Chapter I: Part 1
_Anth. van Dycke Eques pinxit,_ _W. Hollar fecit, aqua forti_]
THE
most notable
ANTIQUITY
OF
_GREAT BRITAIN_,
vulgarly called
STONE-HENG
ON
_SALISBURY PLAIN_.
RESTORED
By _INIGO JONES_ Esquire,
Architect Generall to the late
KING.
_LONDON_,
Printed by _James Flesher_ for _Daniel Pakeman_ at the sign of the
_Rainbow_ in _Fleetstreet_, and _Laurence Chapman_ next door
to the Fountain Tavern in the _Strand_. 1655.
TO
The Right Honourable
PHILIP
Earle of _Pembroke_ and _Montgomerie_,
Baron _Herbert_ of _Caerdiff_ and _Sherland_,
Lord _Parr_ and _Rosse_ of _Kendall_, Lo: _Fitzhugh
Marmyon_ and Saint _Quintin_ &c.
_STONE-HENG_ restored
is
humbly dedicated
by
Your Loᵖˢ devoted servant
_John Webb_.
TO
THE FAVOURERS
OF
_ANTIQUITY_.
This Discourse of _Stone-heng_ is moulded off, and cast into a rude Form, from some few indigested notes of the late judicious _Architect_, the _Vitruvius_ of his age _Inigo Jones_. That so venerable an _Antiquity_ might not perish, but the world made beholding to him for restoring it to light, the desires of severall his learned _Friends_ have encouraged me to compose this Treatise. Had he survived to have done it with his own hand, there had needed no Apology. Such as it is, I make now yours. Accept it in _his name_, from
_J. W._
STONEHENG
RESTORED,
BY
_INIGO JONES_ Esquire.
Being naturally inclined in my younger years to study the _Arts of Designe_, I passed into forrain parts to converse with the great Masters thereof in _Italy_; where I applied my self to search out the ruines of those ancient _Buildings_, which in despight of _Time_ it self, and violence of _Barbarians_ are yet remaining. Having satisfied my self in these, and returning to my native _Countrey_, I applied my minde more particularly to the study of _Architecture_. Among the ancient monuments whereof, found here, I deemed none more worthy the searching after, then this of _Stoneheng_; not only in regard of the _Founders_ thereof, the _Time_ when built, the _Work_ it self, but also for the rarity of its _Invention_, being different in _Forme_ from all I had seen before: likewise, of as beautifull _Proportions_, as elegant in _Order_, and as stately in _Aspect_, as any.
King _James_, in his progresse, the year one thousand six hundred and twenty, being at _Wilton_, and discoursing of this _Antiquity_, I was sent for by the right Honourable _William_ then _Earl of Pembrook_, and received there his Majesties commands to produce out of mine own practise in _Architecture_, and experience in _Antiquities_ abroad, what possibly I could discover concerning this of _Stoneheng_. What mine opinion was then, and what I have since collected in relation thereunto; I intend to make the subject of this present Treatise. And certainly, in the intricate, and obscure study of _Antiquity_ it is far easier (as _Camden_ very well observes) to refute and contradict a false, then to set down a true and certain resolution. For mine own part, in what I shall here deliver, I intend not to struggle against any opinion commonly, and long since received. Let every man judge as it pleaseth him. What opinion soever the Reader inclines to, I shall not make much materiall, my aime being, a desire only to vindicate, as much as in me lies, the _Founders_ of this venerable _Antiquity_ from oblivion, and to make the truth, as far forth as possibly I may, appeare to all men.
Severall Writers, both Strangers, and our own Countreymen, have treated of _Stoneheng_. Before recite whole opinions, I think not amisse to seek this subject from the most ancient times, endevouring thereby to give satisfaction whether or no, the _Druides_, _aliàs_ _Druidæ_ (in Authors indifferently written, and in old time the _Priests_ of the _Britans_ and _Gauls_) or the ancient _Britans_, for the _Druid’s_ use, might not be the _Founders_ of so notable a monument; which if they were, there is then no cause why bestow farther study or pains, in searching who the _Founders_ were, but acquiesce in the honour of our own Nations first erection of it.
As far neverthelesse, as from History ancient or moderne may be gathered, there is little likelyhood of any such matter, considering especially what the _Druid’s_ were; also, what small experience the _Britans_, anciently inhabiting this Isle, had, in knowledge of what ever _Arts_, much lesse of building, with like elegancy and proportion, such goodly works as _Stoneheng_.
[Sidenote: _Cæsar. Commen. lib. 6._]
[Sidenote: _Plin. lib. 16._]
Concerning the _Druid’s_ in the first place, true it is, they are reported in ancient times, to have been in great esteeme in this Island, where their discipline, and manner of learning, was supposed to be first invented, and from hence translated into _Gaul_. _Disciplina in Britannia reperta_ (saith _Cæsar_) _atque inde in Galliam translata esse existimatur._ They are said in like manner no have ordered and disposed all divine matters, as well in relation to their severall kinds of Sacrifices, as to expounding whatever rites of their idolatrous superstition; insomuch, you may call them (if you please) the Bishops and Clergy of that Age.
[Sidenote: _Strab. lib. 4._]
[Sidenote: _Cæsar. lib. 6._]
Their power moreover, and preheminence was not confined within the strict limits of sacred matters, but enjoying a more large prerogative, temporall negotiations, and affairs of State were transacted by them: the managing of Peace and War was usually remitted to their Authority, even when Armies were ready to joyn in Battell. _Publica iis_ (saith _Strabo_) _& privata judicia committuntur, & aliquando causis bellorum disceptandis jam acie congressuros composuerunt._ Judges they were (saith _Cæsar_ also) in almost all civill and criminall causes: sentence they gave in case of life and death: decide they did controversies, and debates betwixt party and party: finally, whatever else was requisite and convenient to keep the people in due obedience to their _Princes_, they wholly took the care and charge of.
[Sidenote: _Vitr. li. 1._]
These were the maine affaires wherein the employment of the _Druides_ consisted, and whereunto they wholly addicted themselves. Whosoever desires to know more of them, may read _Cæsar_, _Diodorus Siculus_, _Strabo_, _Pliny_, _Diogenes Laertius_, _Ammianus Marcellinus_, and such like ancient Authors. But, whatsoever these, or other Historians have written of the _Druides_, certainly, _Stoneheng_ could not be builded by them, in regard, I find no mention, they were at any time either studious in _Architecture_, (which in this subject is chiefly to be respected) or skilfull in any thing else conducing thereunto. For, _Academies_ of _Designe_ were unknown unto them: publique Lectures in the _Mathematiques_ not read amongst them: nothing of their _Painting_, not one word of their _Sculpture_ is to be found, or scarce of any Science (_Philosophy_ and _Astronomy_ excepted) proper to informe the judgement of an _Architect_; who, (as _Vitruvius_ saith) should be _peritus Graphidos, eruditus Geometria, & Optices non ignarus_ &c. _perfect in Designe, expert in Geometry, well seen in the Opticks, skilfull in Arithmetick, a good Historian, a diligent hearer of Philosophers, well experienced in Physick, Musick, Law and Astrologie_.
[Sidenote: _Cæsar. li. 6._]
Of all that have written of the _Druid’s_, no Author knew them better then _Cæsar_, neither hath any more fully described them; who after a large discourse of their discipline, priviledges, and _Theologie_, _Multa de sideribus_ (saith he) _atque eorum motu, de mundi ac terrarum magnitudine, de rerum natura, &c. disputant, & juventuti transdunt. They make much dispute, and instruct their Scholars in many things concerning the Stars, and their motion, the greatnesse of Heaven and Earth, of the nature of things &c._ As for other Arts relating to the _Mathematiques_, or any works of this kind, he makes no manner of mention, though himself an _Architect_, glorying in his own, and much more extolling others invention in that _Art_.
The truth is, those ancient times had no knowledge of publique works, either Sacred or Secular, for their own use, or honour of their _Deities_. Besides, they us’d not any buildings of Stone, or (for ought is manifest) knew so much, as how to order working therein. The _Druid’s_ led a solitary contemplative life, contenting themselves with such habitations, as either meer necessity invented, to shelter them from contrariety of seasons, without _Art_, without _Order_, without any whatever means tending to perpetuity: or, such as _Nature_ alone had prepared for them in dens, and caves of desert and darksome woods; esteeming it, questionlesse, the highest secret of their mystery, rather to command in caves and cottages, then live like Kings, in Palaces, and stately houses. They were too wise, knew too well, ’twas their humility, integrity, retired manner of life, and pretended sanctity possest the people with an awfully reverend esteem of them; and which fed, and kept up their reputation throughout the Countrey, when outward appearances of State and magnificence would either have brought them into envy, and their superstition into contempt, or themselves and _Religion_ both to be wholly extirpated and laid aside.
[Sidenote: _Pomp. Mela lib. 3._]
_Pomponius Mela_ discoursing of the _Druides_, _Docent multa_ (saith he) _nobilissimos gentis clam & diu vicenis annis in specu, aut in abditis saltibus_, _They teach the Nobility, and better sort of their nation, many things, even twenty years together, secretly in caves, or close coverts of obscure woods and forrests_. Such, and no other were their habitations, such their Universities, and publique Schooles.
[Sidenote: _Pliny lib. 16._]
As for their _Temples_ and sacred structures, they consisted not in variety of formes, costlinesse of materials, or perfection of humane _Arts_, but were of _Natures_ own framing in like manner, being no other then groves of Oke. _The_ Druid’s _chose of purpose_ (saith _Pliny_) _such groves for their divine Service, as stood only upon Okes; nay they solemnized no Sacrifice, nor performed any sacred Ceremonies without the branches, and leaves thereof; from whence they may seem well enough to be named_ Dryadæ _in_ Greek, _which signifies as much as_ Oke Priests.
[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 14._]
The _Romans_ having forced their passage, and gained victory over the _Druid’s_ in _Anglesey_, cut down their woods and groves, amongst them reckoned holy, and consecrated to their execrable superstitions. _Excisi luci_ (saith _Tacitus_) _sævis superstitionibus sacri_.
To this purpose, _Humphrey Lloid_, in his history of _Wales_, The vast woods growing in that Island, were not only by the _Romans_, but afterwards, when the _Christian_ Faith took place in this _Nation_, by the _Christians_ also fell’d and rooted out. And why? because of the idolatry (saith he) and absurd Religion used in them. Again, in his Epistle to _Ortelius_ concerning the Isle of _Anglesey_, the same Author affirmes; Though there is little wood now growing there, yet every day the roots and bodies of huge trees of a wonderfull length and bignesse are by the inhabitants found, and digged out of the earth, in divers places in low grounds, and champion fields.
Now, if in stead of these roots, and bodies of trees, the ruines of ancient Structures had been there found, it might peradventure, with some probability, have been presumed either that the _Druid’s_ used _Temples_, or some other buildings of stone. For, their ancient seat was in the Isle of _Mona_, now _Anglesey_, whence modern Writers style it _Insulam Druidum_, the _Island_ of the _Druid’s_, and _sedem Druidum_, the seat of the _Druid’s_. And from hence, questionlesse, it came to passe, the _Romans_, with such difficulty, under the conduct of _Suetonius Paulinus_, brought that Island under their power; nor was it wholly subdued to their Empire, untill _Julius Agricola’s_ time. For, whereas in other parts of _Britain_, the people contended for Liberty only, there, they fought _pro aris & focis_, for Liberty, and Religion both.
[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 16._]
There it was the _British_ armies (saith _Tacitus_) being imbattailed, the women ran to and fro amongst them in sable weeds, their hair about their ears, and fire-brands in their hands, like infernall furies, the _Druid’s_ round about them also, lifting up their hands to Heaven, and pouring forth deadly curses; the novelty of which sight bred such amazement in the _Roman Legions_, (the _Romans_ here, it seems, were unacquainted with the _Druid’s_ till then) that they stood stock still, and close together, not once moving a foot, as if possessed with a resolution to act nothing at all, but receive their deaths tamely and without any great resistance.
Wherefore, besides, that History hath not remembred the ruines of any ancient buildings digged up in _Anglesey_; if either, this _Antiquity_ had been remaining in that _Island_, or any Author delivered such Actions of the _Druid’s_, as aforesaid, performed about the place, where _Stoneheng_ remains standing, there might have been some advantage made thereof to the purpose now in hand. But _Anglesey_ excepted, ancient Writers give them residence in no part of _Britain_ beside, nor are they remembred by any, to have been found elswhere, throughout the whole Nation. With respect whereunto, if the _Druid’s_ had knowledge, either to build the like magnificent structures, or use, for any such, they would, without all peradventure, have erected them upon the same place rather where themselves resided, then elswhere.
[Sidenote: _Cæs. Com. lib. 6._]
Neither are we to wonder, they chose such an out-nook or corner as _Anglesey_, to reside in; in regard, there, they lived remote, and solitary; there, were store of caves, and dens to instruct their Scholars in, close and retired places for their own habitations, and plenty of groves to perform their sacred mysteries in. Moreover, they past their days there, like the Hermits of old time, according to their own desire, in full contentment, and with free liberty to study, and contemplate what they pleased. For, _Anglesey_ (we must know) in those times of yore, was wholly overgrown with desert Woods, and obscure forrests, from whence the ancient _Britans_ call’d it _Ynis Dowil_, the shadowy or dark _Island_. Which name it still retains, and is well known thereby to the now inhabitants, who are, even at this day, likewise enclined, (yea, they usually accustome themselves) to commit things more to Memory, then Writing; and, as having received it by tradition from their Ancestors, living in those ancient times, still endevour to observe that custom of the _Druid’s, who held it unlawfull to commit any thing to writing_. As _Cæsar_ (in the sixth book of his Commentaries of the Gaulish war) delivers.
Concerning the _Britans_ in the next place, The condition of those ancient inhabitants of this Island in the _Druid’s_ time duly considered, (_viz._ in what manner they lived, how unskilfull in all Sciences, and civill customs, what Deities they had, in what places they adored them, and what manner of buildings, or sacred or secular, were used by them) as little reason appears, that this Antiquity was by them erected.
[Sidenote: _Herodian. lib. 3._]
As for their manner of living, the _Britans_ were then a savage and barbarous people, knowing no use at all of garments. _Vestis usum non cognoscunt_ (saith _Herodian_.) Now, if destitute of the knowledge, even to clothe themselves, much lesse any knowledge had they to erect stately structures, or such remarkable works as _Stoneheng_. What fashions they used to adorn their bodies with, the same Author tells us. _As a rare and rich habiliment, they wore about their wasts and necks ornaments of iron_ (saith he) _and did pounce and colour their bodies with sundry forms, in rude manner representing severall creatures_. In which regard, they would not be otherwise clothed, lest constrain’d thereby to hide such their simple (though with them much esteemed) bravery.
[Sidenote: _Strabo li. 4._]
Again, in other their civill customs, they were no lesse rude and ignorant; yea, so barbarous, even in things appertaining to common sustenance, and whatever husbandry; that (as _Strabo_) _Quidam eorum ob imperitiam caseos nullos conficiant, cum tamen lacte abundent: alii hortos colendi, & aliarum partium agriculturæ ignari sunt_. _Many of them, though they had great plenty of milk, yet their want of skill was such, they knew not how to make cheese: others so simple, they knew not to order their gardens or orchards, or any thing belonging thereunto._
[Sidenote: _Dion li. 62._]
[Sidenote: _Ral. li. 3. c. 5._]
Their Countrey also then lay uncultivated, no corn sown: _Quævis herba & radix cibus est_, _Their food was herbs and roots_ (saith _Dion Cassius_.) Hence Sir _Walter Raleigh_ cals them the _British Nomades_. And (by the way) it may not inappositely be observ’d, milk, roots, and fruit were the chief banquetting dishes; and skins of beasts (if clothed) the most costly habits of our Forefathers. Now who can, in reason imagine, that any great knowledge, practice, or delight of Arts and Sciences, wherein the elegancy of Architecture consists, should be in use or esteem, amongst a people, wholly devoted (as I may so say) and given over to such barbarity?
[Sidenote: _Dion li. 76._]
There were then no publick roads, or common high-ways to passe from one place to another, no constant habitations, _Nec mœnia, nec urbes_, _Nor towns nor walls_ (as _Dion_ out of _Xiphiline_ hath it) much lesse _Temples_, or other buildings made of stone, composed by Art, with Order, and Proportion.
[Sidenote: _Dion lib. 62._]
Moreover, who cast their eies upon this Antiquity, and examine the same with judgement, must be enforced to confesse it erected by people, grand masters in the Art of building, and liberall sciences, whereof the ancient _Britans_ utterly ignorant, as a Nation wholly addicted to wars, never applying themselves to the study of Arts, or troubling their thoughts with any excellency therein. _Omnis arbor domus._ _Every tree being in stead of a house to them._
[Sidenote: _Dion lib. 62._]
In the wars which _Bunduica_ (whom _Tacitus_ cals _Boadicia_) Queen of the _Iceni_, undertook against the _Romans_, wherein seventy thousand of their Citizens, and allies perished; in disdainfull contempt of the experience in Arts, wherein the _Romans_ flourished, _She_ accounted it her chiefest glory (saith _Dion Cassius_) to command over the _Britans_, in regard, a people they were, who had not learned, or knew, what belonged to the cultivating _and manuring of lands; or the practice of Arts, or to be craftsmen in any thing, save war_. _Qui non agros colere, non opifices esse, sed bella gerere optimè didicerunt._ Where you see, their having nor experience nor practice in any kinde of Sciences, war excepted, was enforc’d, by _Bunduica_, as redounding greatly to the _Britans_ honour, much advantage being made thereof by _Her_, towards advancing _Her_ designs, as the Historian plainly tells us.
But certain it is, however barbarous in other affairs, a most warlike people they were. Never, untill the forces of the whole world united in the _Roman_ Empire conspiring to subdue them, liable to conquest: neither could all that power, till after numbers of years spent in the attempt, with infinite expence of men and treasure, ever prevail against them. Now, as their sole skilfulnesse was in war, so they idoliz’d principally what had relation thereunto, their _Dea optima maxima_, being _Victoria_, whom they worshipped under the name of _Andates_. Another Goddesse they had in much esteem, called _Adraste_, which some imagine (as the _Nemesis_ amongst the _Greeks_) was their Goddesse of Revenge. These, according to their savage manner of living, they adored in groves, and woods, the only _Temples_ in use amongst them, to perform their Sacrifices, and divine mysteries in. (as from severall Authors I have already proved) Neither find I any particular place mentioned, to which any of these their _Temples_ (if they may so be called) were assigned; only _Andates_ (it seems from _Dion Cassius_) had a grove sacred to her in the Countrey of the _Iceni_, anciently containing _Norfolk_, _Suffolk_, _Cambridge_, and _Huntingdon_ Shires, farre enough from _Stoneheng_.
Besides, it is not to be past over in silence, how _Tacitus_ expresseth himself in the before cited fourteenth Book of his Annals, telling us; _The_ Romans _overthrew not the Temples, or razed to the Foundations, any of the sacred structures of the_ Druid’s _and_ Britans _made of stone, or other materials, which he might as readily have done, if they had used any such: but positively, the_ Romans _cut down the_ Britans _woods and groves, amongst them reckoned holy, and consecrated to their execrable superstitions_. True it is, other Temples, of greater magnificence then already spoken of, I find none: Ornaments of Art to enrich them they were not acquainted with: such orderly composed works as _Stoneheng_, they had not any: yea, no kind of sacred structures of stone were in use amongst them: their idolatrous places being naturally adorned, only with wild, and overgrown shades, designed and brought to perfection by Dame Nature her self, she being Architect generall to all their Deities. Nor did it consist with their vain Religion to use any other, they making their worship, performing their Ceremonies, offering their Sacrifices in dark and obscure groves, most conformable unto their barbarous, and inhumane, humane oblations.
[Sidenote: _Mayer. 1 K. 1. Ch._]
[Sidenote: _Herod. li. 1._]
Neither must it seem strange, they used no other Temples then these, it not being their custom alone; for the _Excelsi_ or high places mentioned in the sacred Story, wherein the Heathen performed idolatrous rites unto their Idols, were commonly groves, affectedly sited upon some mountainous place, without any _House_ or _Temple_. The _Persians_ of old, (of whom _Herodotus_) _Neque statuas, neque templa, neque aras extruere consuetudo est_, _Erected neither Images, nor Temples, nor Altars_: _quinimo hoc facientibus insaniæ tribuere_, _accounting it great folly and madnesse in those that did_: but ascending to the tops of the highest, and most lofty hils, on them offered sacrifices to their Gods. From hence, _Xerxes_, in his expedition, burnt down the Temples of the _Greeks_, because they shut up their Gods therein, to whom all things are open and free, and to whom the whole Universe serves for a Temple. The _Abasgians_ also (inhabiting Mount _Caucasus_) did worship, even till _Procopius_ his time, groves and woods; and in a barbarian simplicity esteemed the very trees themselves to be Gods. In like manner, the Northern and Southern people of _America_, made all their Invocations and Exorcisms in woods. The ancient _Germans_ likewise consecrated woods and forests. _Lucos ac nemora consecrant_, saith _Tacitus_ of them. And the like places for idolatrous superstition, did divers other barbarous Nations use, before reduced to order, and civility of life, _Tacitus_ giving this reason for it: They thought it a matter ill beseeming the greatnesse of their Deities, to enclose them within Temples made by Art. His words are, _Nec cohibere parietibus Deos arbitrantur_, _They thought it not fit to restrain their Deities within compacted walls_: _id est, neque templis, neque domibus_, viz. _neither within Temples or Houses made with hands_, as _C. Pichenas_ commenting thereon more fully interprets.
[Sidenote: _Ovid. Met. lib. 1._]
[Sidenote: _Vitru. lib. 2._]
Touching the manner of the buildings of the ancient _Britans_, and of what materialls they consisted, I find them so far short of the magnificence of this Antiquity, that they were nor stately, nor sumptuous; neither had they any thing of _Order_, or _Symmetry_, much lesse, of gracefulnesse, and _Decorum_ in them, being only such as _Ovid_ (relating to the first Age of the world) makes mention of.
————————_domus antra fuerunt,
Et densi frutices, & junctæ cortice virgæ_.
Thus Englished by _Arthur Golding_.
————————_their houses were the thicks,
And bushy queaches, hollow caves, and hardles made of sticks_.
To like purpose _Vitruvius_. _In the first Age of the World_ (saith he) _men lived in woods, caves, and forests, but after they had found out the use of fire, and by the benefit thereof were invited to enter into a certain kind of society_, _cœperunt alii de fronde facere tecta, alii speluncas fodere sub montibus, nonnulli hirundinum nidos, & ædificationes earum imitantes, de luto & virgultis facere loca, quæ subirent_. _Some of them began to make themselves habitations of boughs, some to dig dens in mountains; other some, imitating the nests of birds, made themselves places of lome and twigs, and such like materials, to creep into, and shroud themselves in._ Directly after which manner of workmanship, were the houses of the ancient _Britans_.
[Sidenote: _Diodo. li. 6._]
_Domos ex calamis aut lignis ut plurimum habent compactas_. _Their houses for the most part are of reed and wood_, saith _Diodorus Siculus_.
In the Northern parts they live in tents. _Degunt in tentoriis_, (saith _Dion_, epitomis’d by _Xiphiline_.)
[Sidenote: _Strab. lib. 4._]
Their Cities were without walls, the Country without Towns. _Urbium loco ipsis sunt nemora_, (saith _Strabo_) _woods stand them in stead of Cities or Towns_. _Arboribus enim dejectis ubi amplum circulum sepierunt, ipsi casas ibidem sibi ponunt, & pecori stabula condunt, ad usum quidem non longi temporis._ _For when by felling of trees, they have inclosed, and fenced therewith a large circuit of wood, therein they raise cabbins and cottages for themselves, and hovels for their cattell, of no great continuance, but only to supply their present use and occasion._
[Sidenote: _Cæsar. lib. 5._]
_Opidum Britanni vocant_ (saith _Cæsar_) _quum silvas impeditas vallo atque fossa munierunt, quo incursionis hostium vitandæ causa, convenire consueverunt_, _The_ Britans _call a thick wood, enclosed about with a ditch and rampire, made for a place of retreat to avoid the invasion and assault of their bordering enemies, a Town_.
Thus, you see, in what condition the Inhabitants of this Island lived in those ancient times, having of themselves, neither desire, nor ability to exercise, nor from others, encouragement to attain whatever knowledge in the Art of Building. Precepts, and rules therein, the _Druid’s_ neither could, nor would impart unto them. That they could not, appears from what is formerly said, and in what skilfull above others, they communicated nothing, but to those of their own society, _taking speciall order_ (as _Cæsar_ affirms) _their discipline might not be divulged_.
[Sidenote: _Cæsar. lib. 4._]
[Sidenote: _Ortel. descr. Fr._]
[Sidenote: _Camden fo. 2._]
As for Colonies of any Nation practised in Arts, from whom they might receive or knowledge, or civil conversation, there were none setled amongst them: neither had they commerce, or traffique, with any people experienced therein, much lesse acquaintance with any other, except those of _Gaul_, welnear as barbarous as themselves. _None of the_ Gauls _in a manner, had any knowledge_ (saith _Cæsar_) _of the nature and quality of the people of_ Britain, _or of the places, ports, or passes of the Countrey_. _Neque enim temerè præter mercatores illò adit quisquam, neque iis ipsis quidquam, præter oram maritimam, atque eas regiones quæ sunt contra Galliam, notum est._ For, _not any went thither without eminent danger, except merchants, and they also could give accompt of nothing, save only the Sea-coast, and those Countreys which were opposite to_ Gaul. _Never any Colony of the_ Greeks, _for ought I know_ (saith _Ortelius_) _was seated in_ Britain. _And_ Cæsar, _the first of all the_ Romans _that discovered it_, saith _Camden_.
If desire neverthelesse, to know in what times the ancient _Britans_ began to be civilized, when to learn the knowledge of _Arts_, to build stately _Temples_, _Palaces_, _publick Buildings_, to be eloquent in forrain languages, and by their habits, and attire, attain the qualities of a civil, and well ordered people, _Tacitus_ shall relate the same.
[Sidenote: _Tacit. in vit. Agr._]
_Sequens hiems saluberrimis conciliis absumpta_ &c. _The winter ensuing_ (being the second year of _Julius Agricola_ his _Proprætorship_, or Leivtenancy in _Britan_; _Titus Vespasian_ Emperour, about one hundred thirty three years after the first discovery thereof by _Cæsar_) _was spent in most profitable, and politick Councels_ (saith _Tacitus_.) _For, whereas the_ Britans _were rude, and dispersed, and thereby prone, upon every occasion, to warre_; Agricola, _to induce them by pleasure to quietnesse and rest, exhorted in private, and helpt them in common to build Temples, Houses, and places of publick resort, commending those, that were forward therein, and punishing the refractory. Moreover, the Noblemens sons he took, and instructed in the liberall Sciences, preferring the wits of_ Britain, _to the students in_ Gaul, _as being now eagerly ambitious to attain the eloquence of the_ Roman _tongue, whereas lately they utterly rejected that language. After that, our attire grew in account, and the gown much used amongst them, and so by little and little they proceeded to provocations of vices, to sumptuous galleries, baths, and exquisite banquettings._ Thus far _Tacitus_. Now had there been but the least mention made, by any Author, concerning the _Druid’s_ instructing, and training up the ancient _Britans_ in any such matters, as these, (which _Tacitus_ remembers the _Romans_ to have done) what conclusions might have been rais’d from them? what presumptive reasons drawn, to prove, _Stoneheng_ a work of the _Druid’s_, or at least erected for their use?
[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 63._]
To conclude, if this authority from _Tacitus_ only, (an Author esteem’d the _Polybius_ of the _Latines_) be throughly weighed, it will evidently manifest, (whatever else hath formerly been delivered) there was no such thing in _Britain_, before the _Romans_ arrived here, as that which we now call _Stoneheng_. What credit else with posterity could _Tacitus_ expect to gain, in affirming the _Britans_ were taught and instructed in the liberall Sciences by the _Romans_; if those _Arts_ acknowledg’d, to be practis’d amongst the _Britans_ before? What need to have told us, the _Romans_ made them skilfull in erecting sumptuous _Palaces_, stately _Portico’s_, and publick places, if the inhabitants here, accustomed to enjoy such noble buildings, before the _Romans_ arrivall in this Land? Why, tell succeeding Ages, when gentle persuasions not prevail, to make the _Britans_ innovate, and admit of sacred structures to whatever Deities, _Agricola_ compelled them to found magnificent _Temples_, and assist therein, if this Antiquity _Stoneheng_ extant before those times? Why also, should the _Britans_ look upon the _Temple_ erected by the _Romans_ at _Camalodunum_, (supposed _Maldon_ in _Essex_) in honour of _Claudius_ sacred memory, as an _Altar of perpetuall dominion_ over them, if been used to such structures before? yea, such an eye-sore the _Britans_ accounted it, as, that _Temple_ was one of the principall causes, which gave birth to that fatall insurrection under _Boadicia_. Neither would _Tacitus_ have magnified the introducing those customs amongst them, as admirable policy in _Agricola_, and the true and only rule to bring them from their rude, and dispersed manner of living to civility, if the _Britans_ attain’d such discipline before, or any knowledge in the excellency of _Architecture_ preceding the time of the _Romans_ government here. No, for what saith _Camden_? _It was the brightnesse of that most glorious Empire, which chased away all savage Barbarism from the_ Britans _minds, like as from other Nations, whom it had subdued._
[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 4._]
Furthermore, in the time of this _Agricola_, _Britain_ was fully discovered, the _Romans_ had circumnavigated it, and knew, for certain, it was an Island, formerly doubted of till his time; yea, there was not a Port (as I may so say) a bay, mountain, valley, hill, plain, wood, or forest, either any custom, rite, ceremony, or what else belonging to the knowledge of the Countrey, or manners of the People, but the _Romans_ were then as well acquainted with (especially, in that part of the Island now call’d _England_) as, at this day, the Inhabitants themselves are. Neverthelesse, what mention soever is made by their Historians, concerning other matters of the _Britans_, not one word is to be found of this Antiquity, or any building of this kind in use amongst them. But, because some curiously learned have desired somwhat to be spoken for their better satisfaction touching this particular, I have been too prolixe. In a word therefore, let it suffice, _Stoneheng_ was no work of the _Druid’s_, or of the ancient _Britans_; the learning of the _Druid’s_ consisting more in contemplation then practice, and the ancient _Britans_ accounting it their chiefest glory to be wholly ignorant in whatever Arts. Neither could it be otherwise, seeing _their life so uncivil, so rude, so full of wars, and consequently void of all literature_. (as _Camden_ relateth)
Yet, before I come to speak of this middle Age (if I may so call it) wherein the _Romans_ prevailed, and to compleat their victories gave first rise to civility in this Island; as, I began with times of great Antiquity, so must I now descend to those lesse ancient, and modern, wherein, as posterity hath suffered an irreparable damage, through want of writing in those first times, so hath it been almost at as great a losse, by too much writing in later times; so many Authors, so much contrariety, so little certainty is found amongst them. Who, when they could not search out the truth in deed, laboured to bring forth narrations invented by themselves, without or reason, or authority: delivering (saith _Camden_) their severall opinions, rather with a certain pleasant variety to give contentment to their _Readers_, then with any care or judgement to find out the truth of things.
• • • • •
[Sidenote: _Leyland. de assert. Arth. fo. 35._]
Those ancient Historians who (among other actions of the _Britans_) treat of this Antiquity, differ much in their severall reports. And, as it is usuall with _Historiographers_ of other Nations, where, they cannot give a just and rationall accompt of unwonted accidents, beyond the common course of things, to fill up their stories with fabulous, and incredible relations; so, no marvell, if we hear the like in our own Histories. _Credibile enim est calamitatem bellicam, quæ ecclesias unà cum bibliochecis exhauserat infinitis, clara vetustatis monumenta abrasisse. For evident it is, through the calamities of wars_ (saith _Leyland_) _which together with infinite Libraries ruined the Churches themselves, the certain records of our Antiquities, are utterly lost. Unde scripturienti de antiquitate_ Britannica _occultissima, pleraque omnia. Whereby the Writers of the_ British _Stories, are all of them, for the most part, very obscure and doubtfull._
Some others again, especially the most ancient and authentick _British_ Historians, who liv’d in Ages next succeeding those, wherein, _Stoneheng_ might probably be first erected, have wholly passed it over with silence. In like manner venerable _Bede_, _William Malmesbury_, _Roger Hoveden_, and others, speak nothing thereof, as happily, willing rather to decline it altogether, then deliver it upon frivolous conjectures, and in so doing cast a blemish upon their other labours. Neither is it improbable, that the most ancient Authors, considering the times wherein they wrote, upon the first springing up of _Christian Religion_ here, might through zeal unto the true God, forbear to commemorate unto posterity, places designed for idolatrous uses; endeavouring rather, to suppresse the memory thereof, and make succeeding generations sollicitous therein; then, in that infancy of Divine worship, to illustrate the magnificence of the Heathens, for building such notable structures to their false Gods. Insomuch, I find very little, or no mention at all thereof in the _British_ Stories, except by _Geffrey Monmouth_, with some who follow him, and by such Authors only, as our most judicious Writers hold in many things, either meerly fabulous, or overladen with malicious, or accidentary untruths. Such relations neverthelesse, as they make thereof, I shall endeavour to deliver in their own words, reduceable into two conjectures, _viz._ either that _Stoneheng_ was erected by _A. Ambrosius_ (in ancient times King of the _Britans_) in memory of the _British_ Nobility perfidiously slain at a treaty by _Hengist_ the _Saxon_: or else, set up by the _Britans_ themselves in honour of Him their said King.
[Sidenote: _Gir. Camb. de adm. Hib. Cap. 18._]
_Giraldus Cambrensis_, curiously diligent in his relations of the miracles in _Ireland_, amongst other strange things in those parts, reckons up this Antiquity _Stoneheng_. _Fuit antiquis temporibus in_ Hibernia, _lapidum congeries admiranda_, (saith he) _quæ &_ Chorea Gigantum _dicta fuit, quia Gigantes eam ab ultimis_ Africæ _partibus in_ Hiberniam _attulerunt &c. There was in_ Ireland _in ancient times, a pile of stones worthy admiration, called the_ Giants Dance, _because Giants, from the remotest parts of_ Africa, _brought them into_ Ireland, _and in the plains of_ Kildare, _not farre from the Castle of the_ Naase, _as well by force of Art, as strength, miraculously set them up. These stones_ (according to the _British_ story) Aurelius Ambrosius, _King of the_ Britans, _procured_ Merlin _by supernaturall means to bring from Ireland, into_ Britain. _And, that he might leave some famous monument of so great a treason to after ages, in the same order, and art, as they stood formerly, set them up, where the flower of the_ British _Nation fell by the cut-throat practice of the_ Saxons, _and where under the pretence of peace, the ill secured youth of the Kingdom, by murdrous designs were slain_.
[Sidenote: _Polychr. li. 5._]
_Rainulph_ Monk of _Chester_, speaking of _Aurelius_, alias _Aurelianus Ambrosius_ (by others called _Ambrosius Aurelianus_) saith (as Sir _John Trevisa_ the Priest in old English laid it down) =His brother Uter Pendragon by help of Merlin the Prophet brought= Choream Gigantum, =that is Stonehenges out of Ireland. Stonehenge is now in the plain of Salisbury: of that bringing of Stonehenge out of Ireland, speaketh the British story, if it should lawfully be ytrowed.=
It appears, _Rainulph_ of _Chester_, as easie credit as he gave to strange stories, had not much confidence in this: and if, according to _Geffrey Monmouth_, or _Matthew Westminster_, I should set it down, I presume you would be of his mind. But, I affect not such conceits, they are neither fitting my discourse, nor your perusall. Neverthelesse, seeing none of them tell us, by what ways, or Arts, Giants (as they will have it) brought them from the remotest parts of _Africk_ into _Ireland_ (for it seems they could not hansomly find a _Merlin_ to help them therein also) I shall take so much leave, following _Geffrey Monmouths_ steps, as to give you, at least, some part of the story, and relate (according to their opinions) how they came from _Ireland_ hither. After _Geffrey Monmouths_ discourse of _Uter Pendragons_ victory over the _Irish_, who with _Merlin_ forsooth and a great Army, were sent by _A. Ambrosius_ to fetch the Giants dance, _Lapidum structuram adepti_ (saith he) _gavisi sunt & admirati; circumstantibus itaque cunctis, accessit_ Merlinus _& ait, utimini viribus vestris juvenes, ut in deponendo lapides istos, sciatis utrum ingenium virtuti, aut virtus ingenio cedat, &c._ i.e. _Having found the structure, from joy they fell into admiration, and standing all of them at gaze round about it_, Merlin _draws near, and thus bespeaks them: Use now your utmost strength young men, that in taking away these stones, you may discover, whether Art to strength, or strength gives place to Art. At his command therefore, they bring severall sorts of engines, and addresse themselves to pulling it down. Some ropes, some cables, some had made lathers ready, that what they so much desired, might be effected, but in no wise able to atcheive their purpose. Deficientibus cunctis, solutus est_ Merlinus _in risum_ (saith _Geffrey_) _& suas machinationes confecit. Denique cum quæque necessaria apposuisset; leviùs quàm credi potest lapides deposuit: depositis autem, fecit deferri ad naves, & introponi: & sic cum gaudio in_ Britanniam _reverti cœperunt. All of them tired_, Merlin _breaks out into laughter, and provides his engines. Lastly, when he had set all things in a readinesse, hardly to be beleev’d it is, with what facility he took them down: being taken down, he caused them to be carried to the Ships, and imbarqued; and so with joy they began their return towards_ Britain. Leaving it for us to suppose, with as small labour they were imbarqued, dis-imbarqued, and brought from their landing place to _Salisbury_ plain: all (it seems) done by _Merlins_ spels. But of this too much.
[Sidenote: _G. Mon. li. 6._]
[Sidenote: _Verstegan Ch. 5._]
Neverthelesse, as I contemne fables, so doe I imbrace, and take pleasure in the truth of History: and therefore, that which concerns the slaughter of the _British_ Nobility by treason of _Hengist_ commander of the _Saxons_, as of greater moment, and truth, I shall more fully relate. And _Geffrey Monmouth’s_ Authority in this treacherous slaughter of the _Britans_, though I respect not so much, as _Ninnius_, _Malmsbury_, _Sigebert_, and others that affirm the same; yet, because he was the first, after so many, and so ancient Authors, that father’d _Stoneheng_ their monument, and _A. Ambrosius_ founder thereof, and therefore must trace him, and his followers therein. I will give you the history likewise from him, and thus it was: _Hengist_, upon his return with new supplies into _Britain_, finding _Vortigern_ beyond expectation restored to the Crown, and withall greatly alienated in his affections towards him, prepared for his defence, with force of arms. But, whether he thought himself too weak; or, that he rather sought to be especially revenged on the _British_ Nobility, who had wholly unriveted his designs, or both; he thought it no difficult matter to delude him by a Treaty, whom formerly he had so easily beguiled with his Neece _Rowena_. To which purpose, he makes an overture, to compose the enmities betwixt them at a Parley; and the King accepting it, appoints _Ambresbury_ Town their meeting place, _Nec mora, statuta die instante convenerunt omnes intra nominatam urbem_ (saith _Geffrey_) _& de pace habenda colloquium inceperunt. Ut igitur horam proditioni suæ idoneam inspexisset_ Hengistus, _vociferatus est_, =Nemet oure saxas=: _& ilico_ Vortigernum _accepit, & per pallium detinuit. Audito ocyùs signo, abstraxerunt_ (i.e. _eduxerunt_) Saxones _cultros suos, & astantes principes invaserunt, ipsósque nihil tale præmeditantes jugulaverunt circiter quadringentos sexaginta inter Barones & Consules. The prefixed day being come, they all, without delay, met in the aforesaid Town, and began their Treaty for Peace; when therefore_ Hengist _saw fit time for execution of his intended Treason, he cried out, giving the word_, =Nemet oure saxas= (=Nem eowr seaxes= (saith Verstegan) that is, _Take your_ =seaxes=; a kind of crooked knives, which each of the _Saxons_ then carried closely in his pocket) _and forthwith seised upon_ Vortigern, _and held him by his robe. The_ Saxons _quickly hearing it, drew forth their knives, and fell upon the_ Britans _standing by, of whom, part Noblemen, part officers of State, expecting no such design, they slew four hundred and sixty. Quorum corpora beatus_ Eldadus _postmodum sepelivit, atque Christiano more humavit, haud longè à_ =Kaer-caradane=, _quæ nunc_ Salesberia _dicitur, in cœmeterio, quod est juxta cœnobium_ Ambrii. _Whose corpses holy_ Eldad, _according to custome, after Christian manner interred, not far from_ =Kaer-caradane=, _now called_ Salisbury, _in the Churchyard adjoyning to the monastery of_ Ambresbury.
[Sidenote: _Ma. West. fo. 84._]
[Sidenote: _Hollinsh. l. 5. Speed lib. 7. Stow fo. 53. 4ᵗᵒ._]
[Sidenote: _G. Monm. lib. 5._]
With this relation of the _Saxons_ treachery, _Mathew Westminster_ (in his _Flores historiarum_) seems to agree. And it wholly destroys the opinion commonly received, That the said Treaty with the _Saxons_, the massacre of the _Britans_, and likewise their interment, were at _Stoneheng_; and that in memory, those matters so transacted there, _A. Ambrosius_ in the same place erected this Antiquity. Wherefore, I much wonder, our modern historians should cite the aforesaid Authors in confirmation thereof, especially, when they affirm directly, the treaty was held in _Ambresbury_ Town, and that the _British_ Nobility fell by Treason there. _Jussit_ Vortigernus _& cives &_ Saxones Maiis _Kalendis, quæ jam instare incipiebant, juxta_ Ambrii _cœnobium convenire_ (saith _G. Monmouth_) Vortigern _commanded both his own people, and the_ Saxons, _upon the Calends of_ May _then approaching, to appear near to the Monastery of_ Ambresbury. _In Pago_ Ambri _convenire, to meet in the Town it self of_ Ambresbury (saith _Mathew Westminster_) In order to which summons, (that I may proceed with _Geffrey Monmouths_ story explaining himself positively concerning the place) _statuta die instante convenerunt omnes intra nominatam urbem, &c. the appointed day being come, all of them met together within the forenamed Town, and there treated_. The issue whereof was, that upon the word given (as before related) _The_ Saxons _drew their knives, and falling upon the_ Britans _standing by, slew them_. And, lest posterity should doubt those sacrificed for their Countreys cause neglected in their funerals, he leaves not there, but gives us the direct place, and manner of their buriall, affirming plainly they were buried by a Metropolitane of those times, even in a Church-yard, as Christians should. _In cœmeterio, quod est juxta cœnobium, In the Church-yard, close by the Monastery._ (saith he) There is not one word mentioned (I pray observe) of _Salisbury plain_, where this _Antiquity Stoneheng_ remains, throughout all their Story.
[Sidenote: _Thomas. Procachio fo. 46._]
But, it’s objected, although they were buried at the Monastery, the monument for their memory might be set up elsewhere, in a place more proper, and more conspicuous; even, as in the most properly conspicuous places where great actions happened _Trophies_ were erected by the _Romans_, whose customs _A. Ambrosius_ living long time amongst them, knew very well. I answer, _A. Ambrosius_, is suppos’d by _Bede_, and the best Authors, descended from the _Romans_; who, living many years under their subjection, in forrain parts, had fully inform’d his judgement, no doubt, with whatever customs, civill or martiall, then in use amongst them. For, though the _Romans_ in those times, had utterly lost all knowledge of Arts, questionlesse civill, and martiall customs in some sort continued with them. Neverthelesse, if _A. Ambrosius_ did erect any monument for the _British_ Nobility, he rather, doubtlesse endeavoured to observe the rules of his own Religion, being a Christian, then the Heathenish customs of his Ancestors. However, in erecting it, at the place of their interment, he pursued both. As for the Christians honouring to posterity their famous men after death, it being so well known, I need not relate it. And, as concerning the ancient _Romans_ manner in burying their Emperours, and those that had triumphed, or otherwise deserved well of the Common-wealth, though they burned their bodies abroad, the place for sepulture of their Ashes, was within the City, monuments to their memory being erected, upon the same place where buried; so was _Publicola_ honoured, so the _Fabritii_, the _Cæsars_, and others. And, after the same fashion it seems, was the monument for the _British_ Nobility (if any) set up where they were interred; as in the place of all others most proper for it, all the considerable circumstances touching their deaths, happening there in like manner.
It’s true the _Romans_ set up _Trophies_ for great Victories, in the most eminent places where those victories were obtained by them; as the _Trophy_ for _Caius Marius_ his vanquishing the _Cimbrians_, in the most notable place where that memorable field was fought. Also, the _Trophy_ dedicated to the memory of _Augustus Cæsar_ that by his happy conduct, all the _Alpine_ Nations, were reduced to _Roman_ obedience, was erected in the most conspicuous place of the _Alps_. Now, this martiall custome considered, the _British_ Nobility being (as the aforesaid Historians maintain) slaughtered in the Town, and buried at the Monastery adjoyning. Some one of those high hils, on either side _Ambresbury_, had certainly for site been more eminent, and the monument it self more exposed to the daily view of travellers, then about two miles from the Town, in a place remote, where this _Antiquity_ stands. Which, though indeed eminent of it self, and overlooking the plains adjoyning; yet, at a large distance, especially on that side towards _Ambresbury_, and _Salisbury_-ward, is so surrounded with hils; as it appears with an Aspect of Religious horror, rather then as carrying any form of whatever sepulture.
[Sidenote: _Math. West. fo. 92._]
[Sidenote: _G. Mon. li. 8._]
This, though sufficient to refute the preceding objection (the former reasons being grounded upon customs only) I shall yet, from the histories of those times, further answer thereunto; _Mathew Westminster_ tels us, _A. Ambrosius_ having compleated his victories over _Hengist_, and subdued his sons at _York_; _Deinde porrexisse ad monasterium_ Ambri, _ubi principes defuncti jacebant, quos_ Hengistus _prodiderat; from thence came to the Monastery at_ Ambresbury, _where the deceased Nobles, whom_ Hengist _betrayed, lay buried._ And _Geffrey Monmouth_, prosecuting the same story, affirms also, that _A. Ambrosius_ being come to the Monastery, _ut locum quo defuncti jacebant circumspexit, pietate motus in lachrymas solutus est, dignum namque memoria censebat cespitem, qui tot nobiles pro patria defunctos protegebat. So soon as he cast his eyes upon the place where the slaughtered Princes lay interred, deplored them; esteeming that very ground which covered so many Nobles, dying for their Countreys cause, worthy eternall memory._ Upon this consideration, _Præcepit_ Merlino (saith the same Author) _lapides circa sepulturam erigere, quos ex_ Hibernia _asportaverat_. A. Ambrosius _commanded_ Merlin, _that the stones brought out of_ Ireland (for he still troubles himself and readers therewith) _should be erected about the place of their buriall_. Whereby it clearly appears their Sepulchre was set up about the same place where they were buried, and not elsewhere. Also, as fully that their buriall place (as both the said Historians have told us) was at the Monastery of _Ambresbury_, or Churchyard adjoyning to it. All which former circumstances duly weighed, ’tis not possible _Stoneheng_ should be supposed their Monument; except _Geffrey Monmouth_, having made so formall a tale of their easie transportation from _Ireland_, would compell us also to imagine, posterity might as easily be induced to assent, they were in like manner removed from the Churchyard at _Ambresbury_ to _Salisbury_ plain, the one being equally as ridiculous as the other, and no manner of credit to be given to either.
Wherefore, laying all the aforesaid Authorities together. First, that _Giraldus Cambrensis_ formerly cited, tells us, (in that part of his story which carries most likelihood of truth) a Monument was set up by _A. Ambrosius_, in memory of the _Britans_, slain at a Treaty by the _Saxons_, upon the very same place _where slain_; and in order thereunto the aforesaid _British_ Historians unanimously affirming the place at which that treaty was held, and where those _Britans were slain_ was the Town it self of _Ambresbury_, not where this _Antiquity Stoneheng_ remains: again, if suspect _Cambrensis_ authority, and allow rather what our Historiographer of _Monmouth_ saith, That the Monument was erected by _A. Ambrosius_, upon that plat of ground, where the slaughtered _Britans lay buryed_; he telling us also, their _buriall place_ was in the Churchyard of the Monastery at _Ambresbury_ (at the Monastery it self, saith _Matthew Westminster_) certainly then their Monument (whatsoever it was) being set up at the place, where they were both slain and buried, and (according to the aforesaid Authors) they being nor slain nor buryed at _Stoneheng_, it must necessarily follow, this _Antiquity_ was not erected in Honour of those _Britans_. Unlesse any man will undertake to prove (which most certain it is none can) _Stoneheng_ stands now, where _Ambresbury_ stood of old: or that the Monastery and Churchyard thereof were not at _Ambresbury_, but at _Stoneheng_.
[Sidenote: _Cam. fo._ 254.]
[Sidenote: _G. Monm. lib. 6. & 8._]
That the Monastery of three hundred Monks, stood there, (to wit at _Ambresbury_) _Camden_, out of the Book called _Eulogium_, affirms. And, that the Churchyard was close adjoyning to it, there’s no question to be made. First, because in all times since Monasteries erected, it was always in use, to lay out places for Churchyards belonging to them, near to the Monasteries themselves. Secondly, because divers Sepulchres, upon severall occasions, broken up at _Ambresbury_ Monastery, manifest the same. Thirdly, because _Geffrey Monmouth_ plainly tels us, they were buried in _cœmeterio, quod est juxta cœnobium_; _in the Churchyard which is close by the Monastery_. Lastly, it is further confirmed by these his formerly recited words, _A. Ambrosius being come unto the Monastery, cast his eyes upon the place where the slaughtered Princes lay interred_. Which is not possible he should have done, if the Churchyard had been at _Stoneheng_; it being very well known _Stoneheng_ cannot be discerned, even from the highest hils, upon those parts especially, that next surround _Ambresbury_, much lesse from the Monastery it self, sited in the bottome of a deep vale by the river _Avons_ side.
Among other Sepulchres found at the said Monastery, it’s worthy memory, that about the beginning of this Century, one of them hewn out of a firm stone, and placed in the middle of a wall, was opened, having upon its coverture in rude letters of massie gold,
[Sidenote: The originall Inscription I could not procure; such relation thereof neverthelesse as came to my hands, I have, upon credit of those persons of quality from whom received, inserted it here.]
_R. G. A. C._ 600.
[Sidenote: _Leyl. de assert. Arth._]
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The most notable Antiquity of Great Britain, vulgarly called Stone-Heng, on Salisbury PlainChapter I: Part 1
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