prospect of success, his action as regards both France and Saxony might have changed in a very startling fashion. Every principle of policy would have engaged him to withstand the elevation of Augustus to the Empire.]

[Footnote 305: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 228.]

[Footnote 306: M. de Broglie is perhaps a little premature in describing this as "the beginning of the old game" ("Marie Thérèse," I. pp. 219, 220). Frederick, with the knowledge and concurrence of the French Government (Zevort, p. 142), was already in communication with England; he had not yet heard the intentions of France; he could have no assurance that she meant to prosecute the war; and thinking his position perilous, he took immediate steps to extricate himself with as little loss as possible. Allowing time for the courier to travel from Munich to Berlin, it is clear that these instructions were despatched within a couple of days after the news of the Emperor's death first reached him. Certainly it was a scuttling policy; and there is no reason to suppose it would have been pursued had the war policy of France been loyally supported.]

[Footnote 307: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 280.]

[Footnote 308: Zevort, pp. 137, 138.]

[Footnote 309: In the French despatch of January 31: see p. 110.]

[Footnote 310: Zevort, pp. 138, 141, 142, 145, 146. Appendix, pp. 254-7, 257-9.]

[Footnote 311: See p. 104.]

[Footnote 312: The memoir is neglected by M. Zevort. It is noticed by M. de Broglie ("Marie Thérèse," I. p. 202, note) and rejected as possibly spurious and certainly unimportant. His principal reason is that he has not been able to find it among the ordinary sources, or to discover any reference to it by d'Argenson himself.

The writer believes that there is ample evidence to show where it might have been found; and also that, by M. de Broglie's own criterion, it should be one of the most important records of the time. The evidence is such as the historian, upon his own admission, would probably accept as conclusive. It is the critical question of d'Argenson's ministry, and is dealt with fully in Appendix A.]

[Footnote 313: D'Argenson became minister on November 18, 1744. The note of time given by Flassan is "au mois de février" (1745). From the references to the hesitation of the King of Poland, it may perhaps be placed immediately after the reception of Valori's first letters from Dresden, February 17 (Zevort, p. 140).]

[Footnote 314: Apart from the policy set forth in it, this memoir contains some important critical suggestions:

(_a_) The minister's determination to maintain Frederick in
Silesia.

(_b_) His conception of peace as the primary object to which all
others must contribute.

(_c_) His perfect knowledge of the real conditions of his
negotiations with Augustus. It throws a new light upon the
desperate persistency with which he tried to win over the Court of
Dresden.]

[Footnote 315: Flassan, "Histoire de la Diplomatie Française," V. pp. 242-5.]

[Footnote 316: Zevort, Appendix, pp. 254-7.]

[Footnote 317: Ibid., p. 257.]

[Footnote 318: Ibid., Appendix, p. 361.]

[Footnote 319: At the end of April, when he had been pressing the negotiation for three months, d'Argenson had absolutely no faith in its success. See a very significant passage in Zevort, p. 280, which throws a light more than usually clear upon d'Argenson's view of his own position.]

[Footnote 320: Zevort, Appendix, p. 362.]

[Footnote 321: _Cf._ Zevort, p. 143, where d'Argenson is quoted as saying in March: "La sagesse et l'honneur veulent que nous soutenions le roi de Prusse avec toute l'ardeur la plus grande que nous ayons jamais embrassée aucune vue d'État."]

[Footnote 322: Ibid., p. 145.]

[Footnote 323: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 311.]

[Footnote 324: Ibid., I. p. 131.]

[Footnote 325: Ibid., I. pp. 290-3.]

[Footnote 326: Zevort, p. 145.]

[Footnote 327: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 303.]

[Footnote 328: Ibid., I. pp. 307-13.]

[Footnote 329: Ibid., I. p. 317.]

[Footnote 330: Ibid., I. p. 318.]

[Footnote 331: Zevort, pp. 144, 154.]

[Footnote 332: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 309.]

[Footnote 333: Zevort, Appendix, p. 364, Frederick to Louis XV., May 2, 1745.]

[Footnote 334: Zevort, Appendix, p. 366, Memoir of Frederick, May 16.]

[Footnote 335: Ibid., Appendix, p. 367.]

[Footnote 336: Ibid., Appendix, p. 364.]

[Footnote 337: See p. 110.]

[Footnote 338: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," II. p. 58.]

[Footnote 339: Ibid., II. p. 90.]

[Footnote 340: Ibid., II. p. 93.]

[Footnote 341: Zevort, Appendix, p. 368.]

[Footnote 342: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," II. pp. 102-29.]

[Footnote 343: Ibid., II. pp. 130-42.]

[Footnote 344: Ibid., II. p. 144.]

[Footnote 345: Ibid., II. pp. 196, 197.]

[Footnote 346: Ibid., II. pp. 188, 189.]

[Footnote 347: As an example of the straits to which d'Argenson was reduced through the failure of the French Government to support his policy, we may cite some remarks of his to the French representative at Frankfort in reference to the retreat of Conti.

"It appears that the King of Poland, having always regarded the continuance of the French army in the neighbourhood of Frankfort as an obstacle to the success of the views which he has formed from the beginning in regard to the imperial crown, is on the point of declaring himself a candidate."

It is absurd to suppose that d'Argenson really meant this, or looked upon the retreat as a subject of congratulation. It was simply one of the kaleidoscopic movements by which events, affected as they were by successive disasters, might still be made to look beautiful.

The resource, perhaps, was a little ridiculous; but it is hard to see what he would have done without it.]

[Footnote 348: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," Appendix, II. pp. 407, 408.]

[Footnote 349: Ibid., II. p. 195.]

[Footnote 350: Ibid., II. p. 201.]

[Footnote 351: Ibid., II. p. 223.]

[Footnote 352: Ibid., I. p. 261.]

[Footnote 353: Ibid., II. p. 340.]

[Footnote 354: With this compare Zevort, p. 105, where d'Argenson is made the prime mover in measures which M. de Broglie proves he was deliberately doing his utmost to frustrate.]

[Footnote 355: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," II. p. 341.]

[Footnote 356: Ibid., II. p. 342.]

[Footnote 357: Ibid., II. p. 298, &c.]

[Footnote 358: Ibid., II. p. 352.]

[Footnote 359: Ibid., II. p. 354, and Appendix, 410-13.]

[Footnote 360: Ibid., II. Appendix, pp. 408, 409. Reading this letter in the light of d'Argenson's general policy and of subsequent events, it is hard to find in it "the proof of the strange illusions by which d'Argenson was possessed" (Ibid., Appendix, II. p. 407).]

[Footnote 361: Ibid., II. p. 391.]

[Footnote 362: The principal authorities are: Zevort, "Le Ministère"; de Broglie, "Maurice de Saxe et le Marquis d'Argenson"; and d'Argenson, "Mémoires du Ministère" (Rathery, IV. and V.). Henceforth the references need not be given in detail.]

[Footnote 363: In particular, M. de Broglie's account becomes as excellent as it formerly seemed to be exceptionable. He is no longer fretted by d'Argenson's anti-Austrian policy.]

[Footnote 364: Even in one of the Balleroy letters he speaks of "une méchante confédération comme celle d'Italie"; and his ideal of Italian independence was inspired, partly at least, by the man who had introduced him to the study of foreign politics, the fallen minister Chauvelin.]

[Footnote 365: Journal (Rathery), II., III., _passim_.]

[Footnote 366: Champeaux, at this time agent at Geneva, was a friend of d'Argenson, and one of his old companions at the Entresol.]

[Footnote 367: The hope was perhaps suggested by Voltaire (de Broglie), who had sent to the Minister the few cheering words he received during the storm created by the disaster. The poet was in busy correspondence with d'Argenson, and upon documents demanding elegance and finish his accomplished pen was frequently employed.]

[Footnote 368: This account of Maurice's share in the incident is derived mainly from Count Vitzthum d'Eckstaedt's work, "Maurice de Saxe et Marie Josephe," 1867.]

[Footnote 369: Brühl to Saxe, November 16, 1746: Vitzthum, p. 93. Maurice's letters give some interesting glimpses of d'Argenson; _e.g._, he describes him to his brother, the King of Poland, as a man "not at all easy to govern" (p. 95), and again to the Queen as "a kind of bear" (p. 101). He tells Brühl that d'Argenson is "so 'bête' that the King [Louis XV.] is ashamed of him" (p. 109).]

[Footnote 370: Vitzthum, p. 110.]

[Footnote 371: In certain letters of doubtful authority, the ill-feeling is accounted for by the suggestion that Maria Theresa was corresponding with Madame de Pompadour, and that d'Argenson had intercepted the letters ("Correspondance sur la cour de Louis XV." Gaçon-Dufour, Paris. 1808).]

[Footnote 372: See "Correspondance de Louis XV. et le Maréchal de Noailles," ed. Camille Rousset. The Madame de Chatelus mentioned by Noailles was the lady to whom d'Argenson had been attached for sixteen years. He has left a rather striking description of her (see Journal, under date 1728). They occupied adjoining houses in the Rue de Gros Chenet, some drawings of which are to be found among d'Argenson's sketches (Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, MS. 6164).]

[Footnote 373: M. Vitzthum d'Eckstaedt concludes his account as follows:

"It was not for general incapacity that the Marquis d'Argenson was dismissed, nor for having forgotten one day to open the despatches from Genoa. It was because he was obstinately attached to a false policy, to a policy disapproved by Maurice de Saxe, who at this moment was governing France" (p. 152).]

[Footnote 374: "Le système des ridicules poursuit de même le ministre des affaires étrangères, qui, estimant peu les courtisans, est très reservé avec eux. Ces messieurs, pour le distinguer de son frère, l'appellent 'd'Argenson le Bête.' Les gens honnêtes ont nommé le ministre de la guerre 'd'Argenson l'intrigant'" ("Correspondance," Gaçon-Dufour, p. 90).

These letters are far from reflecting the very poor opinion of d'Argenson which is said to have been prevalent at Court. Such may have been the opinion of his political rivals and of the circle of Madame de Pompadour, to which d'Argenson, in person and principle, was consistently opposed. It might well have acquired the substance of a tradition, and have affected later criticism unduly.]

[Footnote 375: It is necessary to grasp this point if we are to avoid a frequent prejudice against d'Argenson, a prejudice which arises from regarding him as a man of very large pretensions and of very inadequate performance. There is no good ground for believing in his utter failure, or consequently in the hollowness of his pretensions.]

[Footnote 376: Perhaps it is necessary to reinforce this point. It is to be remembered that in any acutely critical period, wisdom is a matter of months or weeks. Never even for seven days can opinion safely be divorced from circumstance. It is quite true that a general view of the relations of France with the German powers during the last century and a half suggests that at the time with which we are concerned her traditional anti-Austrian policy was tending to become an anachronism; but we must be careful about making that general view the basis of particular conclusions. The available documents prove conclusively that whenever that tendency began to approach perceptibility and power, it was never in the course of d'Argenson's ministry, still less during the critical year 1745.

In and throughout that year France had but one competitor on the continent--Austria. The position of Prussia--if in connection with France and Austria we may assign her the dignity of a position--was in the highest degree precarious. No one knew it better than the Prussian king himself. There was probably not a moment in the course of the year when he did not feel himself to be within an ace of destruction; not an episode but betrays his anxiety for escape with honour. His efforts for peace in January; his desperate overtures at London after the death of the Emperor; his earnest, eloquent entreaties to maintain the Elector of Bavaria and the Prince of Conti; his dull bitterness and despair at the Convention of Augsburg and the withdrawal of the French from Germany; his continued pressure upon England, ending in the Treaty of Hanover; finally, his studious moderation when he appeared as a conqueror in Dresden; all point to but one conclusion. His position was, and he knew it be, desperate; and it was only the headlong courage of desperation that enabled him to see the year out safely.

The definitive rise of Prussia is probably to be dated from the Peace of Dresden, and not one moment before. Moreover it cannot have been immediately apparent. One year after the treaty of peace d'Argenson fell; and during that year Prussia was recovering from the effects of the war, and her ambitions and prospective power can have been present to the mind of Frederick alone. At what particular period her advance must have become sufficiently evident to affect the views of statesmen, only a profound study of that single question can disclose. Certain it is that it cannot have been at any period during d'Argenson's ministry, or more especially during the year 1745.

The truth of the matter appears to be this. Events were rapidly tending towards, though they had not yet reached, a condition of which d'Argenson had often dreamed. Prussia, if her power developed, might one day be strong enough to stand alone against the Austrian House; and France would be free to watch the contest, and might leave the rivals to ruin each other. But this was still in the future; and the time was yet apparently distant when a responsible French minister could entertain the idea of an Austrian alliance.

It is true that there was already an Austrian party in the Council; there is always such a party in any council. There are men who cannot resist the fascination of cheap success, who are devoted to a policy of ease with honour. They are not prominent in the ranks of statesmen.]

[Footnote 377: "Un grand homme qui manque" (De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," II. Appendix, p. 2).]

[Footnote 378: The aspiration was not so absurd as it might seem. Could d'Argenson have acquired, by long acquaintance with affairs, that practical aptitude which his brother possessed, he might have been one of the greatest among men. He had a range of mind and a depth of character to which Count d'Argenson could lay no claim.]

[Footnote 379: Journal (Rathery), V. p. 142.]

[Footnote 380: Ibid., V. p. 314. December, 1748.]

[Footnote 381: The best account of the whole movement is to be found in Felix Rocquain, "L'esprit révolutionnaire avant la révolution."]

[Footnote 382: "La Philosophie."]

[Footnote 383: Journal (Rathery), VI. p. 201, _cf._ Ibid., VI. p. 208. The sentence displays his frequent disregard of syntax in directness and force of expression.]

[Footnote 384: Ibid., VII. p. 199. April, 1752.]

[Footnote 385: Ibid., VI. p. 320. December, 1750.]

[Footnote 386: Ibid., VII. p. 23. November, 1751.]

[Footnote 387: Ibid., VII. p. 294. September, 1752.]

[Footnote 388: Ibid., VIII. p. 315. June, 1754.]

[Footnote 389: Ibid., VI. p. 26. August, 1749.]

[Footnote 390: Ibid., VI. p. 81. December, 1749.]

[Footnote 391: Ibid., VI. p. 390. April, 1751.]

[Footnote 392: Ibid., VII. p. 457. April, 1753.]

[Footnote 393: Ibid., VIII. p. 60. June, 1753.]

[Footnote 394: Ibid., VII. p. 106., _cf._ Ibid., 110, 111. February, 1752.]

[Footnote 395: The "Considérations." See Chap. VI.]

[Footnote 396: The "advanced" views privately held among the wealthier clergy are well known. On hearing of a diocesan sermon on the subject of "infidelity, d'Argenson observes that it is an absurd theme upon which to preach to the clergy of France. It was very necessary, however.]

[Footnote 397: D'Argenson did not disguise his sympathy with the "philosophers." When the Abbé de Prades was fleeing the country he took refuge in the neighbourhood of d'Argenson's château; and the latter wrote to his powerful brother to intercede for the indiscreet ecclesiastic (Journal, Rathery, VII. p. 57, note). D'Argenson was naturally proud too of his friendship with d'Alembert.]

[Footnote 398: Journal (Rathery), VII. p. 424. March, 1758.]

[Footnote 399: D'Argenson had a personal reason for ill-feeling against the Sorbonne. It proposed to condemn a "Histoire du droit public ecclésiastique français," published (1737) in two large quarto volumes by a Jesuit, de la Motte. It was based upon some papers which had been read by d'Argenson before the Entresol (Journal, Rathery, VI. p. 168), and afterwards given as an act of charity to la Motte, who was one of d'Argenson's old masters at the Collège Louis-le-Grand. The book was published without d'Argenson's sanction, but his share in the work was pretty generally known--far too generally for his peace of mind. _Cf._ p. 57.]

[Footnote 400: Journal (Rathery), VIII. p. 289. May, 1754.]

[Footnote 401: "Les deux philosophies."]

[Footnote 402: Journal (Rathery), VIII. p. 291.]

[Footnote 403: References to what appear to be the most important passages bearing on the great public questions of the time are given in Appendix D.]

[Footnote 404: As a brief and excellent example, we may take a criticism of sinking funds which English statesmen might have read with advantage:--

"Ces rentes tournantes qu'a introduites ici Duverney, à l'imitation de l'Angleterre, sont des précautions que le maître prend contre le maître; emprunteur, il fait impôt, et destine tous les ans une partie de cet impôt pour rembourser; par là il charge davantage ses finances et ses peuples tout à la fois; et, comme il ne dépense pas avec moins de facilité et de légèreté, il charge toujours davantage et les maltôtes ne cessent plus. _Un prince sage devrait prendre le fond d'amortissement sur ses épargnes seules_" (Journal, Rathery, V. p. 442).

D'Argenson's ideas on economics are marked by his usual acuteness and independence. He was not a member of the physiocratic school; and though he joined the Economists in deploring the sacrifice of agriculture to manufacturing industry, he did not share their peculiar views as to the exclusive value of land. He was one of the earliest and soundest of Free Traders, maintaining that commerce should not be interfered with except for purely fiscal purposes.]

[Footnote 405: See his sketches of Segrez in the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, MS. 6164.]

[Footnote 406: Journal (édit. Jannet), V. p. 245.]

[Footnote 407: Journal (Rathery), VI. p. 57.]

[Footnote 408: "L'esprit public," p. 231.]

[Footnote 409: Journal (Rathery), VI. p. 182. "Quoi qu'il n'y ait rien que de vertueux dans ce petit roman anglais."]

[Footnote 410: In January, 1747, d'Argenson was nominated by the King President of the "Académie des Inscriptions et des Belles-Lettres" (Journal, Rathery, V. p. 349). He gives an amusing account of his original election (Journal, Rathery, I. pp. 165-75). The only contribution of his we have been able to discover in the Journals of the Academy is a paper on French historians and the writing of history (XXVIII. pp. 626-46).]

[Footnote 411: Journal (Rathery), VI. p. 197. May 2, 1750.]

[Footnote 412: See Scherer, "Études," vol. III.]

[Footnote 413: Of M. Aubertin's notice ("L'esprit public") it is but little to say that it is by far the ablest criticism of d'Argenson at present existing. It is presumption even to praise a work so admirably performed. It presents one or two features which one may do oneself the honour to note.

(_a_) M. Aubertin seems to accept a little too readily the idea of
d'Argenson's practical incapacity. He has not of course examined
the events of his ministry.

(_b_) He regrets that d'Argenson should have occupied himself
with his practical ambitions, instead of confining himself to
the region of Speculation. It seems clear that to a man of
d'Argenson's temperament, speculative was dependent on practical
activity; and that had he resigned himself to be a mere thinker,
his power as a thinker would have been destroyed completely.
We have to accept d'Argenson upon his own terms as a practical
reformer before we can hope to do him justice.]

[Footnote 414: Note to the "Contrat Social" (Book iv.).]

[Footnote 415: Both editions were afterwards reprinted.]

[Footnote 416: Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, MSS. 2334, 2335, 2337, and 2338.]

[Footnote 417: Other notable features of the scheme are:--

(_a_) Principles of taxation. Total exemption for raw materials;
light taxes upon permanent stock and plant; the burden of taxation
to fall upon articles of consumption (Article XV.).

(_b_) Distribution of Revenue. Three-fourths of all revenue to go
to the Government, one-fourth to be retained for local purposes
(Article XV.).

(_c_) The reduction of the Intendancies, to an extent "smaller
than the present 'Généralités'"; if the present reduction
succeeds, it may proceed further, until the Intendancy shall
comprise no more than two hundred parishes, and the Sub-delegacy
no more than twenty.

(_d_) The Intendant shall retain a single post no longer than
three years; by this means he will be prevented from establishing
local connections to the prejudice of the public service, and
be inspired to exert what ability he possesses by the hope of
obtaining a more lucrative place.]