Chapter I (3)

In the New Hebrides most of the natives "wear a thin stick or reed, about 9 inches long, in their hair, with which they occasionally disturb the vermin that abound in their heads."[207]

Alarcon, describing the tribes met on the Rio Colorado, in 1541, says: "They weare certaine pieces of Deeres bones fastened to their armes, wherewith they strike off the sweate."[208]

In German folk-lore there are many references to the practice in which the giants indulged frequently in scratching themselves, sometimes as a signal to each other. Just what significance to attach to these stories I can not presume to say, as Grimm merely relates the fact without comment.[209]

Of the Abyssinians, Bruce says: "Their hair is short and curled like that of a negro's in the west part of Africa, but this is done by art not by nature, each man having a wooden stick with which he lays hold of the lock and twists it round like a screw till it curls in the form he desires."[210] In a footnote, he adds: "I apprehend this is the same instrument used by the ancients, and censured by the prophets, which in our translation is rendered crisping-pins."

Possibly the constant use of the scratch stick in countries without wood suggested that it should be carried in the hair, and hence it would originate the fashion of wearing the hair crimped round it, and after a while it would itself be used as a crimping-pin.

Thus far, the suggestion of a religious or ceremonial idea attaching to the custom of scratching has not been apparent, unless we bear in mind that the warrior setting out on the warpath never neglects to surround himself with all the safeguards which the most potent incantations and "medicine" of every kind can supply. But Herbert Spencer tells us in two places that the Creeks attach the idea of a ceremonial observance to the custom. He says that "the warriors have a ceremony of scratching each other as a sign of friendship;"[211] and again, "scratching is practiced among young warriors as a ceremony or token of friendship. When they have exchanged promises of inviolable attachment, they proceed to scratch each other before they part."[212]

Dr. J. Hampden Porter remarks that this ceremonial scratching may be a "survival" of the blood covenant, and that in earlier times the young warriors, instead of merely scratching each other's arms, may have cut the flesh and exchanged the blood. The idea seems to be a very sensible one.

Father Alegre describes a ceremonial scratching which may have been superseded by the scratch stick, to which the medicine-men of certain tribes subjected the young men before they set out on the warpath. Among the Pima and Opata the medicine-men drew from their quivers the claws of eagles, and with these gashed the young man along the arms from the shoulders to the wrists.[213]

This last paragraph suggests so strongly certain of the practices at the sun dance of the tribes farther to the north that it may be well to compare it with the other allusions in this paper to that dance.

It will be noticed that the use of the scratch-stick, at least among the tribes of America, seems to be confined to the male sex; but the information is supplied by Mr. Henshaw, of the Bureau of Ethnology, that the Indians of Santa Barbara, Cal., made their maidens at the time of attaining womanhood wear pendant from the neck a scratcher of abalone shell, which they had to use for an indefinite period when the scalp became irritable.

Prof. Otis T. Mason, of the National Museum, informs me that there is a superstition in Virginia to the effect that a young woman enciente for the first time must, under no circumstances, scratch her head with her fingers, at least while uncovered; she must either put on gloves or use a small stick.

The Parsi have a festival at which they serve a peculiar cake or bread called "draona," which is marked by scratches from the finger nails of the woman who has baked it.[214]

No stress has been laid upon the appearance in all parts of the world of "back scratchers" or "scratch my backs," made of ivory, bone, or wood, and which were used for toilet purposes to remove irritation from between the shoulder blades or along the spine where the hand itself could not reach. They are to the present day in use among the Chinese and Japanese, were once to be found among the Romans and other nations of Europe, and instances of their occasional employment until a very recent date might be supplied.

THE DRINKING REED.

Exactly what origin to ascribe to the drinking reed is now an impossibility, neither is it probable that the explanations which the medicine-men might choose to make would have the slightest value in dispelling the gloom which surrounds the subject. That the earliest conditions of the Apache tribe found them without many of the comforts which have for generations been necessaries, and obliged to resort to all sorts of expedients in cooking, carrying, or serving their food is the most plausible presumption, but it is submitted merely as a presumption and in no sense as a fact. It can readily be shown that in a not very remote past the Apache and other tribes were compelled to use bladders and reeds for carrying water, or for conveying water, broth, and other liquid food to the lips. The conservative nature of man in all that involves his religion would supply whatever might be needed to make the use of such reeds obligatory in ceremonial observances wherein there might be the slightest suggestion of religious impulse. We can readily imagine that among a people not well provided with forks and spoons, which are known to have been of a much later introduction than knives, there would be a very decided danger of burning the lips with broth, or of taking into the mouth much earthy and vegetable matter or ice from springs and streams at which men or women might wish to drink, so the use of the drinking reed would obviate no small amount of danger and discomfort.

Water was carried in reeds by the Dyaks of Borneo, according to Bock.[215] The manner in which the natives of the New Hebrides and other islands of the South Pacific Ocean carry water in bamboo joints recalls the Zuñi method of preserving the sacred water of the ocean in hollow reeds.[216]

Mr. F. H. Cushing shows that "so far as language indicates the character of the earliest water vessels which to any extent met the requirements of the Zuñi ancestry, they were tubes of wood or sections of canes."[217] Long after these reeds had disappeared from common use, the priests still persisted in their use for carrying the water for the sacred ceremonies. The mother of the king of Uganda gave to Speke "a beautifully-worked pombé sucking-pipe."[218] For ordinary purposes these people have "drinking gourds." In Ujiji, Cameron saw an old chief sucking pombé, the native beer, through a reed;[219] and, later on in his narrative, we learn that the reed is generally used for the purposes of drinking. "The Malabars reckoned it insolent to touch the vessel with their lips when drinking."[220] They made use of vessels with a spout, which were no more and no less than the small hollow-handled soup ladles of the Zuñi and Tusayan, through which they sipped their hot broth.

In an ancient grave excavated not far from Salem, Massachusetts, in 1873, were found five skeletons, one of which was supposed to be that of the chief Nanephasemet, who was killed in 1605 or 1606. He was the king of Namkeak. On the breast of this skeleton were discovered "several small copper tubes ... from 4 to 8 inches in length, and from one-eighth to one-fourth of an inch in diameter, made of copper rolled up, with the edges lapped."[221]

Alarcon relates that the tribes seen on the Rio Colorado by him in 1541, wore on one arm "certain small pipes of cane." But the object or purpose of wearing these is not indicated.[222]

The natives of the Friendly Islands carried in their ears little cylinders of reed, although we learn that these were "filled with a red solid substance."[223] Among the Narrinyeri of Australia, when young men are to be initiated into the rank of warriors, during the ceremonies "they are allowed to drink water, but only by sucking it up through a reed."[224] Admiral von Wrangel says of the Tchuktchi of Siberia: "They suck their broth through a small tube of reindeer bone," which "each individual carries about with him."[225] Padre Sahagun says that the human victim whom the Aztecs offered up in sacrifice was not allowed to touch water with his lips, but had to "suck it through a reed."[226]

"The Mexicans had a forty-days' fast in memory of one of their sacred persons who was tempted _forty_ days on a mountain. He drinks through a reed. He is called the Morning Star."[227] The Mexicans, according to Fray Diego Duran, placed before the statues of their dead bowls of "vino," with "rosas," tobacco (this seems to be the proper translation of the word "humazos," smokes), and a reed called the "drinker of the sun," through which the spirit could imbibe.[228]

"The suction pipes of steatite," mentioned by Schoolcraft, as found in the mounds, may have been the equivalents of our drinking reeds, and made of steatite to be the more readily preserved in the ritual of which they formed part.

Copper cylinders 1¼ inches long and ⅜ of an inch in diameter were found in the mounds of the Mississippi Valley by Squier and Davis. The conjecture that they had been used "for ornaments" does not seem warranted.[229]

We should not forget that there was a semideification of the reed itself by the Aztec in their assignment of it to a place in their calendar under the name of "acatl."[230]

Mrs. Ellen Russell Emerson speaks of the custom the warriors of the northern tribes had which suggests that she had heard of the drinking reed without exactly understanding what it meant. She says that warriors carry bowls of birch bark "from one side of which the warrior drinks in going to battle--from the other, on his return. These bowls are not carried home, but left on the prairie, or suspended from trees within a day's journey of his village."[231]

Among the Brahmans practices based upon somewhat similar ideas are to be found: every morning, upon rising, "ils prennent trois fois de l'eau dans la main, & en jettent trois fois dans leur bouche, évitant d'y toucher avec la main."[232]

The fundamental reason upon which the use of the drinking reed is based is that the warrior or devotee shall not let water touch his lips. It is strange to find among the regulations with regard to taking water by the warrior caste: "He shall not sip water while walking, standing, lying down, or bending forward."[233]

The Dharma-sûtra, traditionally connected with the Rishi-Vasishtha, of the Seventh Mandala of the Rig-Veda, is a relic of a Vedic school of the highest antiquity. Its seat was in the present northwestern provinces of India, and, like the Dharmasâstra of Gautama, it is the sole surviving record from this source.[234]

There was another service performed by reeds or tubes in the domestic economy of nations around the north pole. As the Apache are derived from an Arctic ancestry it does not seem amiss to allude to it. Lord Lonsdale, in describing the capture of a whale which he witnessed, says that the Eskimo women "first of all gathered up the harpoons and then pulled out all the spears. As each spear was withdrawn a blow-pipe was pushed into the wound and the men blew into it, after which the opening was tied up. When every wound had been treated in this manner the whale resembled a great windbag and floated high in the water."

In the National Museum at Washington, D. C., there are many pipes made of the bones of birds, which were used by the Inuit as drinking tubes when water had to be taken into the mouth from holes cut in the ice. These drinking tubes seem to be directly related to our subject, although they may also have been used as Lonsdale describes the pipes for blowing the dead whale full of air. Another point to be mentioned is that the eagle pipe kept in the mouth of the young warrior undergoing the torture of the sun dance among the Sioux and other tribes on the plains is apparently connected with the "bebedero del Sol" of the peoples to the south.[235]

The use of this drinking reed, shown to have been once so intimately associated with human sacrifice, may have disappeared upon the introduction of labrets, which seem, in certain cases at least, to be associated with the memory of enemies killed in battle, which would be only another form of human sacrifice. This suggestion is advanced with some misgivings, and only as a hypothesis to assist in determining for what purpose labrets and drinking tubes have been employed. The Apache have discontinued the use of the labret, which still is to be found among their congeners along the Lower Yukon, but not among those living along the lower river.[236] According to Dall the custom was probably adopted from the Inuit; he also shows that whenever labrets are worn in a tribe they are worn by both sexes, and that the women assume them at the first appearance of the catamenia.

"This is to be noted, that how many men these Savages [Brazilians] doe kill, so many holes they will have in their visage, beginning first in their nether lippe, then in their cheekes, thirdly, in both their eye-browes, and lastly in their eares."[237]

Cabeza de Vaca speaks of the Indians near Malhado Island, "They likewise have the nether lippe bored, and within the same they carrie a piece of thin Cane about halfe a finger thicke."[238] Herrera relates very nearly the same of the men of "Florida": "Traìan una tetilla oradada, metido por el agujero un pedaço de Caña, i el labio baxero tambien agujereado, con otra caña en èl."[239] But Herrera probably obtained his data from the narrative of Vaca.

In looking into this matter of labrets as connected or suspected as being in some way connected with the drinking reed, we should not expect to find the labret adhering very closely to the primitive form, because the labret, coming to be regarded more and more as an ornament, would allow greater and greater play to the fancy of the wearer or manufacturer, much the same as the crosses now worn by ladies, purely as matter of decoration, have become so thoroughly examples of dexterity in filagree work as to have lost the original form and significance as a declaration of faith. But it is a subject of surprise to find that the earlier writers persistently allude to the labrets in the lips of the Mexican deities, which probably were most tenacious of primitive forms, as being shaped like little reeds--"cañutillos."

Herrera says of Tescatlipoca: "Que era el Dios de la Penitencia, i de los Jubileos ... Tenia Çarcillo de Oro, i Plata en el labio baxo, con un cañutillo cristalino, de un geme de largo."[240] The high priest, he says, was called topilçin, and in sacrificing human victims he wore "debaxo del labio, junto al medio de la barba, una pieça como cañutillo, de una piedra açul."[241]

Father Acosta also speaks of the tube (canon) of crystal worn by Tezcatlipoca in the lower lip: "En la leure d'embas un petit canon de crystal, de la longueur d'un xeme ou demy pied."[242]

Speaking of Quetzalcoatl Clavigero says: "From the under lip hung a crystal tube."[243] From Diego Duran's account of this "bezote" or labret it must have been hollow, as he says it contained a feather: "En el labio bajo tenia un bezote de un veril cristalino y en el estaba metida una pluma verde y otras veces azul."[244]

In the Popul Vuh is to be found a myth which gives an account of the origin of labrets. It relates that two night watchers over the flowers in the garden of Xibalba had in some manner proved derelict in duty, and had their lips split as a punishment.[245]

In Paraguay a tribe called the Chiriguanes, "se percent la levre inférieure & ils y attachent un petit Cilindre d'étain ou d'argent, ou de Resine transparente. Ce prétendu ornement s'appelle _Tembeta_."[246]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Narrative of Captivity, Cincinnati, 1871, p. 141.

[2] Padre Boscana, Chinigchinich, in Robinson's California, p. 261.

[3] Origine de tous les Cultes, vol. 2, pt. 2, pp. 87, 88.

[4] Diego Duran, vol. 3, pp. 237, 238.

[5] Higgins, Anacalypsia, lib. 2, p. 77.

[6] Balboa, Hist. du Pérou, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., vol. 15.

[7] Ross, Fur Hunters, quoted by Spencer, Desc. Soc.

[8] Max Müller, Science of Religion, p. 88.

[9] Davis, Spanish Conq. of N. M., p. 98.

[10] I Samuel, XII, 17, 18.

[11] Cérémonies et Coûtumes, vol. 6, p. 75.

[12] Everard im Thurn, Indians of Guiana, London, 1883, p. 334.

[13] Tanner's Narrative, p. 390.

[14] Diego Duran, lib. 3, cap. 3, p. 201.

[15] Dorman, Primitive Superstitions, p. 384.

[16] Spencer, Desc. Sociology.

[17] Picart, Cérémonies et Coûtumes Religieuses, Amsterdam, 1735, vol. 6, p. 122.

[18] Myths of the New World, p. 281.

[19] Domenech, Deserts, vol. 2, p. 392.

[20] Bancroft, Nat. Races, vol. 1, p. 777.

[21] Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. 5, p. 462.

[22] Brinton, Myths of the New World, p. 281.

[23] Spencer, Ecclesiastical Institutions, cap. V.

[24] Salverte, Philosophy of Magic, vol. 2, pp. 6-7.

[25] Tylor, Primitive Culture, London, 1871, vol. 2, p. 377.

[26] "St. Patrick, we are told, floated to Ireland on an altar stone. Among other wonderful things, he converted a marauder into a wolf and lighted a fire with icicles."--James A. Froude, Reminiscences of the High Church Revival. (Letter V.)

[27] Demonology and Witchcraft, p. 184.

[28] Jesuits in North America, pp. 34, 35.

[29] Herrera, dec. 4, lib. 8, cap. 5, 159.

[30] Ibid., dec. 3, lib. 4, p. 121.

[31] Hist. de las Indias, p. 283.

[32] American Antiquarian, November, 1886, p. 334.

[33] Dorman, Primitive Superstitions, p. 380, quoting Herrera, dec. 3, p. 262.

[34] Descriptive Sociology.

[35] Admiral Smyth's translation in Hakluyt Society, London, 1857, vol. 21, p. 9.

[36] American Indians, p. 26.

[37] Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, p. 173.

[38] "Estos mascan cierta yerba, y con el zumo rocian las soldados estando para dar batalla." Gomara, ibid., p. 179.

[39] Herrera, dec. 2, lib. 10, p. 260.

[40] Father Dobrizhoffer, quoted by Spencer, Eccles. Institutions, cap. 10, sec. 630.

[41] Catlin, N. A. Indians, London, 1845, vol. 2, p. 232.

[42] Gomara, op. cit., p. 173.

[43] Spencer, Eccles. Institutions, cap. 10, pp. 780, 781, quoting Stubb's Constitutional History of England.

[44] Ibid., sec. 630, p. 781, quoting Turner (Geo.), Nineteen Years in Polynesia.

[45] Vol. 3, p. 176.

"In every part of the globe fragments of primitive languages are preserved in religious rites." Humboldt, Researches, London, 1814, vol. 1, p. 97.

"Et même Jean P. C., Prince de la Mirande, escrit que les mots barbares & non entendus ont plus de puissance en la Magie que ceux qui sont entendus." Picart, vol. 10, p. 45.

The medicine-men of Cumana (now the United States of Colombia, South America) cured their patients "con palabras muy revesadas y que aun el mismo médico no las entiende." Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, p. 208.

The Tlascaltecs had "oradores" who employed gibberish--"hablaban Gerigonça." Herrera, dec. 2, lib. 6, p. 163.

In Peru, if the fields were afflicted with drought, the priests, among other things, "chantaient un cantique dont le sens était inconnu du vulgaire." Balboa, Hist. du Pérou, p. 128, in Ternaux-Compans, vol. 15.

[46] Assiniboine and Saskatchewan Exped., London, 1860, vol. 2, p. 155.

[47] Cockayne, Leechdoms, vol. 1, p. xxx.

[48] "The belief in the magic power of sacred words, whether religious formulas or the name of gods, was also acknowledged [i.e., in Egypt] and was the source of a frightful amount of superstition.... The superstitious repetition of names (many of which perhaps never had any meaning at all) is particularly conspicuous in numerous documents much more recent than the Book of the Dead."--Hibbert, Lectures, 1879, pp. 192, 193.

[49] Salverte, Philosophy of Magic, vol. 1, p. 134.

[50] Kingsborough, lib. 2, vol. 7, p. 102.

[51] Popular Antiquities, vol. 2, p. 70.

[52] Ibid., p. 160.

[53] Ibid., p. 217.

[54] Ibid., p. 218.

[55] Ibid., p. 219.

[56] Ibid., pp. 214, 215.

[57] Ibid., p. 216.

[58] "When the Carriers are severely sick, they often think that they shall not recover, unless they divulge to a priest or magician, every crime which they may have committed, which has hitherto been kept secret."--Harmon's Journal, p. 300. The Carriers or Ta-kully are Tinneh.

[59] For identical notions among the Arawaks of Guiana, Tupis of Brazil, Creeks, Patagonians, Kaffirs, Chiqnitos, and others, see the works of Schoolcraft, Herbert Spencer, Schultze, and others.

[60] Extract from the Jesuit Falkner's account of Patagonia, in Voyages of the _Adventure_ and _Beagle_, London, 1839, vol. 2, p. 163.

[61] "Nul de ces médecins ne peut mourir si'ls ne lui enlevent les testicules." Brasseur de Bourbourg, Trans. of Fra Roman Pane, Des Antiquités des Indiens, Paris, 1864, p. 451.

[62] Hist. Gen., dec. 1, lib. 3, p. 69.

[63] Madden, Shrines and Sepulchres, vol. 1, p. 14.

[64] Gayarre, Louisiana; its Colonial History, p. 355.

[65] Spencer, Desc. Sociology.

[66] Balboa, Hist. du Pérou, Ternaux-Compans, vol. 15.

[67] Davis, Conq. of New Mexico, p. 86.

[68] Crónica Seráfica y Apostolica, Espinosa, Mexico, 1746, p. 421.

[69] Desc. Sociology.

[70] Mendieta, Hist. Eclesiástica Indiana, p. 136.

[71] Ibid., p. 136.

[72] Hist. de las Indias, p. 179.

[73] Herrera, dec. 2, lib. 10, p. 260.

[74] Ibid., dec. 3, lib. 4, p. 121.

[75] Ibid., dec. 4, lib. 9, cap. 7, p. 188.

[76] Keating's translation, p. 352, quoted by Samuel Farmar Jarvis, Religion of the Indian Tribes, in Coll. New York Historical Soc., vol. 3, 1819, p. 262.

[77] Smith, Araucanians, pp. 238, 239.

[78] Richardson, Arctic Searching Expedition, vol. 1, p. 366.

[79] Schultze, Fetichism, New York, 1885, p. 49.

[80] Spencer, Desc. Sociology.

[81] Ternaux-Compans, vol. 7, p. 110.

[82] Schultze, Fetichism, New York, 1885, p. 49.

[83] Smithsonian Report for 1867.

[84] Long's Expedition, Philadelphia, 1823, p. 238.

[85] Hist. of the American Indians, p. 238.

[86] Schultze, Fetichism, New York, 1885, p. 52.

[87] Hist. de las Indias, p. 232.

[88] Ternaux-Compans, vol. 7, pp. 114, 115.

[89] Notes from Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, pp. 172-173.

[90] History of California, vol. 1, p. 97.

[91] Ternaux-Compans, vol. 10, p. 85.

[92] Herrera, dec. 4, lib. 9, cap. 8, p. 188.

[93] Smith, Araucanians, p. 234.

[94] Bancroft, Native Races, vol. 1, p. 779.

[95] Alegre, Historia de la Compañía de Jesus en Nueva-España, vol. 1, p. 401.

[96] Desc. Sociology.

[97] Kraskenninikoff, History of Kamtchatka and the Kurilski Islands, Grieve's translation, p. 219.

[98] Ibid., p. 220.

[99] Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. 5.

[100] Smith, Araucanians, p. 233.

[101] Dr. Edwin G. Meek, Toner Collection, Library of Congress.

[102] Lieut. Pettit in Jour. U. S. Mil. Serv. Instit., 1886, pp. 336-337.

[103] Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. 1, p. 155.

[104] Dennys, Folk Lore of China, p. 57.

[105] "Chinigchinich" in Robinson's California, pp. 271, 272.

[106] The reader interested in this matter may find something bearing upon it in Diego Duran, lib. 1, cap. 36, p. 387; Torquemada, Mon. Indiana, lib. 9, cap. 3; Venegas, History of California, vol. 1, p. 105; Gomara, Conq. de Mexico, p. 443; Herrera, dec. 4, lib. 8, p. 158; Maximilian of Wied, p. 431, and others; The "pelucas" mentioned of the Orinoco tribes by Padre Gumilla would seem to be nothing more than feather head-dresses; p. 66.

[107] Tribes and Languages of Costa Rica, Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., Philadelphia, 1875, p. 503.

[108] Corbusier, in American Antiquarian, Sept., 1886, p. 279.

[109] Source of the Nile, p. 567.

[110] Vol. 2, p. 193.

[111] Ensayo Cronologico, p. 139.

[112] For the Shamans of Kodiak, see Lisiansky, Voyage, London, 1814, p. 208; for the Mexicans, Padre José Acosta, Paris, 1600, cap. 26, p. 256; Society Islands, Malte-Brun, Univ. Geography, vol. 3, lib. 58, p. 634, Boston, 1825. Sir Samuel Baker, The Albert N'yanza, vol. 1, p. 211.

[113] Ternaux-Compans, vol. 9, p. 294.

[114] Catlin, North American Indians, London. 1845, vol. 1, p. 55.

[115] Ibid., p. 95.

[116] Parkman, Jesuits in North America, p. lxxxiv.

[117] Wanderings of an Artist in North America, p. 40.

[118] Dec. 2, lib. 6, p. 161.

[119] Smithsonian Report for 1871.

[120] Purchas, lib. 9, cap. 12, sec. 4, p. 1555, edition of 1622.

[121] Chinigchinich, p. 253.

[122] Theal, Kaffir Folk-lore, pp. 209-210.

[123] Clements R. Markham, Note on Garcilasso de la Vega, in Hakluyt Soc., vol. 41, p. 183, quoting Acosta, lib. 5, cap. 4.

[124] Andrew Lang, Custom and Myth, New York, 1885, chapter entitled "The bull roarer," pp. 29-44.

[125] John Fraser, The Aborigines of Australia; their Ethnic Position and Relations, pp. 161-162.

[126] "When the rain-maker of the Lenni Lennape would exert his power, he retired to some secluded spot and drew upon the earth the figure of a cross (its arms toward the cardinal points?), placed upon it a piece of tobacco, a gourd, a bit of some red stuff, and commenced to cry aloud to the spirits of the rains."--Brinton, Myths of the New World, New York, 1868, p. 96 (after Loskiel).

[127] Père Chrestien Le Clercq, Gaspesie, Paris, 1691, p. 170.

[128] Ibid., cap. x, pp. 172-199.

[129] Dec. 2, lib. 2, p. 48.

[130] Ibid., p. 59.

[131] Assinniboine and Saskatchewan Expedition, vol. 2, p. 123.

[132] New York, 1819, pp. x, xxix, 47.

[133] Forster, Voyage Round the World, vol. 1, pp. 219, 519.

[134] Hawkesworth, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 161.

[135] Ibid., p. 257.

[136] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 113.

[137] Forlong, Rivers of Life, vol. 1, pp. 541, 542.

[138] Nat. Races, vol. 1, p. 380.

[139] Kohl, Kitchi-gami, pp. 345, 346.

[140] Tanner's Narrative, p. 372.

[141] John de Laet, lib. 3, cap. 18, p. 90, quoting Capt. John Smith.

[142] Le Jeune in Jesuit Relations, 1633, vol. 1, Quebec, 1858.

[143] Third Voyage of David Peter De Vries to New Amsterdam, in Trans. N. Y. Hist. Soc., vol. 3, p. 91.

[144] Charlevoix, New France, New York, 1866, vol. 4, p. 105.

[145] Squier, Serpent Symbol, p. 197.

[146] Coleman, Mythology of the Hindus, London, 1832, p. 63.

[147] Vol. 3.

[148] Speke, Source of the Nile, London, 1863, p. 500.

[149] Ibid.

[150] Stanley, Through the Dark Continent, vol. 1, p. 327.

[151] Miles, Demigods and Dæmonia, in Jour. Ethnol. Soc., London, vol. 3, p. 28, 1854.

[152] Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. 1, p. 30.

[153] Ibid., p. 131.

[154] Ibid., p. 348.

[155] Peter Kolben, speaking of the Hottentots, in Knox, vol. 2, p. 394.

[156] O-kee-pa, pp. 28-29.

[157] Frazer, Totemism, Edinburgh, 1887, pp. 54, 55; after Maximilian.

[158] Kelly, Narrative of Captivity, Cincinnati, 1871, p. 143.

[159] Différens Cultes, vol. 1, p. 57.

[160] Judges, I, 7.

[161] Brand, Pop. Ant., London, 1882, vol. 3, p. 278.

[162] American Anthropologist, Washington, D. C., January, 1888.

[163] Kingsborough, vol. 8, p. 70. The Aztec believed that the woman who died in childbirth was equal to the warrior who died in battle and she went to the same heaven. The middle finger of the left hand is the finger used in the necklace of human fingers.

[164] Sahagun, in Kingsborough, vol. 7, p. 147.

[165] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 28, cap. 20. Holland's translation.

[166] Shakespeare, Macbeth, act 4, scene 1.

[167] Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 28, cap. 11.

[168] Tractatus de Fascinatione, Nuremberg, 1675, p. 681.

[169] Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1073.

[170] Brand, Pop. Ant., vol. 3, p. 10.

[171] Montfaucon, l'Antiquité expliquée, vol. 2, liv. 4, cap. 6, p. 249.

[172] Vâsish_th_a, cap. 3, pars. 64-68, p. 25 (Sacred Books of the East, Oxford, 1882, Max Müller's edition).

[173] Travels of Two Mohammedans through India and China, in Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 7, p. 218.

[174] Every-Day Book, vol. 2, col. 95.

[175] "Traen los dientes al cuello (como sacamuelas) por bravosidad."--Gomara, Historia de las Indias, p. 201.

[176] "Los Caberres y muchos Caribes, usan por gala muchas sartas de dientes y muelas de gente para dar á entender que son muy valientes por los despojos que alli ostentan ser de sus enemigos que mataron."--Gumilla, Orinoco, Madrid, 1741, p. 65.

[177] Padre Fray Alonzo Fernandez, Historia Eclesiastica, Toledo, 1611, p. 17.

[178] Ibid., p. 161.

[179] Cérémonies et Coûtumes, Amsterdam, 1735, vol. 6, p. 114.

[180] "Formada la cara como de Sol, con rayos de Nacar al rededor, y perfilada de lo mismo; y en la boca embutidos los dientes, que quitaron à los Españoles, que avian muerto."--Villaguitierre, Hist. de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza, Madrid, 1701, p. 500. (Itza seems to have been the country of the Lacandones.)

[181] Edwards, speaking of the Carib, quoted by Spencer, Desc. Sociology. The same custom is ascribed to the Tupinambi of Brazil. Ibid, quoting from Southey.

[182] Through the Dark Continent, vol. 2, p. 286.

[183] Ibid., p. 288.

[184] Ibid., p. 290.

[185] Speke, Source of the Nile, London, 1863, p. 500.

[186] Heart of Africa, vol. 2, p. 54.

[187] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 285.

[188] Sir Samuel Baker, The Albert N'yanza, Philadelphia, 1869, p. 154 et seq.

[189] Burton, Mission to Gelele, vol. 1, p. 135 et seq.

[190] Voyage Round the World, London, 1823, pp. 209, 210.

[191] Kotzebue, Voyage, London, 1821, vol. 2, p. 202. See also Villaguitierre, cited above.

[192] Capt. Cook's First Voyage, in Pinkerton's Voyages, London, 1812, vol. 11, pp. 513, 515.

[193] Campbell, Voyage Round the World, N. Y., 1819, p. 153.

[194] Frazer, Totemism, Edinburgh, 1887, p. 28.

[195] Historia de Chile, Madrid, 1795, vol. 2, p. 80.

[196] Spencer, Desc. Sociology.

[197] Indian Myths, Boston, 1884, p. 256.

[198] Tanner's Narrative, p. 122.

[199] Kitchi-gami, p. 344.

[200] Voyages, p. 323.

[201] Kane, Wanderings of an Artist in North America, p. 399.

[202] Native Races, vol. 1, p. 553.

[203] Hawkins, quoted by Gatschet, Migration Legend of the Creeks, Philadelphia, 1884, vol. 1, p. 185.

[204] Corbusier, in American Antiquarian, September, 1886, p. 279.

[205] Everard F. im Thurn, Indians of Guiana, p. 218.

[206] Crantz, History of Greenland, London, 1767, vol. 1, pp. 210-211.

[207] Forster, Voyage Round the World, vol. 2, pp. 275, 288.

[208] Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. 3, p. 508.

[209] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 2, p. 544.

[210] Travels to discover the source of the Nile in the years 1768, etc., Dublin, 1791, vol. 3, p. 410.

[211] Desc. Sociology.

[212] Ibid., quoting Schoolcraft.

[213] "Saca de su carcax algunos pies y unas de águila secos y endurecidos, con los cuales, comienza á sajarle desde los hombros hasta las muñecas."--Historia de la Compañía de Jesus en Nueva España, Mexico, 1842, vol. 2, pp. 218, 219.

[214] Shâyast lâ-shâyast, cap. 3, par. 32, p. 284 (Max Müller edition, Oxford, 1880). When the "drôn" has been marked with three rows of finger-nail scratches it is called a "frasast."

[215] Head-Hunters of Borneo, London, 1881, p. 139.

[216] See, for the New Hebrides, Forster, Voyage Round the World, vol. 2, p. 255.

[217] Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1882-'83, p. 482.

[218] Speke, Source of the Nile, London, 1863, pp. 306, 310.

[219] Cameron, Across Africa, London, 1877, vol. 1, p. 276.

[220] De Gama's Discovery of the East Indies, in Knox, Voyages, London, 1767, vol. 2, p. 324.

[221] Andrew K. Ober, in the Salem Gazette, Salem, Mass.

[222] Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. 3, p. 508; also, Ternaux-Compans, Voy., vol. 9, pp. 307, 308.

[223] Forster, Voyage Round the World, vol. 1, p. 435

[224] Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. 1, p. 66.

[225] English edition, New York, 1842, p. 271.

[226] Kingsborough, vol. 6, p. 100.

[227] Godfrey Higgins, Anacalypsis, vol. 2, book 1, cap. 4, sec. 9, p. 81.

[228] Y ponía delante un canuto grande y queso [grueso?] para con que bebiese: este canuto llamaban "bebedero del Sol."--Diego Duran, vol. 1, cap. 38, p. 386.

[229] Smithsonian Contributions, vol. 1, p. 151.

[230] The reed, which is the proper meaning of the word "acatl," is the hieroglyphic of the element water. Veytia, quoted by Thomas, in 3rd Ann. Rep., Bu. Eth., 1881-1882, p. 42 et seq.

[231] Indian Myths, Boston, 1884, p. 260.

[232] Picart, Cérémonies et Coûtumes Religieuses de tous les Peuples du Monde, Amsterdam, 1735, vol. 6, part 2, p. 103.

[233] Vâsish_th_a, cap. 3, pars. 26-30, pp. 20-21. Sacred Books of the East, Oxford, 1882, vol. 14, edition of Max Müller.

[234] Ibid.

[235] Diego Duran, loc. cit.

[236] See Dall, Masks and Labrets, p. 151.

[237] Peter Carder, an Englishman captive among the Brazilians, 1578-1586, in Purchas, vol. 4, lib. 6, cap. 5, p. 1189.

[238] Purchas, vol. 4, lib. 8, cap. 1, sec. 2, p. 1508.

[239] Dec. 4, lib. 4, p. 69.

[240] Dec. 3, lib. 2, p. 67.

[241] Ibid., p. 70.

[242] Histoire Naturelle des Indes, Paris, 1600, lib. 5, cap. 9, p. 224.

[243] History of Mexico, Philadelphia, 1817, vol. 2, p. 6.

[244] Duran, op. cit., vol. 3, cap. 4, p. 211.

[245] Brasseur de Bourbourg's translation, cap. 12, p. 175.

[246] Picart, Cérémonies et Coûtumes Religieuses de tous les Peuples du Monde, Amsterdam, 1743, vol. 8, p. 287.