Chapter XXV: Humanism and Mediaevalism (6)

_May 14 and 18, 1565._ Several citizens disfranchised for disobeying the proclamation made by ‘Johnne Kelo, belman,’ forbidding any persons ‘to mak ony conventione, with taburne plaing, or pype, or fedill, or have anseinges, to convene the quenis legis, in chusing of Robin Huid, Litill Johnne, Abbot of Ressoune, Queyne of Maii, or sicklyk contraveyne the statutis of parliament, or mak ony tumult, scism, or conventione.’

_Royal Entry._

The entertainment of Queen Margaret, wife of James IV, in May, 1511, seems to have included some of the pageants from the Nativity cycle. The following extract is from Dunbar’s _The Quenis Reception at Aberdein_[755]:—

‘Ane fair processioun mett hir at the Port,
In a cap of gold and silk, full pleasantlie,
Syne at hir entrie, with many fair disport,
Ressauet hir on streittis lustilie;
Quhair first the salutatioun honorabilly
Of the sweitt Virgin, guidlie mycht be seine;
The sound of menstrallis blawing to the sky;
Be blyth and blisfull, burgh of Aberdein.

And syne thow gart the orient kingis thrie
Offer to Chryst, with benyng reuerence,
Gold, sence, and mir, with all humilitie,
Schawand him king with most magnificence;
Syne quhow the angill, with sword of violence,
Furth of the joy of paradice putt clein
Adame and Eve for innobedience;
Be blyth and blisfull, burgh of Aberdein.

And syne the Bruce, that euir was bold in stour,
Thow gart as roy cum rydand vnder croun,
Richt awfull, strang, and large of portratour,
As nobill, dreidfull, michtie campioun;
The [nobill Stewarts] syne, of great renoun,
Thow gart upspring, with branches new and greine,
Sa gloriouslie, quhill glaided all the toun:
Be blyth and blisfull, burgh of Aberdein.

Syne come thair four and twentie madinis ȝing,
All claid in greine of mervelous bewtie,
With hair detressit, as threidis of gold did hing,
With quhyt hattis all browderit rycht bravelie,
Playand on timberallis, and syngand rycht sweitlie;
That seimlie sort, in ordour weill besein,
Did meit the quein, hir saluand reverentlie:
Be blyth and blisfull, burgh of Aberdein.

The streittis war all hung with tapestrie,
Great was the press of peopill dwelt about,
And pleasant padgeanes playit prattelie;
The legeiss all did to thair lady loutt,
Quha was convoyed with ane royall routt
Off gryt barrounes and lustie ladyis [schene];
Welcum, our quein! the commoness gaif ane schout:
Be blyth and blisfull, burgh of Aberdein.

ABINGDON, BERKSHIRE.

Certain ‘jeweis de Abyndon’ were at Court at Xmas 1427 (Appendix E, viii).

A seventeenth-century account of the Hospital of Christ says that the fraternity held their feast on May 3 (Holy Cross day), 1445, with ‘pageantes and playes and May games.’ They employed twelve minstrels[756].

APPLEDORE, KENT.

Appledore players were at New Romney in 1488.

BADDOW, ESSEX.

The Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe was hired by ‘children of Badow’ during 1564-6.

BASSINGBOURNE, CAMBRIDGESHIRE.

A play ‘of the holy martyr St. George’ was held in a field at Bassingbourne on the feast of St. Margaret, July 20, 1511. The churchwardens’ accounts for the play show, besides payments for refreshments:—

‘First paid to the garnement man for garnements and propyrts and playbooks, xxˢ.

To a minstrel and three waits of Cambridge....

Item ... for setting up the stages.

Item to John Beecher for painting of three Fanchoms and four Tormentors.

Item to Giles Ashwell for easement of his croft to play in, iˢ.

Item to John Hobarde, Brotherhood Priest, for the play book, iiˢ. viiiᵈ.’

Twenty-seven neighbouring villages contributed to these expenses[757].

BATH, SOMERSETSHIRE.

The accounts of St. Michael’s, Bath, for 1482, include ‘pro potatione le players in recordacione [‘rehearsing’?] ludorum diversis vicibus,’ with other expenditure on players and properties. As one item is ‘et Iohī Fowler pro cariando le tymbe a cimiterio dicto tempore ludi,’ the play was perhaps a _Quem quaeritis_[758].

Chaucer’s Wife of Bath, in her husband’s absence at London during Lent, would make her ‘visitaciouns’—

‘To pleyes of miracles and mariages[759].’

BETHERSDEN, KENT.

The churchwardens’ accounts record _ludi beatae Christinae_, in 1522. St. Christina’s day was July 24[760]. Bethersden players were at New Romney in 1508.

BEVERLEY, YORKSHIRE.

A thirteenth-century _continuator_ of the _Vita_ of St. John of Beverley records a recent (†1220) miracle done in the Minster:—

‘Contigit, ut tempore quodam aestivo intra saepta polyandri ecclesiae B. Ioannis, ex parte aquilonari, larvatorum, ut assolet, et verbis et actu fieret repraesentatio Dominicae resurrectionis. Confluebat ibi copiosa utriusque sexus multitudo, variis inducta votis, delectationis videlicet, seu admirationis causa, vel sancto proposito excitandae devotionis. Cum vero, prae densa vulgi adstante corona, pluribus, et praecipue statura pusillis, desideratus minime pateret accessus, introierunt plurimi in ecclesiam; ut vel orarent, vel picturas inspicerent, vel per aliquod genus recreationis et solatii pro hoc die taedium evitarent.’ Some boys climbed into the _triforium_, in order that, through the windows, ‘liberius personarum et habitus et gestus respicerent, et earundem dialogos auditu faciliori adverterent.’ One of these fell into the church, but was miraculously preserved[761].

The Corpus Christi play is first mentioned in 1377. It was ‘antiqua consuetudo’ in 1390, when an ‘ordinacio ludi Corporis Christi cum pena’ was entered in the Great Guild Book, requiring the crafts or ‘artes’ to produce ‘ludos suos et pagentes’ under a penalty of 40_s._ The plays were held annually, subject to an order by the oligarchical town council of twelve _custodes_ or _gubernatores_ on St. Mark’s day. The _custodes_ ‘governed’ the play, and met certain general expenses. In 1423 they paid Master Thomas Bynham, a friar preacher, for writing ‘banis’; also the waits (‘_spiculatores_’) who accompanied the ‘banis.’ In the same year they gave a breakfast to the Earl of Northumberland. In 1460 they put up a scaffold for their own use. Apparently the pageants and properties belonged to them, for in 1391 they handed over to John of Arras, on behalf of the ‘hairers,’ for his life and under surety, the necessaries for the play of Paradise; ‘viz. j karre, viij hespis, xviij stapels, ij visers, ij wenges angeli, j fir-sparr, j worme, ij paria caligarum linearum, ij paria camisarum, j gladius.’ Otherwise the expenses were met by the crafts, whose members paid a fixed levy towards the play, the ‘serge’ or light maintained by the craft in some chapel, and the wooden ‘castle’ erected at the procession of St. John of Beverley on Monday in Rogation week. Thus the Barbers’ _Ordinances_ in 1414 require their members to pay 2_s._ and a pound of wax on setting up shop, and 2_s._ on taking an apprentice. Certain fines also were in this company appropriated to the same purposes. In 1469 journeymen cappers paid 8_d._ for any year when there was a play, and 6_d._ when there was not. The town _Ordinances_ of 1467 contemplate annual payments by all craftsmen. In 1449 the _custodes_ contributed 4_s._ to the Skinners’ play as ‘alms of the community.’ If a craft failed to produce its play, the _custodes_ exacted the whole or a part of the fine of 40_s._ specified in the _Ordinacio_ of 1390. They also levied other disciplinary fines; as on John ‘cordewainer’ in 1423, for hindering the play, on Henry Cowper, ‘webster,’ in 1452, ‘quod nesciebat ludum suum’; on the alderman of the ‘paynetors,’ in 1520-1 ‘because their play was badly and confusedly played, in contempt of the whole community, before many strangers’; and so forth. The order of 1390 specified thirty-eight crafts to play; ‘viz. mercers et drapers, tannatores, masons, skynners, taillors, goldsmyths, smyths, plummers, bollers, turnors, girdelers, cutlers, latoners, broche-makers, horners, sponers, ladilers, furburs, websters, walkers, coverlid-wevers, cartwrightes, coupars, fletchers, bowers, cordewaners, baksters, flesshewers, fysshers, chaundelers, barburs, vynters, sadilers, rapers, hayrers, shipmen, glovers, and workmen.’ As elsewhere, changing conditions of social life led to alterations in this list, and consequent divisions and mergings of the plays. Thus in 1411 it seems to have been felt as a grievance that certain well-to-do inhabitants of Beverley, who belonged to no craft, escaped all charge for the plays, and it was agreed that in future the ‘digniores villae’ should appoint four representatives and contribute a play. In 1493 the Drapers formed a craft of their own apart from the Mercers, and consequently a play was divided, the Drapers taking ‘Demyng Pylate,’ and leaving to the Mercers ‘Blak Herod.’ On the fly-leaf of the _Great Guild Book_ is a list of crafts and their plays, dated by Mr. Leach †1520, which differs considerably from that of 1390. It is as follows:—

‘Gubernacio Ludi _Corporis Christi_.

_Tylers_: the fallinge of Lucifer.
_Saddelers_: the makinge of the World.
_Walkers_: makinge of Adam and eve.
_Ropers_: the brekinge of the Comaundments of God.
_Crelers_: gravinge and Spynnynge.
_Glovers_: Cayn.
_Shermen_: Adam and Seth.
_Wattermen_: Noe Shipp.
_Bowers and Fletshers_: Abraham and Isaak.
_Musterdmakers and Chanlers_: Salutation of Our Lady.
_Husbandmen_: Bedleem.
_Vynteners_: Sheipherds.
_Goldsmyths_: Kyngs of Colan.
_Fyshers_: Symeon.
_Cowpers_: fleyinge to Egippe.
_Shomakers_: Children of Ysraell.
_Scryveners_: Disputacion in the Temple.
_Barbours_: Sent John Baptyste.
_Laborers_: the Pynnacle.
_The Mylners_: rasynge of Lazar.
_Skynners_: ierusalem.
_Bakers_: the Mawndy.
_Litsters_: prainge at the Mownte.
_Tailyours_: Slepinge Pilate.
_Marchaunts_ [i.e. _Mercers_]: Blak Herod.
_Drapers_: Demynge Pylate.
_Bocheours_: Scorgynge.
_Cutlers and Potters_: the Stedynynge.
_Wevers_: the Stanginge.
_Barkers_: the Takinge of the Crose.
_Cooks_: Haryinge of hell.
_Wrights_: the Resurrection.
_Gentylmen_: Castle of Emaut.
_Smyths_: Ascencion.
_Prestes_: Coronacion of Our Lady.
_Marchaunts_: Domesday.

The thirty-eight pageants of 1390 have become thirty-six in 1520. Besides the ‘Gentylmen,’ dating from 1411, the ‘Prestes’ are noticeable. These are probably the ‘clerus Gildae Corporis Christi,’ who in 1430 led the Corpus Christi procession in which many of the crafts with their lights took part. Procession and play, though on the same day, seem to have been in 1430 quite distinct. The play lasted only one day, and was given in 1449 at six stations; viz. at the North Bar, by the Bull-ring, between John Skipworth and Robert Couke in Highgate, at the Cross Bridge, at the Fishmarket (now called Wednesday Market), at the Minster Bow, and at the Beck. Poulson stated that the performances lasted into the reign of James I. Mr. Leach could find no trace of them in the municipal archives after 1520[762]. But the _Ordinances_, dated 1555, of the Minstrels’ guild ‘of our Lady of the read arke’ provide that certain forfeits shall go to the ‘comon place’ (which I take to be ‘common plays’) of Beverley.

A second craft-play appears in 1469, when a number of crafts, thirty-nine in all, gave a Pater Noster play on the Sunday after St. Peter and Vincula (August 1). Copies of the text (_registra_) were made for the crafts. The stations were those of the Corpus Christi play. There were eight ‘pagends’ named after the eight principal ‘lusores,’ viz. ‘Pryde: Invy: Ire: Avaryce: Sleweth (also called ‘Accidie’): Glotony: Luxuria: Vicious.’ A number of crafts united to furnish each of these; apparently the most important was that of ‘Vicious,’ provided by the ‘gentilmen, merchands, clerks and valets.’ Aldermen of the pageants were appointed[763].

BILLERICAY, ESSEX.

The Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe was twice hired by men of ‘Beleryca,’ or ‘Belyrica’ during 1564-6.

BISHOP AUCKLAND, DURHAM.

The _lusores_ of ‘Auklande’ received a present from Durham Priory for playing before Master Hyndley, at Christmas, 1539. (App. E, i.)

BOREHAM, ESSEX.

‘Casse of Boreham’ hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1566 and 1573, and the ‘players of Boreham,’ at Twelfth Night, 1574.

BOXFORD, SUFFOLK.

A play appears in the churchwardens’ accounts for 1535[764].

BRAINTREE, ESSEX.

The churchwardens’ accounts of St. Michael’s include the following:—

‘_Anno 1523._ A Play of Sᵗ Swythyn, acted in the Church on a Wednesday, for which was gathered 6: 14: 11½; Pᵈ at the said Play, 3: 1: 4; due to the Church, 3: 13: 7½.

_Anno 1525._ There was a Play of Sᵗ Andrew acted in the Church the Sunday before Relique Sunday; Rcᵈ, 8: 9: 6; Pd, 4: 9: 9; Due to the Church, 3: 19: 8.

_Anno 1529._ A Play in Halstead Church.

_Anno 1534._ A Play of Placidas _alias_ Sᵗ Eustace. Rᵈ, 14: 17: 6½; Pᵈ, 6: 13: 7½; due, 8: 2: 8½.

_Anno 1567._ Rᵈ of the Play money, 5: 0: 0.

_Anno 1570._ Recᵈ of the Play money, 9: 7: 7; and for letting the Playing garments, 0: 1: 8.

_Anno 1571._ Rcᵈ for a Playbook, 20ᵈ; and for lending the Play gere, 8: 7ᵈ.

_Anno 1579._ For the Players Apparel, 50ˢ[765].’

Nicholas Udall was vicar of Braintree, 1533-1537. The plays were probably in aid of the large expenditure on the fabric of the church between 1522 and 1535.

The Chelmsford (q.v.) play was given at Braintree in 1562.

BRENTWOOD, ESSEX.

‘Mr. Johnston of Brentwoode’ hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1566.

BRISTOL, GLOUCESTERSHIRE.

A town-clerk’s account of municipal customs, after describing the banquet on St. Katharine’s Eve (Nov. 24), concludes:—

‘And then to depart, euery man home: the Maire, Shiref, and the worshipfull men redy to receyue at theire dores Seynt Kateryns players, makyng them to drynk at their dores, and rewardyng theym for theire plays[766].’ Were these plays more than a ‘catterning’ _quête_ (vol. i. p. 253)?

There is no mention of plays amongst the records, including several craft-guild ordinances, in the _Little Red Book of Bristol_ (ed. W. B. Bickley, 1901). But ‘the Shipwrights Pageannt’ was used at the reception of Henry VII in 1486 (p. 175).

BROOKLAND, KENT.

Brookland players were at New Romney in 1494.

BUNGAY, SUFFOLK.

On the night after Corpus Christi day, June 16, 1514, certain persons ‘brake and threw down five pageants of the said inhabitants, that is to saye, hevyn pagent, the pagent of all the world, Paradyse pagent, Bethelem pagent, and helle pagent, the whyche wer ever wont tofore to be caryed abowt the seyd town upon the seyd daye in the honor of the blissyd Sacrement.’

The churchwardens’ accounts of St. Mary’s show payments in 1526 for copying the game-book, and to Stephen Prewett, a Norwich priest, for his labour in the matter.

The accounts of Holy Trinity show payments: in 1558, to a man riding to Yarmouth for the ‘game gear,’ ‘to William Ellys for the interlude and game booke, iiijᵈ,’ ‘for writing the partes, ijˢ’; in 1566, on occasion of ‘the interlude in the churchyarde,’ for apparel borrowed from Lord Surrey, ‘for visors,’ and ‘to Kelsaye, the vyce, for his pastyme before the plaie, and after the playe, both daies, ijˢ.’ In 1577, a churchwarden gave a receipt to his predecessor for ‘game pleyers gownes and coats, that were made of certayne peces of olld copes.’ In 1591, 5_s._ was received for ‘players cootes[767].’

BURNHAM, ESSEX.

‘Wᵐ Crayford of Burnam’ hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1568.

BURY ST. EDMUND’S, SUFFOLK.

The _Ordinances_ of the Weavers (1477) assign half of certain fines to ‘the sustentacione and mayntenaunce of the payent of the Assencione of oure Lord God and of the yiftys of the Holy Gost, as yt hath be customed of olde tyme owte of mynde yeerly to be had to the wurschepe of God, amongge other payenttes in the processione in the feste of Corpus Xr̄i.’

Journeymen weavers are to pay ‘iiijᵈ’ yearly to the ‘payent’ and all ‘foreyne’ as well as ‘deyzin’ weavers are to be contributory to it[768].

It is not clear whether the ‘payent’ had a _ludus_ or was a dumb-show.

CAMBORNE, CORNWALL.

See Texts (i), _Cornish Plays_, _St. Meriasek_.

CAMBRIDGE, CAMBRIDGESHIRE.

William de Lenne and Isabel his wife, joining the guild of Corpus Christi (†1350), spent half a mark ‘_in ludo Filiorum Israelis_[769].’

Warton says:—

‘The oldest notice I can recover of this sort of spectacle [Latin plays] in an English University is in the fragment of an ancient accompt-roll of the dissolved college of Michael-House in Cambridge; in which, under 1386, the following expense is entered: ‘Pro ly pallio brusdato et pro sex larvis et barbis in comedia[770].’

CANTERBURY, KENT.

A Burghmote order (†1500) directed ‘a play called Corpus Christi play ... maintained and played at the costs of the Crafts and Mysteries,’ although ‘of late days it hath been left and laid apart,’ to be revived at Michaelmas[771].

A book of the play of Abraham and Isaac, belonging to the ‘schaft’ or parochial guild of St. Dunstan’s, lay in the keeping of the churchwardens of that church from 1491 to 1520[772].

On Jan. 6, 1503, the corporation paid for a play of the _Three Kyngs of Coleyn_ in the guildhall. The account mentions three ‘bests’ made of hoops and laths and painted canvas, ‘heddyng of the Hensshemen,’ a castle in the courthall, and a gilt star.

Annual accounts for ‘the pagent of St. Thomas’ on the day of his martyrdom (Dec. 29), appear amongst the financial records of the corporation from 1504-5 until ‘far on in the reign of Queen Elizabeth.’ I select some items:—

‘1504-5.

Paied to Sampson Carpenter and hys man hewyng and squeryng of tymber
for the Pagent.
For makyng Sᵗ Thomas Carte with a peyer of whyles.
To iiij men to helpe to cary the Pagent.
For a newe myghter.
For two bagges of leder.
For payntyng of the awbe and the hedde.
For gunpowder.
For lynnen cloth bought for Sᵗ Thomas garment.
For forgyng and makyng the knyghts harnes.
For the hyre of a sworde.
For wasshynge of an albe and an amys.’

_In later years._

‘Pro le yettyng sanguynem.
Pro le payntyng capitis Sci Thomae.
For them that holpe to dress the Pagent and for standyng of the same
in the barne.
For a payer of new gloves for Seynt Thomas.
For payntyng of the hede and the Aungell of the pagent.
Paied to hym that turned the vyce.
Paied for wyre for the vyce of the Angell.
For 1 quarter of lambe and brede and drynke gevyn to the children
that played the knyghtes, and for them that holpe to convey
the Pagent abowte.
For a new leder bag for the blode.
For wasshyng of the albe and other clothys abowte the Auter, and
settyng on agayn the apparell.’

Until 1529 the pageant stood in the barn of St. Sepulchre’s convent; thenceforward in the archbishop’s palace. In 1536-7 ‘Seynt Thomas’ became ‘Bysshop Bekket,’ and the show was suppressed, to be revived with some added ‘gyaunts’ under Mary[773].

This pageant was probably a dumb-show of the martyrdom of Becket.

CHELMSFORD, ESSEX.

The Earl of Surrey rewarded the players of ‘Chemsford’ on Dec. 27, 1490 (Appendix E, vii).

The churchwardens’ accounts give minute details of a play held in 1562 and 1563. The following are the chief items:—

‘Inprms paid unto the Mynstrolls for the Show day and for the play day.

Unto Willm. Hewet for makinge the vices coote, a fornet of borders, and a Jerken of borders.

To John Lockyer for making iiij shep hoks and for iron work that Burle occupied for the hell.

Item paide to Robᵗ Mathews for a pair of wombes.

to Lawrence for watching in the Churche when the temple was a-dryenge.

for carrying of plonk for the stages.

for ... the scaffold.

to M. Browne for the waightes of Bristowe.

for makyng the conysants.

forty Mynstrells meate and drinke.

to William Withers for making the frame for the heaven stage and tymber for the same.

for writtinge.

to William Withers for makynge the last temple, the waies, and his paynnes.

to John Wryght for makynge a cotte of lether for Christ.

to Solomon of Hatfild for parchmente.

to Mother Dale and her company for reaping flagges for the scaffold.

to Polter and Rosse for watching in the pightell on the play show.

for fyftie fadam of lyne for the cloudes.

for tenn men to beare the pagiante.

to Browne for keapinge the cornehill on the showe daye.

to Roistone for payntenge the Jeiants, the pagiante, and writing the plaiers names.

for paper to wright the Bookes.’

There are many other payments to workmen and for refreshments, and large sums to various people ‘for suinge the play.’ Is this ‘showing,’ ‘stage-managing’? One Burles, who was twice paid for ‘suinge,’ was also boarded with his boy for three weeks.

An inventory of garments made in February, 1564, includes, with many velvet gowns and jerkins, &c.:—

‘ij vyces coates, and ij scalpes, ij daggers (j dagger wanted).

v prophets cappes (one wantinge).

iij flappes for devils.

iiij shepehoks, iiij whyppes (but one gone).’

I infer that the play was a cyclical one, extending at least from Creation to Crucifixion. The temple, which required renewing, was probably rent in twain. There were heaven, hell, _Prophetae_, _Pastores_. The performance was not in the church, although the temple was put to dry there, but in a ‘pightell’ or enclosure, upon a scaffold, with stages for the spectators. It was held in connexion with a ‘showe,’ which was on Cornhill, and to which I assign the ‘pagiante’ and ‘jeiantes.’ The time was therefore probably Midsummer.

The accounts seem to cover two years and at least four performances. In 1562, Midsummer day with its show fell on a Saturday. The play was on Monday. On Tuesday it was repeated at Braintree, and later on at Malden, and possibly elsewhere. Then in 1563 it was again given in Chelmsford at Midsummer.

The total expenditure was over £50, although, unless the forty minstrels acted, nothing was paid to actors. Against this was received ‘at the seconde play’ £17 11_s._ 3_d._, and ‘at the ij last plaies’ £19 19_s._ 4_d._, and £2 19_s._ was realized by letting out the garments to the men of Sabsford in 1562 and 1563, and 16_s._ more for letting them to ‘Mʳ William Peter, Knyght.’ Nor did this source of income soon close. A second inventory of 1573 shows that the garments were carefully preserved. They became a valuable stock. In 1564-6 alone the hire of them brought in £10 14_s._ 3_d._ They were let to men of Colchester, Walden, Beleryca, Starford, Little Badow, and to ‘children of Badow.’ Further loans are noted as follows in later years:—

‘Receipts, June 3, 1566.

Sabsforde men.
Casse of Boreham.
Somers of Lanchire.
Barnaby Riche of Witham.
Willᵐ Monnteyne of Colchester.
Mʳ. Johnston of Brentwoode, the 10th Dec.
Richard More of Nayland.
Frauncis Medcalfe, the iiij of June, 1568.
Wᵐ Crayford of Burnam, the ij of June, 1568.

1570-1572.

High Ester men.
Parker of Writtell.
Mʳˢ Higham of Woodham Walter.

1572.

Parker of Writtell, Aprill.
The Earle of Sussex players.
John Walker of Hanfild.

1573.

Casse of Boreham.

1574.

Players of Boreham, till the mondaye after twelfe day.

In 1574 the ‘playe books’ were valued at £4, and in the same year all the garments, &c., included in the inventory of 1573 were sold to George Studley and others for £6 12_s._ 4_d._ In 1575 one Mr. Knott was paid 8_d._ ‘for the makinge of two oblijacyons for the assurance of the players garments belonginge to the Pyshe[774].’

CHESTER, CHESHIRE.

[_Authorities._—(i) Editions of the plays by Wright and
Deimling, described on p. 408. (ii) Notices in Furnivall,
_Digby Plays_, xviii, from (_a_) _Harl. MSS._ 1944, 1948, which
are versions of a _Breviary of the City of Chester_, compiled
in 1609 by David Rogers from the collections of his father,
Robert Rogers, Archdeacon of Chester, who died in 1595; (_b_)
local _Annales_ in _Harl._ 2125 (Randle Holme’s _Collections_),
and Daniel King’s _Vale-Royall_ (1656). (iii) Notices in R. H.
Morris, _Chester in the Plantagenet and Tudor Reigns_ (1894),
from (_a_) Corporation archives, (_b_) accounts of the Smiths’
Company in _Harl._ 2054, (_c_) a copy in _Harl._ 2150 (cited
in error as _Harl._ 2050) of part or all of the contents
of a record known as the _White Book of the Pentice_. This
was bound with other documents by Randle Holme, and indexed
by him in 1669. I do not find any mention of such a ‘White
Book’ in the calendar of extant Corporation archives by Mr.
J. C. Jeaffreson, in _Hist. MSS._ viii. 1. 355, unless it is
identical with the _Pentice Chartulary_ compiled in 1575-6 on
the basis, partly of an older ‘Black Book,’ ‘translated oute
of Laten and Frenche’ in 1540, and partly of loose ‘sceduls,
papers and books’ in the Treasure House.]

_The Whitsun Plays: The Tradition._

The Chester plays are traditionally ascribed to the mayoralty of one John Arneway. As ‘John Arneway,’ ‘de Arnewey,’ ‘Hernwey,’ or ‘Harnwey’ served continuously as mayor from 1268 to 1277[775], and as no other of the great English cycles of municipal plays can claim anything like this antiquity, it is worth while to examine the evidence pretty closely. I therefore put the versions of the tradition in chronological order.

(_a_) 1544. The following document is headed ‘The proclamation for the Plaies, newly made by William Newhall, clarke of the Pentice, the first yere of his entre.’ It is dated ‘tempore Willi Sneyde, draper, secundo tempore sui maioritatis’ [Oct. 9, 1543-1544], endorsed as made ‘opon the rode ee’ [Rood-eye], and stated on an accompanying sheet to be ‘of laten into Englishe translated and made by the said William Newhall the yere aforesaid[776].’

‘For as moche as of old tyme, not only for the Augmentacon and increase of [the holy and catholick] faith of our Savyour, Jhu’ Crist, and to exort the mynds of the co’mon people to [good devotion and holsome] doctryne thereof, but also for the co’men Welth and prosperitie of this Citie a plaie [and declaration—] and diverse stories of the bible, begynnyng with the creacon and fall of Lucifer, and [ending with the general] jugement of the World to be declared and plaied in the Witson wek, was devised [and made by one Sir] Henry Fraunces, somtyme monk of this dissolved monastery, who obtayned and gate of Clement, then beyng [bushop of Rome, a thousand] daies of pardon, and of the Busshop of Chester at that time beyng xlᵗⁱ daies of pardon graunted from thensforth to every person resortyng in pecible maner with good devocon to here and se the sayd [piaies] from tyme to tyme as oft as they shalbe plaied within this Citie [_and that every person disturbing the same piaies in any manner wise to be accursed by thauctoritie of the said Pope Clement bulls unto such tyme as he or they be absolved therof_ (_erased_)], which piaies were devised to the honour of God by John Arneway, then maire of this Citie of Chester, and his brethren, and holl cominalty therof to be brought forthe, declared and plead at the cost and charges of the craftsmen and occupacons of the said Citie, whiche hitherunto have frome tyme to tyme used and performed the same accordingly.

Wherfore Maister Maire, in the Kynges name, straitly chargeth and co’mandeth that every person and persons of what estate, degre or condicion soever he or they be, resortyng to the said piaies, do use [themselves] pecible without makyng eny assault, affrey, or other disturbance whereby the same piaies shalbe disturbed, and that no maner person or persons who soever he or they be do use or weare eny unlaufull wepons within the precynct of the said Citie duryng the tyme of the said piaies [_not only upon payn of cursyng by thauctoritie of the said Pope Clement Bulls, but also_ (_erased_)] opon payn of enprisonment of their bodies and makyng fyne to the Kyng at Maister Maires pleasure. And God save the Kyng and Mr. Maire, &c.[777]’

(_b_) †1544-7[778]. The documents concerning the plays copied for Randle Holme out of the ‘White Book of the Pentice[779]’ are (1) a list of the plays and the crafts producing them (cf. p. 408); (2) a note that ‘On Corpus Χρi day the colliges and prestys bryng forth a play at the assentement of the Maire’; (3) a note that all the arrangements detailed are subject to alteration by the Mayor and his brethren; (4) a version, without heading, of Newhall’s proclamation which entirely omits the allusions to Sir Henry Fraunces and the pardons, while retaining that to Arneway; (5) verses headed ‘The comen bannes to be proclaymed and Ryddon with the Stewardys of every occupacon.’ These are printed in Morris, 307. They give a list of the plays (cf. p. 408), and add that there will be a ‘solempne procession’ with the sacrament on Corpus Christi day from ‘Saynt Maries on the Hill’ to ‘Saynt Johns,’ together with ‘a play sett forth by the clergye In honor of the fest.’ The passage referring to Corpus Christi is marked by Randle Holme’s copyist as ‘Erased in the Booke[780].’ The only historical statement in the Banns is that

‘Sir John Arnway was maire of this citie
When these playes were begon truly.’

(_c_) †1551-1572. The later Banns, given most fully in Rogers’s _Breauarye of Chester_ (cf. Furnivall, xx), but also more or less imperfectly in MSS. _h_ and _B_ of the plays (Deimling, i. 2), were probably written for one or other of the post-Reformation performances, but not that of 1575, as they contemplate a Whitsun performance, while that of 1575 was after Midsummer. They state that

‘some tymes there was mayor of this Citie
Sir John Arnway, Knyght, who most worthilye
contented hym selfe to sett out in playe
The devise of one done Rondall, moonke of Chester abbe.’

(_d_) 1609. The _Breauarye_ itself, in an account probably due to the elder Rogers, who may have himself seen some of the later performances, says (Furnivall, xviii):—‘Heare note that these playes of Chester called yᵉ whitson playes weare the woorke of one Rondoll, a monke of yᵉ Abbaye of Sᵗ Warburge in Chester, who redused yᵉ whole history of the byble into Englishe storyes in metter, in yᵉ englishe tounge; and this moncke, in a good desire to doe good, published yᵉ same, then the firste mayor of Chester, namely Sir Iohn Arneway, Knighte, he caused the same to be played [“anno domini, 1329”][781].’ In a list of Mayors contained in the same MS. is given (Furnivall, xxv), under the year 1328 and the mayoralty of Sir John Arneway, ‘The whitson playes Inuented, in Chester, by one Rondoll Higden, a monke in Chester abbaye.’

(_e_) 1628. On the cover of MS. _H_ of the plays (_Harl. MS._ 2124) is this note:—‘The Whitsun playes first made by one Don Randle Heggenet, a Monke of Chester Abbey, who was thrise at Rome, before he could obtain leaue of the Pope to haue them in the English tongue.

The Whitsun playes were playd openly in pageants by the Cittizens of Chester in the Whitsun Weeke.

Nicholas the fift Then was Pope in the year of our Lord 1447.

Ano 1628.

Sir Henry ffrancis, sometyme a Monke of the Monestery of Chester, obtained of Pope Clemens a thousand daies of pardon, and of the Bishop of Chester 40 dayes pardon for every person that resorted peaceably to see the same playes, and that every person that disturbed the same, to be accursed by the said Pope untill such tyme as they should be absolued therof.’

(_f_) 1669. Randle Holme made a note upon his copy of the ‘White Book of the Pentice’ (_Harl._ 2150, f. 86ᵇ), of the ‘Whitson plaies ... being first presented and putt into English by Rand. Higden, a monck of Chester Abbey.’

(_g_) _Seventeenth century._ A ‘later hand’ added to the copy of Newhall’s proclamation on the fly-leaf of MS. _h_ (1600) of the plays:

‘Sir Io Arnway, maior 1327 and 1328, at which tyme these playes were written by Randall Higgenett, a monk of chester abby, and played openly in the witson weeke.’

(_h_) _Seventeenth century._ An account of the plays amongst Lord De Tabley’s MSS.[782] assigns them to ‘Randall Higden, a monk of Chester Abbey, A. D. 1269.’

Up to a certain point these fragments of tradition are consistent and, _a priori_, not improbable. About 1328 is just the sort of date to which one would look for the formation of a craft-cycle. Randall or Randulf Higden[783], the author of the _Polychronicon_, took the vows at St. Werburgh’s in 1299 and died in 1364. An accident makes it possible also to identify Sir Henry Francis, for he is mentioned as senior monk of Chester Abbey in two documents of May 5, 1377, and April 17, 1382.[784] The occurrence of the name of this quite obscure person in a tradition of some 200 years later is, I think, evidence that it is not wholly an unfounded one. It is true that Newhall’s proclamation states that Francis ‘devised and made’ the plays, whereas the Banns of 1575 and the later accounts assign the ‘devise’ to ‘done Rondall.’ But this discrepancy seems to have afforded no difficulty to the writer of 1628, who clearly thought that Heggenet ‘made’ the plays, and Francis obtained the ‘pardon’ for them. The Pope Clement concerned is probably Clement VI (1342-52), but might be the Antipope Clement VII (1378-94). The one point which will not harmonize with the rest is that about which, unfortunately, the tradition is most uniform, namely, the connexion of the plays with the mayoralty of Sir John Arneway. For neither Higden nor Francis could have worked for a mayor whose terms of office extended from 1268 to 1277. But even this difficulty does not appear to be insoluble. I find from Canon Morris’s invaluable volume that a later mayor bearing a name very similar to Arneway’s, one Richard Erneis or Herneys, was in office from 1327 to 1329, precisely at the date to which the tradition, in some of its forms, ascribes the plays. Is it not then probable that to this Richard Herneys the establishment of the plays is really due, and that he has been confused in the memory of Chester with his greater predecessor, the ‘Dick Whittington’ of the city, John Arneway or Hernwey? I am glad to be the means of restoring to him his long withheld tribute of esteem.

_The Records._

If the plays were actually established in 1327-9, the first hundred years of their history is a blank. The earliest notice in any record is in 1462, when the Bakers’ charter refers to their ‘play and light of Corpus Christi.’ The Saddlers’ charter of 1471 similarly speaks of their ‘paginae luminis et ludi corporis Christi[785].’ It will be observed that the play is here called a Corpus Christi play. The term ‘Whitson Playe’ first occurs in a record of 1520[786], but there is no doubt that during the sixteenth century the regular season for the performances was Whitsuntide. As the ‘White Book’ (†1544) still speaks of ‘pagyns in play of Corpus Χρi[787],’ it is possible that a cyclical play was so called, whether actually given on Corpus Christi day or not. It is also, I think, possible that the Chester plays may have been transferred from Corpus Christi to Whitsuntide in order to avoid clashing with the procession, without quite losing their old name; and this may be what is meant by the statement on the cover of MS. ‘H’ of the plays that they were ‘playd openly ... in the Whitsun Weeke’ in 1447. It was in 1426 that a question as to the clashing of procession and plays arose in York (cf. p. 400).

Nearly all the extant notices of the plays belong to the sixteenth century. Originally annual, they became occasional at the Reformation. They can be traced in 1546, 1551, 1554, 1561, 1567 (at Christmas), 1568, 1569, 1572, and 1575. The two last performances aroused considerable opposition. In 1572 Mayor John Hankey ‘would needs have the playes go forward, against the wills of the Bishops of Canterbury, York and Chester.’ Apparently an inhibition was sent by Archbishop Grindal; ‘but it came too late.’ In 1575, under Mayor Sir John Savage, the plays were subjected to revision, and such of them as were thought suitable given ‘at the cost of the inhabitants’ on Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday after Midsummer. This performance was ‘to the great dislike of many, because the playe was in on parte of the Citty.’ It was also in direct contravention of inhibitions from the Archbishop and the Earl of Huntingdon. As a result both Hankey and Savage were cited before the Privy Council, but the aldermen and common council took the responsibility upon themselves, and apparently nothing further came of the matter[788].

Probably 1575 was the last year in which the plays were given as a whole. A performance in 1600 has been alleged[789], but this date is probably taken from the heading of the Banns in MS. ‘h’ of the plays, which runs:—

‘The reading of the banes, 1600.

The banes which are reade Beefore the beginning of the playes
of Chester 1600.

4 June 1600.’

Doubtless 1600 is the date of the transcript, as it is repeated after the signature to several of the plays. It is quite possible that this manuscript was made in view of an intended performance. George Bellin, the scribe, seems to have been of a Chester family. But if so, the intention was frustrated, for the annalists declare that Henry Hardware, mayor in 1600 ‘would not suffer any Playes.’ It is to be noted also that David Rogers, whose _Breauarye_ was completed in 1609 and certainly contains matter subsequent to the death of his father in 1595, states that 1575 was the last time the plays were played[790].

_Mode of Performance._

The Banns were proclaimed on St. George’s day by the city crier, with whom rode the Stewards of each craft. The Mayor’s proclamation against disturbers of the peace was read upon the Roodee. The plays themselves lasted through the first three week-days of Whitsuntide. Nine were given on the Monday, nine on the Tuesday, and seven on the Wednesday. The first station was at the Abbey gates, the next by the pentice at the high cross before the Mayor, others in Watergate Street, Bridge Street, and so on to Eastgate Street. Scaffolds and stages were put up to accommodate the spectators, and in 1528 a law-suit is recorded about the right to a ‘mansion, Rowme, or Place for the Whydson plaies.’ Rogers describes the ‘pagiente’ or ‘cariage’ as

‘a highe place made like a howse with ij rowmes, being open
on yᵉ tope: the lower rowme they apparrelled & dressed them
selues; and in the higher rowme they played; and they stood
vpon 6 wheeles [_Harl._ 1944. It is “4 wheeles” in _Harl._
1948].’

The term ‘pageant’ is used at Chester both for the vehicle and for the play performed on it; but, contrary to the custom elsewhere, more usually for the latter. The vehicle is generally called a ‘carriage.’ It was kept in a ‘caryadghouse’ and occasionally served two crafts on different days. The expenses of carriage, porters, refreshments, actors, and rehearsals fell, as shown by the extant _Accounts_ of the Smiths’ company, on the crafts. They were met by a levy upon each member and journeyman. Vestments were hired from the clergy; both minstrels and choristers were in request for songs and music. The Corporation supervised the performances, questions as to the incidence of the burden upon this or that craft coming before the Pentice court. In 1575 the Smiths submitted two alternative plays for the choice of the aldermen. The authoritative copy or ‘originall booke’ of the plays seems to have belonged to the city. The Smiths paid for reading the ‘Regenall,’ ‘an Rygynall’ or ‘orraginall.’ In 1568 one ‘Randall Trevor, gent.’ seems to have lost the book. There is an interesting allusion to the unprofessional quality of the actors, in the copy of the later Banns preserved by Rogers. The plays are not

‘contryued
In such sorte & cunninge, & by such playeres of price,
As at this day good playeres & fine wittes coulde devise,
...
By Craftes men & meane men these Pageauntes are played
And to Commons and Contryemen acustomablye before.
If better men & finer heades now come, what canne be saide?
But of common and contrye playeres take thou the storye;
And if any disdaine, then open is yᵉ doore
That lett him in to heare; packe awaye at his pleasure;
Oure playeinge is not to gett fame or treasure[791].’

_Exceptional Performances._

In 1567 ‘Richard Dutton, mayor, kept a very worthy house for all comers all the tyme of Christmas with a Lorde of Misrule and other pastymes in this city as the Whitson Plays.’

Single plays from the cycle were similarly used for purposes of special entertainment. In 1488 was the _Assumption_ before Lord Strange at the High Cross; in 1497 the _Assumption_ before Prince Arthur at the Abbey gates and the High Cross; in 1515 the _Assumption_ again together with the _Shepherds’_ play in St. John’s churchyard. In 1576, the Smiths had ‘our plas’ (the _Purification_) ‘at Alderman Mountford’s on Midsomer Eve.’ Finally, in 1578, Thomas Bellin, mayor, caused the Shepherds’ play ‘and other triumphs’ to be played at the high cross on the Roodee before the Earl of Derby, Lord Strange, and others[792].

_Other plays._

The play by the ‘colliges and prestys’ on Corpus Christi day mentioned in the ‘White Book’ and in the ‘Banes’ preserved therein has already been noted.

In 1529 _King Robert of Sicily_ was shown at the High Cross. This is doubtless the play on the same subject referred to in a fragmentary letter to some ‘Lordshypp’ among the State Papers as to be played on St. Peter’s day at the cost of some of the companies. It was said to be ‘not newe at thys time, but hath bin before shewen, evyn as longe agoe as the reygne of his highnes most gratious father of blyssyd memorye, and yt was penned by a godly clerke.’

In 1563 ‘upon the Sunday after Midsommer day, the History of _Eneas_ and Queen _Dido_ was play’d in the _Roods Eye_. And were set out by one _William Croston_, gent. and one Mr. _Man_, on which Triumph there was made two Forts, and shipping on the Water, besides many horsemen well armed and appointed.’

The entertainment of Lords Derby and Strange by Thomas Bellin in 1578 included a ‘comedy’ by the ‘scollers of the freescole’ at the mayor’s house. Was this theatrical mayor a relative of George Bellin, the scribe of MSS. ‘W’ and ‘h’ of the Chester plays?

In 1589 _King Ebranke with all his Sons_ was shown before the Earl of Derby at the High Cross[793].

_The Midsummer Show._

This was doubtless in its origin a folk procession. Traditionally, it was founded in 1498 and only went in years when there were no Whitsun plays. The crafts were represented by personages out of their plays, ‘the Doctors and little God’ riding for the Smiths, the Devil for the Butchers, Abraham and Isaac for the Barbers, Balaam and his Ass for the Bricklayers, and so forth. It does not appear that the ‘carriages’ were had out. Other features of the ‘Show’ were four giants, an elephant and castle, an unicorn, a camel, a luce, an antelope, a dragon with six naked boys beating at it, morris-dancers, the ‘Mayor’s Mount’ and the ‘Merchants’ Mount,’ the latter being of the nature of a hobby-ship. In 1600, Mayor Henry Hardware, a ‘godly zealous man,’ would not let the ‘Graull’ go at Midsummer Watch, but instead a man in white armour. He suppressed also ‘the divill in his fethers,’ a man in woman’s clothes with another devil called ‘cuppes and cans,’ ‘god in stringes,’ the dragon and the naked boys, and had the giants broken up. But next year the old customs were restored. The Midsummer Show again suffered eclipse under the Commonwealth, but was revived at the Restoration and endured until 1678[794].

COGGESHALL, ESSEX.

Lord Howard rewarded the players of ‘Kokesale’ or ‘Coksale’ on Dec. 26, 1481, and Dec. 25, 1482 (Appendix E, vii).

COLCHESTER, ESSEX.

The Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe was twice hired by Colchester men during 1564-6; also by William Monnteyne of Colchester in 1566.

COLESHILL, WARWICKSHIRE.

The ‘lusores de Coleshille’ played at Maxstoke Priory between 1422 and 1461 (Appendix E, ii).

COVENTRY, WARWICKSHIRE.

[_Authorities._—The facts are taken, where no other reference
is given, from T. Sharp, _A Dissertation on the Pageants or
Dramatic Mysteries Anciently Performed at Coventry_ (1825), and
J. B. Gracie, _The Weavers’ Pageant_ (1836: Abbotsford Club).
The latter accounts of J. O. Halliwell-Phillipps, _Outlines of
the Life of Shakespeare_ (ninth edition, 1890), i. 335, ii.
289, and M. D. Harris, _Life in an Old English Town_, 319, add
a little. The _Leet-Book_ and other municipal archives used
by Sharp are described by Harris, 377; his private collection
passed into that of Mr. Staunton at Longbridge House, and
thence into the Shakespeare Memorial Library at Birmingham,
where it was burnt in 1879. It included two craft-plays, the
account-books of the Smiths, Cappers, Drapers, and Weavers, and
one or two MSS. (one of which is referred to as ‘Codex Hales’)
of a set of brief local seventeenth-century _Annales_, of which
other texts are printed by Dugdale, _Hist. of Warwickshire_, i.
147, and Hearne, _Fordun’s Scotichronicon_, v. 1438. Several
versions of these _Annales_ are amongst the manuscripts of the
Coventry Corporation (cf. E. S. Hartland, _Science of Fairy
Tales_, 75). On their nature, cf. C. Gross, _Bibl. of Municipal
History_, xviii.]

_Corpus Christi Craft-Plays._

The earliest notice is a mention of the ‘domum pro le pagent pannarum’ in a deed of 1392. There must therefore be an error, so far as the pageants go, in the statement of the _Annals_, under the mayoral year 1416-7, ‘The pageants and Hox tuesday invented, wherein the king and nobles took great delight[795].’ Henry V was more than once at Coventry as prince, in 1404 for example, and in 1411. His only recorded visit as king was in 1421, too early for Corpus Christi or even Hox Tuesday[796]. There is frequent reference to the plays in corporation and craft documents of the fifteenth century. In 1457 they were seen by Queen Margaret, who ‘lodged at Richard Wodes, the grocer,’ whither the corporation sent an elegant collation, including ‘ij cofyns of counfetys and a pot of grene gynger.’ With her were the Duke and Duchess of Buckingham, Lord and Lady Rivers, the elder and younger Lady of Shrewsbury, and ‘other mony moo lordes and ladyes.’ They were seen also by Richard III in 1485 and twice by Henry VII. The first occasion was on St. Peter’s day (June 29) in 1486, and the second in 1493, when say the _Annals_, rather oddly (cf. p. 420), ‘This yeare the King came to se the playes acted by the Gray Friers, and much commended them.’ In 1520 the _Annals_ record ‘New playes at Corpus Christi tyde, which were greatly commended.’ In 1539 the mayor of Coventry, writing to Cromwell, told him that the poor commoners were at such expense with their plays and pageants that they fared the worse all the year after[797]. In the sixteenth century the Coventry plays were probably the most famous in England. The _C. Mery Talys_ (1526) has a story of a preacher, who wound up a sermon on the Creed with ‘Yf you beleue not me then for a more suerte & suffycyent auctoryte go your way to Couentre and there ye shall se them all playd in Corpus Cristi playe[798].’ And John Heywood, in his _Foure PP_, speaks of one who

‘Oft in the play of Corpus Cristi
He had played the deuyll at Couentry[799].’

Foxe, the martyrologist, records that in 1553 John Careless, in Coventry gaol for conscience sake, was let out to play in the pageant about the city. There is some confusion here, as Careless was only in gaol in Coventry for a short time in November before he was sent to London[800].

When the _Annals_ say that in 1575-6 ‘the Pageants on Hox Tuesday that had been laid down eight years were played again,’ there is probably some confusion between ‘Hox Tuesday’ and ‘the Pageants,’ for the account-books show that the latter were played regularly, except in 1575, until 1580, when the _Annals_ report them as ‘again laid down.’ In 1584 a different play was given (cf. _infra_), and possibly also in 1591, although the fact that the songs of the Taylors and Shearmen’s pageant are dated 1591 rather suggests that after all the regular plays may have been revived that year. Some of the pageants were sold in 1586 and 1587, but the Cappers preserved the properties of their play in 1597, and the Weavers had still players’ apparel to lend in 1607. According to the _Annals_, by 1628 the pageants had ‘bine put downe many yeares since.’

The plays were given annually and in one day at the feast of Corpus Christi. Contrary to the custom of the northern towns, there were only some ten or twelve pageants, each covering a fairly wide range of incident (cf. p. 423). Nor can the performances be shown to have been repeated at more than three or four stations. ‘Gosford Street,’ ‘Mikel’ or ‘Much Park Street end’ and ‘Newgate’ are recorded, and in one of these may have been the house of Richard Wodes, where Queen Margaret lay. The Drapers only provided three ‘worlds’ for their pageant, and probably one was burnt at each station. According to the _Annals_, part of the charges of the plays was met by the enclosure of a piece of common land (possibly to build pageant houses upon). Otherwise they fell wholly upon the crafts, to some one of which every artisan in the town was bound to become contributory for the purpose. The principal crafts were appointed by the Leet to produce the pageants, and with each were grouped minor bodies liable only for fixed sums, varying from 3_s._ 4_d._ to 16_s._ 8_d._ In 1501 an outside craft, the Tilemakers of Stoke, is found contributing 5_s._ to a pageant. These combinations of crafts varied considerably from time to time. Within the craft the necessary funds were raised, in part at least, by special levies. Strangers taking out their freedom were sometimes called upon for a contribution. Every member of the craft paid his ‘pagent pencys.’ In several crafts the levy was 1_s._ Amongst the Smiths it must have been less, as they only got from 2_s._ 2_d._ to 3_s._ 4_d._ in this way, whereas the Cappers in 1562 collected 22_s._ 4_d._ In 1517 William Pisford left a scarlet and a crimson gown to the Tanners for their play, together with 3_s._ 4_d._ to each craft that found a pageant. The total cost of the Smiths’ play in 1490 was £3 7_s._ 5½_d._ In 1453 we find the Smiths contracting with one Thomas Colclow to have ‘the rewle of the pajaunt’ for twelve years, and to produce the play for a payment of 46_s._ 8_d._ A similar contract was made in 1481. But as a rule, the crafts undertook the management themselves, and the account-books studied by Sharp afford more detailed information as to the mode of production than happens to be available for any other of the great cycles.

It is therefore worth while to give some account of the chief objects of expenditure. First of all there was the pageant itself. The name appears in every possible variety of spelling in Coventry documents. Dugdale, on the authority of eye-witnesses, describes the pageants as ‘Theaters for the severall Scenes, very large and high, placed upon wheels.’ Painted cloths were used ‘to lap aboubt the pajent,’ and there was a carved and painted top, adorned with a crest, with vanes, pencils, or streamers. On the platform of the pageant such simple scenic apparatus as a seat for Pilate, a pillar for the scourging, a ‘sepulchre,’ and the like, was fixed. The Weavers’ pageant seems to have had an ‘upper part’ representing the Temple; also divisions described in the stage directions as ‘the for pagand’ and ‘the tempull warde.’ The Cappers’ pageant was fitted up with a ‘hell-mouth.’ The Drapers also had a ‘hell-mouth,’ with a windlass, and fire at the mouth, and a barrel for the earthquake, and three worlds to be set afire. ‘Scaffolds,’ distinct from the pageant itself, were drawn round with it. These, according to Sharp, were for spectators, but they may have been supplementary stages, made necessary by the number of episodes in each play at Coventry. Certainly the action was not wholly confined to the pageant, for in the Shearmen and Taylors’ play, ‘Here Erode ragis in the pagond & in the strete also’; and again, ‘the iij Kyngis speykyth in the strete.’ The pageant was constantly in need of repairs. A pageant-house had to be built or hired for it. On the day of the feast it was cleaned, strewn with rushes; and the axle was greased with soap. Men were paid to ‘drive’ or ‘horse’ it, and the Cappers expected their journeymen to undertake this job.

The players received payments varying with the importance of their parts. The sums allowed by the Weavers in 1525 ranged from 10_d._ to 2_s._ 4_d._ Minstrels, both vocalists and instrumentalists, were also hired, and in 1573 one Fawston, evidently an artist of exceptional talent, received from the Smiths, besides 4_d._ ‘for hangyng Judas,’ another 4_d._ ‘for Coc croyng.’ The Drapers paid as much as 3_s._ 4_d._ ‘for pleayng God,’ and 5_s._ ‘to iij whyte sollys’ or ‘savyd sowles,’ 5_s._ ‘to iij blake sollys,’ or ‘dampnyd sowles,’ 16_d._ ‘to ij wormes of conscyence,’ and the like. Payments also occur for speaking the prologue, preface, or ‘protestacyon.’

The corporation exercised control over the players, and in 1440 ordered under a penalty of 20_s._ ‘quod Robertus Gñe et omnes alii qui ludunt in festo Corporis Christi bene et sufficienter ludant ita quod nulla impedicio fiat in aliquo ioco.’ In 1443, an order forbade members of certain crafts to play in any pageant except their own without the mayor’s licence.

The players required refreshment at intervals during the day, and probably the craftsmen who attended the pageant took their share. Further expenses, both for refreshment, and for the hire of a room or hall, were incurred at rehearsals. The Smiths in 1490 had their first ‘reherse’ in Easter week, and their second in Whitsun week.