Chapter VIII: Part 8

[Footnote 418: We have to guard against confounding d'Argenson's philosophical disquisitions with his definite project of reform. He held himself bound to establish principles as well as to formulate proposals, and he expressly declares that the writer of such a work as his must seek the counsels of perfection, however distant they may seem at the moment from the realm of practical politics. And herein is d'Argenson's greatness as a political thinker, that he never fails to see, or to see the distinction between, what is best in principle and what is possible in practice.

Thus, he denounces the "pernicious system" of the traffic in judicial positions; but in his definite Plan of 1764 (1737) he says not a word of it, owing to the practical difficulty of reimbursing those whose interests would be sacrificed to the reform. He goes no further than to provide, in Article 51, against the growth of the abuse in connection with the new municipal offices which he proposes to create. In course of time however he became convinced that the nation would be benefitted, and that funds might be raised for compensating office-holders, by the sale of the Crown lands; and accordingly in the Plan of 1784 (1755), the practical difficulty being overcome, the "pernicious system," untouched by the project of 1764 (1737), is swept away at a stroke.

Again, as to the nobility. It is true that in Chapter VIII. Article 2, pp. 305-8 [1764 (1737)], d'Argenson formulates certain objections to the principle of a hereditary noble class; and further, that he dilates elsewhere upon the harm done by the survival of the vexatious feudal privileges exacted by the noblesse. Yet in his definite Plan he neither touches the nobility as a class, nor does he lay a finger upon any of the privileges pertaining to it. On the contrary, the continuance of the seigneurial jurisdictions, which are deliberately abolished in the later scheme of 1784 (1755), is incidentally recognised, p. 221 (1764).

The facts with regard to the three classes mentioned by M. Martin may be stated as follows:--

(_a_) The bureaucracy.

By the Plan of 1764 (1737) the ministry, the administrative councils, the Intendants, the Sub-delegates, in a word, the great standing bureaucratic organisation, was to continue intact. It was even strengthened. It is true that in the scheme of 1784 (1755) its lower ranks were relaxed; but with that scheme we are not concerned, as it is not noticed by M. Martin.

(_b_) The judicial aristocracy.

By neither of d'Argenson's Plans was the existence of the judicial aristocracies affected in the least. In that of 1764 (1737) the functions of the Parlements are even extended (Article 42). It is true that he attacks the system of purchase upon which the Companies were organised; but that system is untouched by the earlier Plan, and is only abolished [in 1784 (1755)] when means have been found of replacing it, and of compensating those who were subjected to forfeiture.

(_c_) The noblesse.

Under the scheme of 1764 (1737) the nobility had nothing to fear. Their privileges, even those which d'Argenson disliked most strongly, are maintained intact. It is only in the Plan of 1784 (1755) that the high seigneurial jurisdictions are suppressed, and that the nobles are made to share with the roturiers in the ordinary burdens of the state. Even then their honorary distinctions are scrupulously conserved; the more powerful of them are created Peers of their several Provinces; and express provision is made for the continued magnificence of the Royal Household.

As to the destruction of the nobility, nothing could have been further from d'Argenson's mind. He was himself a nobleman; and, if he had none of the prejudice, he had all the pride of his class. He advocates the suppression of old feudal privileges in the belief that they can be regretted by none but those whose devotion to the dignity of their order amounts to madness, "jusqu'à la folie" [p. 126 (1784)]. He repudiates the intention of debasing an aristocracy; in his own words, "il n'est question que d'extirper une satrapie roturière et odieuse" [p. 312 (1764)]. His only quarrel is with the nobleman's claims to "le droit de chasse sur ses voisins, source de querelles et d'insultes; les droits considérables de mutation et de reliefs en cas de vente et même de succession collatérale, par où les terres mal administrées passent plus difficilement dans des mains qui les cultiveroient mieux; l'exercice de la justice seigneuriale négligé partout et pratiqué par une race de gens avides, toujours occupés à exciter l'habitant simple à plaider; enfin tous ces différens droits, procés, chicanes, vieilles recherches, empèchement à la bonne culture des terres, rétrécissement de l'abondance, obstacle au bonheur de la campagne" [pp. 120-21 (1784), _cf._ pp. 119-20 (1764)]. These d'Argenson would have swept away; and in doing so he would have reduced the French nobility, or rather he would have raised it, to the position actually occupied by one of the most powerful aristocracies in the world, the nobility of England.

No more cruelly keen-sighted man than d'Argenson ever lived. He only differs from most men of equal vision in that his clear perception of life as it was did not breed in him disgust and cynical acceptance. His mind could command two worlds, the real and the ideal; but only intimate knowledge can follow him at will into either, or avoid the critical gaucherie of mistaking aspiration for illusion.]

[Footnote 419: Perhaps one source of obscurity is d'Argenson's unhappy title. By "la démocratie" he means, not "democracy," but "the democratic element." He was early taken to task for this ambiguity of phrase. Bound up with one of the manuscripts in the Arsenal are half-a-dozen sheets of criticism returned to d'Argenson by St. Pierre in the spring of 1738. St. Pierre begins by saying that democracy is a form of government in which the final voice on public questions rests with the majority of the people, and that the author has really no right to speak of "democracy" in connection with his scheme. Attached to these sheets is a pretty little letter, which is interesting enough to reproduce.

"Mardi, 8 avril, 1738, au Palais Roial.

"M. de Fontenelle a lu plusieurs chapitres du manuscrit; il panse comme vous sur les elexions des officiers municipaux, et trouve que sans y panser vous parlez fort eloquemment et fortement, et souvent avec des alluzions très justes et très gracieuses.

"Pour moi, je panse aussi très souvent comme vous, et que vous pouvez aller loin si vous continuez à méditer et à écrire.

"Vous verrez dans le petit cahier (above referred to) les observations que j'ai faites en lizant vôtre manuscrit, que je vous invite à perfexionner de plus en plus; et surtout à l'accusation de notre extrême indolence sur la pernicieuse métode de la vénalité des emplois publics.

"M. de Fontenelle croit que M. d'Aube serait bien aize de lire vôtre manuscrit; il en est digne, et est de vos amis; il écrit aussi sur quelques matières de gouvernement.

"C'est à vous de juger de mes observations, at à les rectifier.

"L'ABÉ DE ST. PIERRE."]

[Footnote 420: Voltaire to d'Argenson, June 21, 1739 (Garnier). In speaking of this letter, M. de Broglie represents that Voltaire regarded d'Argenson's book merely as the lucubration of an influential fool, and that his congratulations and criticism were utterly insincere ("Marie Thérèse," I. pp. 187-90).

The origin of this, at first sight, astonishing suggestion is not very hard to discover. The historian happened to have read the "Considérations" in the edition of 1784. Unaware of the divergencies between the two editions, he of course assumed that it was the Plan published in 1784 in reference to which Voltaire was writing; and failing very naturally to understand how, in regard to it, Voltaire could have meant what he said, was driven to suggest that he said what he did not mean; that, in short, Voltaire thought d'Argenson a fool, and chose to flatter him for his own purposes.

This is a grave imputation upon both men; and the grounds for it disappear entirely when Voltaire's letters are read in connection with the Plan of 1764 (1737), of which he was actually writing. His meaning at once becomes natural and clear. D'Argenson had been arguing against over-centralisation, and had advocated the introduction of local government upon a very modest scale. Voltaire replies that a system not dissimilar in effect, was already at work in England; that there local affairs proceeded without the intervention of a Council of State; and that the law-abiding character of the English people was largely due to their habit of local self-government. The argument is quite clear, and is simply destroyed by equivocal interpretation.

Voltaire's feeling on receiving the book was one of keen surprise and warm admiration. For months afterwards his letters are witness to the impression it produced upon him. So cordial and frank are they that it was at first difficult to conceive by what process the idea of insincerity could have been fathered upon them.

Had Voltaire really written in such a spirit, not only his reputation as a critic but his honour as a man would have suffered very gravely. For months past d'Argenson had been straining every nerve to defend him from "the literary police;" and to have written to his protector as the historian suggests, would have been an act of black dishonour. It is true that there were men before whom Voltaire could abase and debase himself; but d'Argenson the philosophe, his old school friend, was not one of them. With the exception of Count d'Argental, there is not one of his correspondents to whom Voltaire writes with such openness and freedom.]

[Footnote 421: Voltaire to d'Argenson, May 8, 1739 (Garnier).]

[Footnote 422: "Ce Traité de Politique a esté composé à l'occasion de ceux de M. de Boulainvilliers, touchant l'ancien gouvernement féodal de la France, 1737" (title-page of manuscripts in the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal).]

[Footnote 423: "Considérations," edition of 1764, article 41.]

[Footnote 424: See "Considérations," p. 189 (1764).]

[Footnote 425: Voltaire to d'Argenson, July 28, 1739 (Garnier).]

[Footnote 426: So far as is known to the writer, the only full account of it is that of M. de Broglie ("Marie Thérèse," I. pp. 187-90), which is open to grave objection. The scheme is not noticed by, or apparently known to, M. Martin ("Histoire de France"), who examines the Plan of 1764 (1737).]

[Footnote 427: This article portrays in brief the spirit of the whole scheme.]

[Footnote 428: _I.e._, each district receiver.]

[Footnote 429: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. chap. ii. § 2.]

[Footnote 430: See pp. 156-66.]

[Footnote 431: See p. 182-3.]

[Footnote 432: See Martin, "Histoire de France," XVI.]

[Footnote 433: See Plan (above), article XI. There were four from each of the Estates and they had no common organisation.]

[Footnote 434: The popular attacks (see Chap. V.) were directed against the person of the monarch and the ministers. The tradition of the monarchy survived the disasters of the Seven Years' War, and only began to crumble with the dismissal of Turgot. The danger to it threatened by the popular attacks was only understood by a few men like d'Argenson.]

[Footnote 435: And this wise man knew it. He writes in March, 1756:--

"Cependant le Roi est très mal conseillé; il se donne toujours tort et donne toujours raison au parlement. On le dégrade peu à peu, surtout dans le siécle lumineux et philosophique où nous vivons. Si Henri III. fut obligé de se mettre à la tête de la Ligue, Louis XV. devrait se mettre à la tête de la philosophie, de la justice et de la raison pour rétablir son pouvoir et son bonheur; qu'il se constitue hardiment le chef des réformateurs de l'État pour conduire mieux qu'eux les réparations que demande la situation de la France" (Journal, Rathery, IX. p. 222).]

[Footnote 436: See one of her thrice delightful letters to the Comtesse de Baschi ("Lettres de Madame de Pompadour," I. pp. 71-6. Owen. London, 1771).]

_INDEX._

INDEX.

Académie Française, 41, 163.

Académie des Inscriptions et des Belles Lettres, 171, n. 410.

"Academy" of the Luxembourg, 55.

Aguesseau (d'), 18, 77.

Aix-la-Chapelle (Peace of), 156.

Alary (Abbé), 55, 56, 59, 60.

Alembert (d'), 163, 165.

Alessandria (Siege of), 140, 141.

Amelot, 80, 93, n. 237.

Argenson (René I., Count d'), 10, 11, n. 4.

Argenson (René II., Count d'), 11-3.

Argenson (Marc René, Marquis d'), 14;
chief of police, 15-7, 25, 27, 31;
Chancellor, 18-20, 32, 33, 34;
relations with his son, 22, 28-9, 43, 66, nn. 36, 44, 79.

Argenson (Mme. d'), 23, n. 51.

Argenson (René Louis, Marquis d'), ancestry, 10-21;
youth, 22-28;
early career, 28-35;
correspondence with Mme. de Balleroy, 35-40;
Intendant of Maubeuge, 40-7;
at the "Entresol," 54-61;
relations with Chauvelin, 63-76;
with Fleury, 77-87;
correspondence with Voltaire, 87-92;
views on foreign policy, 95-100;
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nov.1744-Jan.1745, 102-107;
Jan.-Dec. 1745, 107-137;
1746, 138-47, 147-53;
in retirement, 154-72;
political ideas: the "Considérations," 173-210.

Argenson (Mme. d'), 35, 43, 70-3, nn. 202, 207.

Argenson (Marc Pierre, Count d'), 22-5, 28, 34;
relations with his brother, 37-40; 43, 45, 76, 93, 120, 132,
nn. 131, 217.

Asti (Surprise of), 142.

Aubertin (M., "Esprit Public au XVIII. Siècle"), 48, 52, 167,
170, 172, nn. 1, 413.

Augsburg (Convention of), 122.

Augustus III. (Elector of Saxony and King of Poland), 110, 111,
112, 117, 118, 120, 123, 124, 125, 127, 134, 144, 145.

Austria, 75, 98, 99, 108-109, Chap. IV. _passim_, nn. 266, 376.

Bachelier, 80.

Balleroy (Marquise de), 30, 35;
correspondence with, 35-40, 45, 71.

Balleroy (Marquis de), 45, n. 72.

Bank, 19, 31, 33.

Barbier, 86.

Bassignano, 139.

Bastille, 15.

Bavaria, 121-22, Chap. IV. _passim_.

Belleisle (Marshal de), 80, 129, 135.

Bicêtre, 168.

Blenheim, 27.

Bolingbroke, 22, 56.

Bougainville, 168.

Boulainvilliers, 90, 181, n. 422.

Bourbon (Duc de), 44, 45, 46, 55.

Breslau (Treaty of, 1742), 109, 132.

Broglie (M. le duc de), 94-95, 122, 136-137, 199, Appendix A,
nn. 1, 266, 281, 295, 296, 306, 312, 354, 363, 420.

Brühl (Count), 130, 134, 145, 146.

Buffon, 162, 163.

Campaign of 1744, 102;
in Saxony (1745), 134, 151;
in Italy (1746), 142.

Carteret, 113.

Caumartin, 15, 23.

Cavalier (The Camisard leader), 27.

Champeaux, 139, 140, n. 366.

Charles VI. (Emperor), 98.

Charles VII. (Emperor), 103, 105, 106, 107, 110, 112, 121.

Charles of Lorraine (Prince), 102, 117, 130.

Charles Edward (The Young Pretender), 126, 140, 156.

Charles Emmanuel (King), 138.

Châteauroux (Mme. de), 104.

Châtelet (Mme. du), 88, 89, 91.

Chatelus (Mme. de), n. 372.

Chaulieu, 87, n. 66.

Chauvelin, 63, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 74, 75, 77, 79, 81, 82,
83, 86, 95, 152, nn. 189, 364.

Chavigny, 121, 122, 123.

Chesterfield, 114.

Choisy (Abbé de), 54, n. 147.

Coigny (Marshal de), 102.

Colbert, 12, 207.

Collège Louis-le-Grand, 24, 25, 87, nn. 242, 399.

Condillac, 163.

"Considérations sur le Gouvernement de la France," 89-91, 95, 164,
Chap. VI. 178-210, Appendix B, nn. 261, 417, 418, 419, 420,
422, 426.

Conti (Retreat of), 125, 126.

"Contrat Social," 172, 210.

Correspondence with Mme. de Balleroy, 35-40; with Voltaire, 87-92.

Council of State, 34, 57, 63.

Court (Fleury and), 80, 81, 84;
d'Argenson and, 147, 148;
character of, 209.

Diderot, 162, 164, 165.

Dresden (Treaty of), 135, 151, n. 376.

Dubois, 32, 33, 152.

Ecclesiastical Quarrels, 27, 30, 31, 62, 63, 157 _seq._

Elizabeth Farnese, 142, 150.

Empire, 83, 106, 110, Chap. IV. _passim_;
election to, 127;
neutrality of, 143 n. 266.

"Encyclopédie," 163, 164, 165.

England, Dubois in, 32, 33;
influence in Portugal, 79;
Voltaire in, 87, 182;
d'Argenson's views on, 96, 98, 99, 167, n. 261;
Frederick's overtures to (1745), 113, 126, 127;
influence on France, 160, 161. Appendix C (A), Appendix D (E).

"Entresol" ("Club de l'"), 54-61, nn. 154, 366, 399.

"Esprit des Lois," 164, 165.

"Essai de l'Exercice du Tribunal Européen par la France seule,"
95-96.

Fénélon, 89.

Finance, 19, 31, 32, 33, 34, 38, 42, 157, 158, 167, 177, 187, 189,
190, 192, 193, 195, 200, nn. 417, 404.

Flanders, 104, 106, 117.

Flassan Memoir, 116-18, n. 312, Appendix A.

Fleury (Cardinal), 59, 60, 65, 74, 75;
d'Argenson and, 77-86, 152.

Fontenelle, 16, 17, 54, nn. 79, 419.

Fontenoy, 125.

France, under Fleury, 85, 86;
foreign policy, 97-99;
situation on death of Emperor, 107-10;
Austrian overtures to, 130, 131, 135;
from 1746 to 1756, 155-167;
plans for the government of, 173-210.

Francis I. (Emperor), 127.

Frankfort (Treaty of), 102.

Frederick the Great, 90, 91, 92, 101, 102, 103, 105, 109, 112-15,
119-20, 123-25, 126, 127, 130-36, 151, 152, nn. 281, 306,
376. Appendix C (E).

Friedbourg, 125, 152.

G---- (Mme. de), 44.

George II. (of England), 113, 126.

Germany, 98, 104, 107, 117.

Glatz, 133.

Grimaldi (Cardinal), 11.

Hanover, 126;
Convention of, 109, 127, 129, 130, 134, 135, 151.

"Histoire du Droit Public Ecclésiastique," 58, n. 399.

Holland, 30, 37, 57, 99, 100, 182.

Italy, 75, 99, 138-43.

Jansenists, 27, 31, 63, 163.

Jesuits, 25, 27, 31, 62, 163, 164, 165, 171, n. 79.

Journal (D'Argenson's), 37, 39, 50, 78, 83, 96, 155, 166, 167-70,
222;
references to, 223-25.

La Bruyère, 50.

Lambert (Mme. de), 40.

Law (John), 33, 34.

"Lettres de cachet," 15, 65, 164, 196-97.

"Lettres Persanes," 30, 55.

"Lits de Justice," 18, 19, 33, 65.

Lorraine, 73, 133, 152.

Louis XIV., 18, 26, 27, 28.

Louis XV., 43, 67, 83, 92;
at variance with d'Argenson, 103-7, 107-8, 120, 142, 144,
208, 210, n. 435. Appendix C D.

Luxembourg ("Academy" of the), 55.

Luynes (Duc de), 148.

Machault, 29.

Machault (Controller-General), 157.

Madeleine de Traisnel (Tresnel), 16, 19, n. 44.

Maillebois (Marshal de), 117, 119, 140, 141, 142.

Maillebois (Count de), 141.

Maintenon (Mme. de), 30.

Marais, 20, 31.

Maria Leczinska (Queen), 51.

Maria Theresa, 107, 108-9, 113, 121, 122, 125, 126, 127, 130,
131, 132, 134, 135, 151, 153.

Marine (The French), 85, 99.

Martin (M. "Histoire de France"), 177, 178, 179, n. 418.

Maurepas, 79, 85, 120, 132, 142, 144.

Mazarin (Cardinal), 11, 12, n. 4.

Méliand, 43, 47, 71.

Methuen Treaty, 79.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Nov., 1744-Jan., 1745, 102-7;
Jan.-Dec., 1745, 107-37;
1746, 138-47; 147-53.

Mississippi Company, 31.

Molinists, 39, 76.

Montesquieu, 30, 161, 164.

Montgardin, 140.

Moussinot (Abbé), 90, n. 255.

Noailles (Marshal de), 93, 102, 120, 132, 142, 144, 146.

Orléans (Philippe d', Regent), 18, 19, 30, 31, 32, 34, 44, 45.

Orléans household, 45, 93, nn. 131, 217.

Parabère (Mme. de), 45.

Paris, 15, 34.

Parlement de Paris, 18, 28, 31, 32, 33, 63-5, 66, 157-60, n. 418.

Perrault, 54.

Philip V. (of Spain), 141, 142.

"Philosophes," 159-66.

Pico della Mirandola, 36.

Place Vendôme, 55, 61.

"Plans" (for the Government of France), 176-82, nn. 417 [1737 (1764)];
183-206 [1755 (1784)]; n. 418. Appendix B.

Plélo (Count de), 58, 59.

Poland, 98, 111, 145, (_see_ Augustus III.).

Pompadour (Mme. de), 132, 146, 147, 165, 209, nn. 371, 374.

Pontoise, 32.

Port Royal, 15.

Portugal (Embassy to), 73, 77, 79, 90, 91.

Prades (Abbé de), 164, n. 397.

Press (D'Argenson director of), 28, 30, 31.

Prie (Mme. de), 44, 45, 47.

Prussia, 150, 151, n. 376 (_see_ Frederick).

Pucelle (Abbé), 63.

Quincampoix (Rue), 18, 33.

Regency, 18, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 38, 39, 55, 59.

"Régie," 19.

Réveillon, 34, 35, 37, 61.

Richelieu (Cardinal), n. 4, 132, 152.

Robinson (Sir Thomas), 127.

Rousseau, 162, 163, 172, 182, 209, 210.

Ste. Beuve, 78, 167, 172, n. 1.

St. Louis, 11.

St. Pierre, 40, 41, 56, 58, 69, 89, 96, n. 419.

St. Simon, 17, 18, 19, 34, 169, n. 61.

Sardinia (Kingdom of), 138-43.

Saxe (Maurice de, Marshal), 117, 143, 145-47, n. 373.

Saxony, 98, 103, (_see_ Augustus III.).

Scherer (M. Edmond), 172, n. 1.

Segrez, 170, 171.

Sezanne, 50.

"Siècle de Louis XIV." (Voltaire), 89.

Silesia, 114, 117, 127, 132, 133, 134, 135, n. 314.

Sorbonne, 82, 164, 165, n. 399.

Spain, 75, 98, 99, 139, 140, 141, 142, 144, 147, 149.

Stanislas Leczinski, 73.

States-General, 159.

Sidney (Philip), 90.

"System" (The), 18, 31, 32, 33, 34, 55, n. 98.

Taille, 41, 62, 177.

"Télémaque," 89.

Tencin, 209.

Thomas à Kempis, 11.

"Tiers-Parti," 98.

"Tom Jones," 170.

Touraine, 11, 13, 16, 170, n. 131.

Turgot, 24, 203, 204.

Turin (Negotiation of), 138-43, 149, 150.

"Unigenitus" ("Constitution"), 30, 31, 62, 157.

Valenciennes, 34, 35, 45.

Valori (Marquis de), 100, 111, 113, 115, n. 299.

Van Hoey, 100, 101.

Vauban, 55.

Vaulgrenant, 133, 134.

Vendôme (Grand Prior), 27, 87.

Veni (Mme. du), 16, 20.

Venice, 12, n. 8.

Versailles, 209;
Treaty of (1756), 153, 167.

Vincennes, 162.

Vingtième, 157, 158.

Voltaire, 15, 22, 27, 73;
correspondence with, 87-92; 100, 162, 164, 179-180, 182, 183, 209,
nn. 242, 249, 255, 367, 420.

Walpole (Horace, ambassador), 57.

Warsaw (Treaty of), 110, 125.

Yvon (Abbé), 164.

Zevort (M. Edgar), 94-6, 136, 137, n. 312. Appendix A.

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CHILWORTH AND LONDON.