Chapter II: Part 2

The bones within which Sepulchre were all firm, fair yellow coloured hair about the scull, a supposed peece of the liver, near upon the bignesse of a walnut, very dry and hard, and together therewith, were found severall royall habiliments, as jewels, veils, scarfs, and the like, retaining even till then, their proper colours. All which were afterwards, very choicely kept, in the collection of the Right honourable _Edward_, then Earl of _Hertford_: and of the aforesaid gold divers rings were made and worn by his Lordships principall Officers. Concerning which Tomb (though I list not dispute) why might it not be the Sepulchre of Queen _Guinever_, wife of King _Arthur_; especially the Letters _R G._ as much to say, _Regina Guinevera_, declaring her title and name; and the date _An. Chr._ 600. (if truly copied) agreeing (possibly well enough) with the time of her death? Besides, _Leyland_ affirms, severall Writers make mention, she took _upon her a Nuns veil at_ Ambresbury, _died, and was buried there_. To which he gives so much credit, that (whatever _Giraldus Cambrensis_ delivers to the contrary) he will by no means allow, either her body to be afterwards translated from _Ambresbury_, or, at any time, buried by her husband King _Arthur_ at _Glastonbury_. Unto _Leylands_ reasons for her interment at _Ambresbury_, _Camden_ (it seems) inclines also, because wholly silent of her Sepulchre, discovered any where else: though he at large sets down all the circumstances of her Husbands body, its being found at _Glastenbury_. For, had _Camden_ apprehended any thing inducing him to beleeve, her body had been together with his there found, he would never, certainly, have concealed it from posterity.

[Sidenote: _Speed lib. 7._]

[Sidenote: _Stow fo. 53._]

Whether the aforesaid Tomb so found, were her monument, yea or no, enough concerning the slaughter and sepultures of the afore mentioned _Britans_; as also, that _Stoneheng_ was not erected in memory of them. Let us come now to _Aurelius Ambrosius_, and see whether _Polydore Virgill’s_ story in relation to _Stoneheng_ agrees with what other Authors have delivered of _Aurelius_. For from _Polydore’s_ authority, our modern Writers raise their second, and quite contrary opinion: namely, that the _Britans_ erected this _Antiquity_ for _A. Ambrosius_ his Sepulchre.

[Sidenote: _Polyd. Virg. lib. 3._]

_Polydore Virgill_ treating of the actions of those times betwixt the _Britans_ and _Saxons_; Britanni, _Duci suo_ Ambrosio _de republica bene merito magnificum_ (saith he) _posuerunt sepulchrum_ &c. _The_ Britans _in memory of his great atchievements for the Commonwealth, erected a magnificent Sepulchre to their Chieftain_ Ambrosius, _made of great square stones in form of a Crown, even in that place, where fighting, he was slain, that the prowesse of so great a Commander, should neither be forgotten amongst themselves, who then lived, or left unremembred to posterity. Which Monument remains even to this day, in the Diocese of_ Salisbury, _near unto the village called_ Amisbery.

This opinion of _Polydore_ is grounded (as I conceive) upon no great likelihood. For, should the _British Nobles_, far inferiour to _A. Ambrosius_, in honour, and dignity, be buried in the Churchyard of a Monastery, and a Sepulchre assigned for _Ambrosius_ himself in the open fields? Should that _Christian_ King, who had accomplished so many great atchievements victoriously against the _Pagans_, enemies to _Christ_? Caused Churches to be repaired, which the Barbarism of the _Saxons_ had destroyed? pulled down and demolished idolatrous places of the _Heathen_, and (as is more probable) rather, then erected by him, whilst living, to others, or by others, to his memory after dead, the very first that began to deface this Heathenish sacred structure (for, though a _Roman_, yet a _Christian_, and zeal to true Religion might, no doubt, cause him dispense with ruining idolatrous _Temples_ though formerly built, and consecrated to false Gods by his seduced Auncestors) should he, I say, be buried Pagan-like, in unsanctified, unhallowed ground, and others far lesse eminent, lesse conspicuous, in more noble, and sacred places? It could never be. Neither reason of State, nor fervor of piety, in those more scrupulous times, could ever admit thereof.

[Sidenote: _Leyl. de assert. Art._]

Had _Polydore_, or any other, told us some Pagan-Saxon-Commander lay there intombed, ’twould have carried a shew of much more credit, and the ancient custome of that _Peoples_ burying their dead might have been produced, at least as a probable argument, to confirm the same. For the Saxons a Pagan Nation, if any of _their Princes or Nobility died, in their houses at home of sicknesse, were buried in pleasant, and delightfull gardens; if from home, and in the wars, not far from their camps, in heaps of earth cast up in the fields, which heaps they called Burrows: and the promiscuous common people in medows and open fields_. Saxones _Nobiles gens Christi ignara, in hortis amœnis, si domi forte ægroti moriebantur: si foris & bello occisi, in egestis per campos terræ tumulis quos Burgos appellabant, juxta castra sepulti sunt: vulgus autem promiscuum etiam in pratis & apertis campis._ As _Leyland_, who laid a good ground-work towards the discovery of _British Antiquities_, delivers.

[Sidenote: _G. Monm. M. Westm. Polychron. Caxton. Leyland._]

[Sidenote: _Knolls in vit. Ba._]

[Sidenote: _Ped. Mexia in vit. Con._]

[Sidenote: _Plutarch in vit. Pyrr._]

_Polydore_ neverthelesse, had great reason to imagine _A. Ambrosius_ famed the restorer of his Countrey (and Bulwark of War, as _Camden_ cals him) worthy an everlasting Monument, _Extat etiam nunc id monimentum in diœcesi_ Sarisberiensi _prope pagum quam_ Amisberiam _vocant, Which monument is yet extant in the diœcese of_ Salisbury (saith he) _not far from_ Ambresbury _Town_: and so was the Churchyard of the Monastery too. He also tels us, _Factum fuisse ad formam coronæ, it was made in form of a Crown_. An elegant expression (I confesse) of a no lesse elegant work, if he meant _Stoneheng_; yet no argument thereby to prove _A. Ambrosius_ or buried, or slain there. For, as touching _A. Ambrosius_ his death, severall Authors, of as good credit as _Polydore_ (his integrity neverthelesse I question not, others have been busie enough therein) affirm, that _Pascentius Vortigerns_ son, with many rewards corrupted a certain _Saxon_ called _Eopas_ (_Clappa_, saith _Caxton_) who, taking upon him the habit of a Monk, under pretence of Physick (_A. Ambrosius_ being then sick) gave him poyson, whereof he died at _Winchester_. And no wonder he was so poysoned, many examples of the like kinde being recorded in History. As in later times, the _Turkish_ Emperour _Bajazet_ the second, under pretence of Physick poysoned by a Jew: also _Conrad_ third of that name Emperour of _Germany_, by an _Italian_: and, in times of old, under the same pretence, _Pyrrhus_ that famous Epirot had been poysoned by his own Physitian, if _C. Fabricius_ the Roman Consul would have enclined to such ignoble resolutions, as _Pascentius_ after put in act against _A. Ambrosius_ in our story.

[Sidenote: _Ma. West. fo. 94._]

Amongst other, who relate this disaster of _A. Ambrosius_, _Matthew Westminster_ tels us, The said pretended Monk, _tandem ad Regis præsentiam perductum, venenum ei porrexisse, &c. being at last admitted to the Kings presence, administered poyson unto him, which having drunk, the wicked Traytor advised him to sleep, and in so doing suddenly should recover health! Nec mora, illabente per poros corporis & venas veneno, mortem pariter subsecutam esse. But, ere long, the poyson being dispersed through the pores and veins of his body, death seizes upon him._

[Sidenote: _G. Monm. lib. 8._]

Concerning the buriall of _A. Ambrosius_, if give credit to _Geffrey Monmouths_ affirming _A. Ambrosius_ on his death-bed gave command, and was accordingly buried, in the Sepulchre by him (whilst living) prepared in the Churchyard adjoyning to the Monastery at _Ambresbury_, then was _A. Ambrosius_ nor _buried_ at _Stoneheng_, nor consequently this _Antiquity_ erected to his memory. _Geffrey Monmouth_ tels us; _His death being known, the Bishops, Abbats, and all the Clergy of that province, assembled together in the City of_ Winchester. _Et quia vivens adhuc præceperat, ut in cœmeterio prope cœnobium_ Ambrii, _quod ipse paraverat sepeliretur, tulerunt corpus ejus, eodem atque cum regalibus exequiis, humaverunt. And with respect to his command, whilest living, that in the Churchyard adjoyning to the Monastery at_ Ambresbury, _prepared by him, he would be buried, they took his body and with royall solemnities enterred him there_.

[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 254._]

Furthermore, at _Ambresbury_, that is, _Ambrose_ his Town, (_Camden_ tels us) _certain ancient Kings, by report of the_ British _story, lay interred_. Whether _A. Ambrosius_ was one of them, or no, I argue not; yet the same Author saith, _Ambrose Aurelianus_ gave name unto the place. And why not, he being buried there, as well, as upon the translation of the body of _Edmund_ that most Christian King, the Town of _Edmundsbury_ in _Suffolk_ was so called?

It manifestly hence appears, _Stoneheng_ no Sepulchre, either erected by _A. Ambrosius_, or by the _British_ Nobility, or to any of their memories. Some Monument there was, perhaps, anciently set up in honour of them, at the Monastery of _Ambresbury_. Which, the fury of the _Saxons_ when victorious, or violence of time, which destroyeth all things, utterly consuming, might happily be the reason, Historians in succeeding Ages, finding so notable an _Antiquity_ as _Stoneheng_, not far from thence, and not apprehending for what use it was first built, suppos’d no other thing worthy _A. Ambrosius_, or those _Britans_, then such an extraordinary structure. Whereas, the Monuments in those ancient times, made for great Princes here in _Britain_, were onely two Pyramids between which interred, of no extraordinary bignesse erected to their memory in whate’re Religious places those Princes lay buried. Moreover, if seriously take notice of the severall sorts of Sepulchres used by divers Nations, none are found bearing like _Aspect_ with this work _Stoneheng_, but of other kinde of _Architecture_, far different in _Form_, _Manner_, and _Composure_. Some, made of one Columne onely; or, if otherwise, only a vase erected on the place of buriall, as amongst the _Athenians_: Some, had a Columne whereon the shields used in War by the deceased, whilst living, were fixt, as in those medals of silver, which the _Roman_ Senate dedicated to _Vespasian_: Some, a Columne with a Statue thereon; so the famous Columne of _Trajan_ had a _Colossus_ on the top thereof, as by his medals also appears. Again, the _Gauls_ on the tops of Mountains, erected _Pyramid’s_ or _Columnes_, as Monuments to their Princes. The _Saxons_ were buried (as said before) in huge heaps of earth, to this day visible among us. The _Keep_ of the now _Castell_ S. _Angelo_ at _Rome_ was the Sepulchre of the Emperour _Adrian_. (such mighty moles were the Monuments of the _Romans_) The _Greeks_ erected _Altars_, and instituted Sacrifices to the memory of their _Chieftains_, as the _Spartans_ to _Lysander_: The renowned _Carian_ Queen made the _Mausoleum_ for her husband, a massie bulk of building, 140 foot high: The huge _Pyramid’s_ in _Ægypt_ causing such wonder in the world, were Sepulchres of _Ægyptian_ Kings. In a word, amongst all Nations, Sepulchres whether little or great, were always reall and solid piles; not airous, with frequent openings, and void spaces of ground within, exposed to Sun and wind, neither uncovered like this _Antiquity_; or in any manner so built, as may enforce the least presumption, that this our _Stoneheng_ was ever a Sepulchre.

[Sidenote: _Leyland. de assert. Art. fol. 25._]

I have given you a full relation what concerning _Stoneheng_ hath been delivered by Writers, in respect of us though ancient, yet in regard of the great antiquity of this _Work_, indeed but modern, _Geffrey Monmouth_ living not full five hundred years ago, and _Polydore Virgill_ long after him, in King _Henry_ the eighths reign: Who, as they are the principall Authors that write any thing of _Stoneheng_; so, upon what authority deliver the same, they make not appear. Insomuch, _Camden_ gives no more credit to their relations in this very particular, then unto common sayings, (so he cals them) as if grounded upon _Fame_ only, or invented by themselves. And it may the rather be so presumed, because, as they lived not in ancient times, and consequently could not themselves bear testimony of any such things; so, neither the _Britans_ nor _Saxons_ for a long time after their first arrivall here, had any Records or Writings to convey whatever actions, either of their own, or others to posterity. _Ninnius_ a _British_ Historian, living about one thousand years ago, telling us, Britannos _doctores nullam peritiam habuisse, &c. The great Masters and Doctors of_ Britain _had no skill, nor left memoriall of any thing in writing_: confessing, that himself _gathered whatsoever he wrote, out of the Annals and Chronicles of the holy Fathers. Nec_ Saxones _amusi quicquam penè de rebus inter ipsos, &_ Britannos _eo tempore gestis scriptum posteritati reliquerint_, &c. _Neither did the_ Saxons _being unlearned_ (saith _Leyland_) _leave almost any thing in writing to posterity, of the actions performed in those times betwixt themselves and_ Britans: _whatsoever, remembred after Christ taught in this Island, of the first victories of the_ Saxons, _being both taken up upon trust from the mouth of the common people, and committed to writing from vulgar reports only. Neither the_ Britans, _utterly worn out with so many wars, had_ (as the same Author hath it) _or desire, or opportunity, had they desired it, to bestow their pains in compiling any whatever history, that might commend their actions to succeeding Ages._

But, it maybe objected: If _Polydore Virgill_, and _Geffrey Monmouth_ could neither be eye-witnesses themselves, nor have authority from other more ancient Authors for what related by them concerning _Stoneheng_: and that from whatever writings ancient or modern, not any thing of certainty can be found out concerning the same; from whence then appear, for what use, or by whom _Stoneheng_ erected? I answer, though not appear from Histories written either by the _Britans_ or _Saxons_; yet, as _Gildas_ professing he wrote his History (for the former reasons) _by relations from beyond Sea_: and, as _Ninnius_ his _out of the Annals and Chronicles of the holy Fathers_ as aforesaid: so, severall other ways a possibility of truth may be gathered, namely, from the authority of other Nations; from the concurrence of time for such undertakings; from the customs of forepassed Ages in like works; from the manner and form of building proper to severall Countries; from the use to which such buildings applied, and the like. Upon which, as occasion serves, intending hereafter more largely to insist, I shall in the mean while set down the judgement our late Writers give of this _Antiquity_.

[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 251._]

_Camden_, a diligent searcher after Antiquities of our Nation, having, in his _Chorography_ of _Wiltshire_, collected all the aforesaid opinions, together with his own, gives a summary description of _Stoneheng_, in words as follow. _Towards the North, about six miles from_ Salisbury, _in the plain, is to be seen a huge and monstrous peece of work, such as_ Cicero _termeth_ insanam substructionem. _For, within the circuit of a ditch, there are erected in manner of a Crown, in three ranks or courses one within another, certain mighty and unwrought stones, whereof some are twenty eight foot high, & seven foot broad, upon the heads of which others, like overthwart peeces, do bear and rest cross-wise, with a small tenon and mortaise, so as the whole frame seemeth to hang; whereof we call it_ Stoneheng, _like as our old Historians termed it for the greatness the Giants dance. Our Countrimen reckon this for one of our wonders, and miracles. And much they marvell, from whence such huge stones were brought, considering that in all those quarters bordering thereupon, there is hardly to be found any common stone at all for building: as also, by what means they were set up. For mine own part about these points I am not curiously to argue and dispute, but rather to lament with much grief, that the Authors of so notable a Monument are thus buried in oblivion. Yet some there are, that think them to be no naturall stones hewn out of the rock, but artificially made of pure sand, and by some glewy and unctuous matter knit and incorporate together, like as those ancient trophies or monuments of victory which I have seen in_ Yorkshire. _And what marvell? Read we not I pray you in_ Pliny, _that the sand or dust of_ Puteoli, _being covered over with water, becometh forthwith a very stone, that the cisterns in_ Rome _of sand, digged out of the ground, and the strongest kind of lime wrought together grow so hard, that they seem stones indeed? and that statues and images of marble scalings, and small grit grow together so compact and firm, that they were deemed entire and solid marble? The common saying is, that_ Ambrosius Aurelianus, _or his brother_ Uther _did rear them up, by the art of_ Merlin, _&c._ Thus far _Camden_, it being needlesse to repeat more from him, having already delivered the story from the Authors themselves. Yet here neverthelesse, as necessarily induced thereunto, I shall take leave to observe something more remarkable to our purpose in hand, upon his words.

In the first place then, _Stoneheng_ is by him called _a huge and monstrous peece of work_, terming it from _Cicero_, _insanam substructionem_. To which I say, had _Camden_ as well attained other abilities of an _Architect_, as he was skilfull in _Antiquities_: or been as conversant in _Antiquities_ abroad, as learned in those of his own Nation, he would have given a far different judgement hereof. For, whosoever is acquainted with the ancient ruines yet remaining in and about _Italy_, may easily perceive this no such huge building, either for the circuit of the work, or bignesse of the stones, they being as manageable to the _Roman Architects_, as amongst us to raise a May-pole, or mast of a Ship. And, if this styled _huge_ and _monstrous_, what may be said of _Diocletians_ baths? the great _Cirque_? _Marcellus_ his Theater? _Vespasians Temple of Peace_? and other prodigious works of the _Romans_? the very remainders whereof now lying in the dust, breed amazement and wonder (not without just reason too) in whosoever beholds them with attentivenesse and judgement. Nay, whereas he styles it _insanam substructionem_, it’s demonstrable, that betwixt this Island of great _Britain_, and _Rome_ it self, there’s no one structure to be seen, wherein more clearly shines those harmoniacall proportions, of which only the best times could vaunt, then in this of _Stoneheng_.

Moreover, _Our Countreymen marvell_ (saith he) _from whence such huge stones were brought, considering that in all those quarters bordering thereupon, there is hardly to be found any common stone for building_. Upon what trust _Camden_ (his extraordinary judgement otherwise considered) took this relation, I know not. For there is not onely common stone thereabouts, for ordinary uses, but stone of extraordinary proportions likewise, even for greater works (if occasion were) then _Stoneheng_: the Quarries of _Hasselborough_ and _Chilmark_, both of them not far from the borders of the plain, having of a long time furnished all the adjacent parts with common stone for building. And (to come nearer the matter) it is manifest, that in divers places about the Plain, the same kinde of Stone whereof this _Antiquity_ consists may be found, especially about _Aibury_ in North-_Wiltshire_, not many miles distant from it, where not onely are Quarries of the like stone, but also stones of far greater dimensions then any at _Stoneheng_, may be had.

[Sidenote: _Plut. in Marcel._]

[Sidenote: _Herod. lib. 2._]

[Sidenote: _Ptol. lib. 4._]

[Sidenote: _Plin. lib. 36._]

[Sidenote: _Dom. Font. lib. 1._]

_They wonder also_ (saith he) _by what means they_ (that, is such huge stones) _were set up_. What may be effected by that _Mechanicall Art_, which _Dee_ in his _Mathematicall Preface_ to _Euclyde_, cals _Menadry_, or _Art of ordering Engines for raising weights_; those (it seems) of whom _Camden_ speaks took little notice of, when _Archimedes_ during the siege of _Syracuse_, raised out of the Sea, and turned in the air at pleasure, the Ships and Gallies of the _Romans_, full fraught as they were with Souldiers, Mariners, and their ordinary lading: and if King _Hieron_ could have assigned him, a fit place to firm his engines on, he would have undertaken to remove, even the terrestriall _Globe_ out of the worlds _center_, so high, perfection in this _Art_ transported him. What should I say of the _Obelisk_ in Ages so far past, brought from the Mountains of _Armenia_, and erected in _Babylon_ by _Semiramis_, one hundred & fifty foot high, and at the base twenty four foot square of one entire stone? _Est in fano_ Latonæ (saith _Herodotus_ of his own knowledge) _delubrum ex uno factum lapide, cujus parietes æquali celsitudine ad longitudinem quadragenum cubitorum, cujus lacunari, pro tecto impositus est alius lapis quatuor cubitorum per oras crassitudine. In the Temple of_ Latona (in _Ægypt_) _is a Chappell formed of one stone, whose walls being of equall height, are in length forty cubits, covered in like manner with one sole stone four cubits thick_. Those, which made this wonder would have much more admired, if they could have seen the _Obelisk_ raised in times of old by King _Ramesis_ at _Heliopolis_, in that part of _Ægypt_ anciently called _Thebais_, in height one hundred twenty one Geometrical feet (which of our measure makes one hundred thirty six feet) of one entire stone: and so little wonder made they of raising it, that the Architect undertook and did effect it, the Kings own son being at the same time bound to the top thereof. Amongst the _Romans_, _Augustus Cæsar_ erected in the great Cirque at _Rome_, an _Obelisk_ of one stone, one hundred and twenty foot, nine inches long: another also, was set up in _Mars_ field, nine foot higher then it, by the said Emperour. And it seems also, neither they, nor _Camdens_ self had ever seen that _Obelisk_, which even in these our days, in the year one thousand five hundred eighty six, _Sixtus Quintus_ caused to be erected in the _Piazza_ of S. _Peter_ at _Rome_, one hundred and eight _Roman_ palms high, and at the base twelve palms square, (according to our Assise, fourscore and one foot high, and nine foot square) of one entire stone also: _Dominico Fontana_ being _Architect_. But, there are more strange things (as Sir _Walter Raleigh_ hath it) in the world, then betwixt _London_ and _Stanes_. It is want of knowledge in _Arts_ makes such admirers, and _Art_ it self have so many Enemies. Had I not been thought worthy (by him who then commanded) to have been sole _Architect_ thereof, I would have made some mention of the great stones used in the work, and _Portico_ at the West end of S. _Pauls_ Church _London_, but I forbear; though in greatnesse they were equall to most in this _Antiquity_, and raised to a far greater height then any there. What manner of Engines the _Ancients_ used for raising; and what secure ways they had, for cariage and transportation of their huge weights, is more proper for another subject.

[Sidenote: _Vitr. lib. 2. cap. 6._]

_Some there are_ (saith _Camden_) _that think them to be no naturall stones, hewn out of the rock, but artificially made of pure sand, and by some glewy and unctuous matter, knit and incorporate together, like those ancient trophies, or monuments of victory, which I have seen in_ Yorkshire. As for these Monuments (for my part) I have not seen, otherwise I would give my sense upon them, and happily they may be found as far from being artificiall, as those at _Stoneheng_. _And what marvell?_ (saith he) _read we not, I pray you, in_ Pliny, _that the sand or dust of_ Puteoli, _being covered over with water, becometh forthwith a very stone &c._ He might as well have told us the Rocks in _Portland_ are artificiall. But it’s true, this sand of _Puteoli_, was much used by the _Ancients_, and it is such a kind of earth, as is very famous for its admirable effects in building, being tempered with the cement of _Cuma_: For, it not onely yeelds strength to all other buildings, but thereby also, all works made in the Sea under water, are most firmly consolidated. Yet, doe I not find, that ever the _Ancients_ made any artificiall stones thereof, or that _Vitruvius_ hath any thing to that purpose, to him the credit given to _Pliny_, and others, concerning the Earth of _Puteoli_, being only due; posterity being in the first place beholding unto him for finding out the nature of that earth, he giving us not only the effects thereof, but the cause also from whence those effects proceed. _Hoc autem fieri hac ratione videtur, quòd sub his montibus_ (i.e. _in regionibus_ Baianis, _& in agris, quæ sunt circa_ Vesuvium _montem) & terræ ferventes sunt, & fontes crebri, qui non essent, si non in imo haberent, aut de sulphure, aut alumine, aut bitumine ardentes maximos ignes. Which is_ (saith he) _by reason in those mountains_ (to wit, _in the regions of_ Baiæ, _and fields about mount_ Vesuvius) _the grounds are hot, and full of springs, which heat could not be, but that from the bottome, are nourished mighty great fires, arising from sulphur, alume, or brimstone there._ Indeed, according to _Pliny_, the sand upon the side of the hill of _Puteoli_, being opposed to the Sea, and continually drenched, and drowned with the water thereof, doth (by the restringent quality, no doubt, of the salt water) become a stone so compact, and united together, that scorning all the violence of the surging billows, it hardeneth every day more and more.

Neverthelesse, whosoever could find out any kind of earth in this Island, naturally apt, to make artificiall stones of such greatnesse as these; and, like them so obdurate also, that hardly any tool enter them: or, that our Auncestors in times of old, did make use of such a cement, and in what manner composed by them. The benefit thereof doubtlesse, would amount so ample to this Nation, that Records could not but render him deservedly famous to all posterity. In the mean while, as it is most certain those stones at _Stoneheng_ are naturall; so, am I as clearly of opinion, the very Quarries from whence hewn, were about _Aibury_ beforementioned: where, no small quantities of the same kind, are even at this day to be had; vast scantlings, not only appearing about the Town it self, but throughout the plain and fields adjoyning, the Quarries lying bare, numbers also numberlesse of stones, are generally seen. (being no small prejudice to the bordering inhabitants) As also, not far from the edge of _Wiltshire_, in the ascent from _Lamborn_ to _Whitehorse hill_, the like stones are daily discovered. To mention, more places in particular is needlesse, the Quarries at and about _Aibury_ (without relating to _Lamborn_, or what ever other) distant but fifteen miles or thereabouts from _Stoneheng_, being of themselves sufficient to clear the doubt. These, having through long time, got the very same crustation upon them, are in like manner coloured, grained, bedded, weighty, and of like difficulty in working, as those at _Stoneheng_. Some of which, being of a whitish colour, are intermixt and veined here and there with red: some, of a lightish blew, glister, as if minerall amongst them: some, for the most part white, perplexed (as it were) with a ruddy colour: some, dark gray and russet, differing in kinds as those stones at _Aibury_ do. Some of them again, of a grayish colour, are speckled or intermixt with dark green, and white, together with yellow amongst it, resembling after a sort, that kind of marble which the _Italians_ (from the valley where the Quarries are found) call _Pozzevera_; nothing, notwithstanding, so beautifull, though naturally much harder, and being weathered by time, as in this work; disdain the touch even of the best tempered tool. Insomuch, that if nothing else, the more then ordinary hardnesse of them is such, as will in part convince any indifferent judgement in the nature and quality of stones; those, in this _Antiquity_, are not (as _Camden_ would have them) artificiall, but naturall.

[Sidenote: _H. Hunting, lib. 1._]

[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 241._]

Whatsoever, worthy admiration concerning _Stoneheng_, either in relation to the greatnesse of the work in generall, the extraordinary proportion of the stones in particular, the wonder the people make, from whence brought, by what Arts or Engines raised, and in such order placed, _Camden_ delivers; certainly, in his judgement he was wholly opposite to the opinions of the aforesaid _British_ Historians. He would never else, with so much regret have complained, _The Authors of so notable a Monument lay buried in oblivion_, had he given any the least credit, this _Antiquity_ had been built, either by _A. Ambrosius_, or the _British_ Nobility, or to eternize either of their names, or actions to succeeding generations. Let _Geffrey Monmouth_ and his followers, say what they please, _Henry Huntingdon_ (his Contemporary, if not more Ancient) is mine Author, _Nec potest aliquis excogitare, qua arte tanti lapides adeo in altum elevati sunt, vel quare ibi constructi sunt. No man knows_ (saith _Huntingdon_) _for what cause_ Stoneheng _erected, or_ (which is fully answered already) _by what Art such huge stones were raised to so great a height_. Take with you also _Draytons_ judgement in his _Poly-olbion_ couched under the fiction of old _Wansdikes_ depraving _Stoneheng_. (_Wansdike_ being a huge Ditch in _Wiltshire_ so called, anciently, as _Camden_ opines, dividing the two Kingdomes of the _Mertians_ and _West Saxons_ asunder)

[Sidenote: _Poly-olbion Cant. 3._]

_Whom for a paltry ditch, when_ Stonendge _pleas’d t’upbraid,
The old man taking heart, thus to that Trophy said;
Dull heap, that thus thy head above the rest doth reare,
Precisely yet not know’st who first did place thee there;
But Traytor basely turn’d to_ Merlins _skill dost flie,
And with his Magicks dost thy Makers truth belie_.

For, as for that ridiculous Fable, of _Merlins_ transporting the stones out of _Ireland_ by Magick, it’s an idle conceit. As also, that old wives tale, that for the greatnesse it was in elder times called the _Giants dance_. The name of the _dance of Giants_ by which it is styled in _Monmouth_, hath nothing allusive, no not so much as to the _tale he tels us_, saith a modern Writer in the life of _Nero Cæsar_.

[Sidenote: _Speed lib. 7. Stow fo. 58. in 4ᵒ._]

[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 194._ _Speed lib. 7._]

Furthermore, our modern Historians _Stow_ and _Speed_, tell us, in severall parts of the Plain adjoyning, have been by digging found, peeces of ancient fashioned armour, and the bones of men, insinuating this as an argument, for upholding the opinions of the _British_ Writers. To which, if they would have those to be the bones of the slaughtered _Britans_, how came those Armours to be found with them, they coming to the Treaty unarmed, and without weapons? Howsoever, what is done in the Plains abroad, concerns not _Stoneheng_, Neither can any man think it strange, that in a place, where _Fame_ hath rendred, so many memorable and fierce battels, fought in times of old, rusty armour, and mens bones should be digged up. It is usuall throughout the world in all such places, and (if I mistake not) _Sands_ in his Travels, relates, that even in the Plains of _Pharsalia_, such like bones and Armour, have lately been discovered: and Sir _Henry Blunt_ in that notable relation of his voyage into the _Levant_, speaks with much judgement of those _Pharsalian_ fields. Likewise, the aforesaid Writers, might well have remembred, some of themselves deliver, that at _Kambulan_, or _Cambula_ in _Cornwall_, such habiliments of War have been digged up, in tillage of the ground, witnessing either the fatall field, sometimes there fought, where _Mordred_ was slain by _Arthur_, and _Arthur_ himself received his deaths wound: or else, the reliques of that battel betwixt the _Britans_ and _Saxons_, in the year eight hundred and twenty. ’Tis true, the relation conduces much towards confirming, that ancient custome of the _Saxons_, formerly recited out of _Leyland_, considering especially, not far from this _Antiquity_, lie certain hillocks, at this day commonly called the _seven Burrows_, where it may be presumed, some _Princes_, or _Nobles_ of the _Saxon_ Nation lie interred. But, that _Stoneheng_ should therefore be a place of buriall, the aforesaid relation to maintain the same is nothing worth.

They adde moreover, the stones yet remaining are not to be numbred, according as our Noble _Sydney_ in his Sonnet of the wonders of _England_.

_Near_ Wilton _sweet, huge heaps of stone are found,
But so confus’d, that neither any eye
Can count them just, nor reason reason try,
What force brought them to so unlikely ground_.

This, though it scarcely merits an answer, yet, to satisfie those which in this point may be curious, let them but observe the orders of the Circles, as they now appear, and not passe from one to another confusedly (noting neverthelesse where they begin) and they’ll find the just number easie to be taken.

Now, though whether in order to the Place it self where this _Antiquity_ stands, or _Persons_, by whom _Stoneheng_ pretended to be built, enough laid, to wave the reports upon fancy, or common Fame, formerly delivered: to the state of _Time_ neverthelesse, wherein the _British_ Histories would have it erected, because nothing by me hath yet been spoken, I will therefore adde, ’tis not probable such a work as _Stoneheng_ could be then built. For, although our _Britans_, in ancient time possessed, together with the _Roman_ civility, all good _Arts_, it is evident during the reign of _A. Ambrosius_ (about the first coming in of the _Saxons_ here, and towards the later end of the fifth Century, as Historians and Chronologists compute it) in the last declining of the _Roman_ Empire, the _Arts_ of _Design_, of which _Architecture_ chief, were utterly lost even in _Rome_ it self, much more in _Britain_, being then but a Tempest-beaten _Province_, and utterly abandoned by the _Romans_. _Britain_, therefore, being over-run with enemies, and the knowledge of _Arts_ then lost amongst them: none, questionlesse, can reasonably apprehend so notable a work as _Stoneheng_ could in such times be built.

[Sidenote: _Serl. lib. 3._]

That, amongst the _Romans_ and _Britans_ both, _A. Ambrosius_ governing here, all Sciences were utterly perished, is evidently manifest. For, the _Goths_ had then invaded _Italy_; and that vast Empire drooping with extreme Age, by the fatall irruption of strange Nations, was not only torn in peeces, but _Barbarisme_ having trod learning under foot, and the sword bearing more sway then letters, or learned men, all Sciences were neglected; and particularly that of _Building_ fell into such decay, that till of late about the year one thousand five hundred and ten, it lay swallowed up, and (as I may so say) buried in oblivion. When one _Bramante_ of the Dutchy of _Urbin_, attaining admirable perfection in _Architecture_, restored to the world again, the true rules of building, according to those Orders, by the ancient _Romans_ in their most flourishing times observed. Furthermore, not onely liberall Sciences and _Architecture_, but _Art_ military also, about the time of _A. Ambrosius_, was so far lost amongst the _Romans_, that they were ignorant, yea, in the very rudiments of War. Insomuch, (as _Procopius_ in his second Book of the _Gothick_ Wars relate) _Barbarism_ had bereft them of the skill, even in what manner to sound a retreat.

[Sidenote: _W. Malmes. fol. 8._ _Camden fo. 87._]

With us here also, the _Saxons_ domineer’d over all, and _A. Ambrosius_ with the _Britans_ had enough to do, in endeavouring the recovery of their lost Countrey from a mighty prevailing Enemy, that in few years afterwards (maugre all the ways which force or policy could invent) conquered the whole Nation. Among other calamities attending that miserable Age, _Camden_ (from _William_ of _Malmsbury_) directly to the purpose in hand tels us. _Cum Tyranni nullum in agris præter semibarbaros, nullum in urbibus præter ventri deditos reliquissent_: Britannia _omni patrocinio juvenilis vigoris viduata, omni Artium exercitio exinanita, conterminarum gentium inhiationi diu obnoxia fuit. When the Tyrants_ (to wit, the _Romans_) _had left none in the Countrey but half Barbarians, none in the Cities and Towns, but such as wholly gave themselves to belly-cheer_; Britain, _destitute of all protection, by her vigorous young men, bereaved of_ all exercise, and practice of good Arts, _became exposed for a long time to the greedy, and gaping jaws of Nations confining upon her_.

[Sidenote: _Gildas._]

Here you have it from an Author, more ancient then _G. Monmouth_ a little, though both lived in one age, the times about _A. Ambrosius_ government, whether before, during his reign, or after, were so full of miseries, that he complains, none then employed, or exercised in any whatever works belonging to _Art_. They had somthing else (as appears by divers Writers) to think upon, all their abilities being insufficient to defend their Countrey from forein servitude, their Cities and Towns from ruine, and destruction, and their habitations from rage of cruell and insolent enemies, robbing, spoiling, burning, wasting, all before them: to which, plague, pestilence, and famine being joyned, the inland part of the _Island_, even to the Western _Ocean_ was welnear totally consumed.

Besides, the Countrey was so oppress’d, what with outward hostile miseries, what with intestine tumults and troubles: that, had they not lost the _practice of all Arts_ (as the former Historian saith they had) so far were they from erecting any work of this kind, that they were compelled to abandon their Towns, and houses, built in times foregoing by their Auncestors, and betake themselves to mountains, caves, and woods for shelter. Now, if the calamities of those times hung over the _Britans_ heads, in so generall manner, that not one amongst them had leisure to put pen to paper, (as from _Leyland_ before remembred) much lesse able were they, without all peradventure, to undertake so great a work as _Stoneheng_, wherein, as all rationall men must grant, numbers of men employed, and many years taken up, before brought to its absolute perfection.

[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 228._]

But, nothing can better expresse the ignorance of that Age, then the barbarous manner of inscription upon the Tomb of the _British Hector_ King _Arthur_, nephew to _A. Ambrosius_, found long since in the Churchyard of the Abbey at _Glastenbury_, the letters whereof, being exactly represented to our view by _Camden_, do, as by demonstration, fully discover to us the Barbarism of those times. As, barbarous in those characters, so were they ignorant in, and had lost the use of all other _Arts_. _Nor exercise nor practice of good Arts, was then amongst them_, saith the Historiographer of _Malmsbury_. And well he might so deliver himself, not withstanding _Matthew Westminster_ tels us, _A. Ambrosius_ repaired _Churches_, which the rage of _Saxons_, enemies to _Christian Religion_, spoiled. For, besides, the vast difference betwixt such works as _Stoneheng_, where _Art_ overmasters the common skill of man, and making up the decaies of ruinated buildings, is apprehensive even to the meanest capacities: _Gildas_ and _Bede_ (whose Antiquity and learning the greater it is, the more is their authority acceptable) affirm, the _Britans_ in those times knew not in what manner to bring up bare wals of stone. When, the _Roman_ Legion sent to aid the _Britans_ by _Valentinian_ the third, under the conduct of _Gallio_ of _Ravenna_, was remanded hence, for defence of _France_; before departing, they exhorted the _Britans_ to make a wall overthwart the _Island_, to secure themselves from the _Barbarians_, _Picts_, and _Scots_: which wall, _Bede_ tels us, _was made not so much with stone, as turffes, considering they had no workmen to bring up such works of stone; and so_, (saith the venerable Historian) _they did set up one, good for nothing. ’Twas made by the rude, and unskilfull common multitude, not so much of stone, as turffes_ (saith _Gildas_ also) _none being found able to give direction for building works of stone_. This was about thirty six years preceding _A. Ambrosius_ government. In which time, the _Romans_ abandoning _Britain_, _Vortigern_ usurped; call’d in the _Saxons_ to his aid; was deposed by his Nobility; and _Vortimer_ his son set up. Whom _Rowena_ having made away; _Vortigern_ was re-enthronis’d. Him _A. Ambrosius_ invades, and having burnt him, together with _Rowena_ in _Wales_, assumes the Crown as his; holding continuall war with the _Saxons_, untill poysoned by _Pascentius_ as aforesaid.

It being thus, that nothing but universall confusion, and destructive broyls of war, appeared then in all parts; more ancient, and far more propitious times, must be sought out for designing a structure, so exquisite in the composure as this: even such a flourishing Age, as when _Architecture_ in rare perfection, and such _People_ lookt upon, as by continuall successe, attaining unto the sole power over _Arts_, as well as _Empires_, commanded all. I say, such _Times_, and _Persons_, because those things, which accord not with the course of time, which by a generall consent of Authors agree not; which by the approved customes of ancient Ages, and votes of learned men, are not received and allowed, and consequently no ways probable; I easily admit not of.

Another fiction there is concerning _Stoneheng_, not to be past over; and though the cause upon which it’s grounded, be far more ancient then the government of _Ambrosius_, or aforesaid slaughter of the _Britains_: neverthelesse, in respect it is a new conceit, not thirty years being past since hatch’t, I suppose this the most proper place to discourse thereof, having ended with _Geffrey Monmouth_, _Polydore Virgill_, and their followers.

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 181._]

The Author thereof is _Anonymus_, unlesse known in being Translator of _Lucius Florus_. His opinion, (in his _Nero Cæsar_) _Stoneheng_ the Tomb of _Boadicia_ (formerly remembred) Queen of the _Iceni_. His reasons, first, because that memorable battell betwixt her, and _Suetonius Paulinus_ fought upon a Plain. Secondly, in respect the _Britans_ buried her magnificently. For confirming this, he tels us, _Had the pretieus volumes of the_ Cornelian _Annals, and_ Dio Cassius, _and_ John Xiphiline _been within the spheare of_ Geffrey Monmouths _studies, not_ Aurelus Ambrosius, _nor those four hundred and sixty Noblemen of_ Britain, _murthered in_ Vortigerns _reign, should have carried away with him the fame of this materiall wonder, but magnanimous_ Boadicia. It seems, he would not be behinde-hand with _Monmouth_; for, as the one finding no story more famous then of _A. Ambrosius_ and the slaughtered _Britans_, fathered _Stoneheng_ upon them: so, to make the inventive faculty, as apparently predominant in himself; this other, respecting _Boadicia’s_ heroicall actions, would as willingly make the world beleeve this _Antiquity_ her Monument.

His principall argument I delivered before; to wit, the battell betwixt Her and the _Romans_, wherein _Boadicia_ utterly overthrown too, being fought upon a Plain. Was there in old time (did he think) no Plain in _Britain_ to fight a battell on but _Salisbury_ Plain? How came _Boadicia_ and her Army thither? I find indeed, _Boadicia_ leading one hundred and twenty thousand fighting men out of the _Icenian_ Countries, and like a terrible tempest, falling upon _Camalodunum_, that famous _Roman_ Colony of old, (where the first fury of the War was felt) she surprised it and razed it to the ground; _Suetonius Paulinus_ then in _Anglesey_: Intercepting _Petilius Cerealis_, who advanced with the ninth legion to relieve that Colony, she cut all his Infantry in peeces: Putting to the sword all those, which imbecillity of sex, tediousnesse of age, or pleasure of the place detained from following _Suetonius_ in his march from _London_: And taking _Verulamium_, sackt and burnt it down to ashes. But, how she marcht from thence to _Salisbury_ Plain is neither apparent nor probable; not the least inkling being left in the world, what hostile acts she committed, which way she moved, or what done by her, after the ruine of _Verulam_, till utterly overthrown.

[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 14._]

[Sidenote: _Dion. Cas. lib. 62._]

Can it be imagined, she that destroyed so great a Colony, together with a free-borough of the _Romans_, slain seventy or eighty thousand persons in such horrid manner as scarce credible; reserving not one Prisoner alive, but killing, hanging, crucifying, and burning whatsoever _Romane_, or to that party enclined: that was yet victorious, and her Army encreasing daily; can it be imagined, I say, she marcht to _Salisbury_ Plain with so huge an Army invisibly? or stole from _Verulam_ thither by night, lest notice should be taken of her proceedings? _Anonymus_ self cannot think so unworthily of his _Boadicia_, yet certainly after such manner she went, if ever went thither at all: Otherwise, _Boadicia_ marching in the height of glory, and bearing down all before her till rancountred by _Suetonius_. Those faithfull Historians _Tacitus_, and _Dion_, (both so sedulous in delivering her Fame to posterity) would never have omitted so notable a march, through such a large tract of enemies Countrey, as of necessity she was to make from _Verulam_, to _Salisbury_ Plain; but would have prosecuted her War, by recording the spoyls, rapines, burnings, and devastations made therein; as particularly, as from the first fomenting the rebellion, till her advance to _Verulam_, they have done. Upon which Town, and the aforementioned places only, the aforesaid Historians directly tell us the whole burden of the War fell. _Ad Septuaginta millia civium & sociorum iis quæ memoravi locis occidisse constitit_, saith _Tacitus_. _It was manifest, there were slain in the places, I have remembred, the number of seventy thousand Citizens and Allies._ Bunduica _duas urbes_ (saith _Xiphilines Dion_ also) _populi_ Romani _expugnavit atque diripuit, in iísque cædem infinitam, ut supradixi, fecit._ Bunduica _took and razed to the ground two Towns of the_ Romans, _and in them made that infinite slaughter, I have mentioned before, of fourscore thousand persons_. At _Verulam_ then, it fully appears, the course of her Victories stopt, the inhumane butchery of the _Romans_, and their confederates, ended with the massacre in that Town; which could not possibly have hapned, if with such a firm resolution to extirpate the _Roman_ name in _Britain_, and such a numerous Army to effect it, she had gone on victoriously unfought with, so far as where this _Antiquity_ stands. And therefore the Plain of _Salisbury_ could not be the place of battell, as _Anonymus_ would fain enforce it. Who having so largely, and with so good advice, discoursed the motions, and actions of this rebellion, with all the circumstances thereof, from the first rise, till she destroyed _Verulam_, should either have found some warrantable authority for _Boadicia’s_ so great an undertaking afterwards, else never engaged her so far within the _Roman_ Province; otherwise, some may imagine, he framed it, only out of ambition for a meer pretence, rather, then stated it, from a reall endeavour, to make discovery for what cause _Stoneheng_ at first erected.

[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 14._]

[Sidenote: _Dion. Cass. lib. 62._]

Furthermore, _Suetonius Paulinus_ was too well skilled in the discipline of war, to make the seat thereof in a Countrey so absolutely _Roman_, as betwixt the _British_ Ocean and the River _Thames_. He had it’s true (being return’d from _Anglesey_) abandoned _London_, no colony. But upon what result? finding his accesse of strength disproportionable to the War in hand, and therefore _determined with the losse of one Town to preserve the rest whole_, (whether _London_ or _Camalodunum_ is not to the purpose) and, by attending the motions of the enemy, wait all fair occasions to give _Boadicia_ battell, _being unwilling to try his fortune too suddenly, multitude and successe making the_ Britans _outrageously daring_. In the interim neverthelesse, raising what forces, the exigency of so important affairs would permit.

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 105._]

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 154._]

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 155._]

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 166._]

Which way _Suetonius_ marched from _London_ is altogether omitted, yet if lawfull to conjecture, why not? to draw off the Forces of _Catus Decianus_ Procurator, (not long before fled into _Gaul_, for fear of this War) together with the remains of _Petilius Cerealis_ troops; quartered, as _Anonymus_ confesseth, in those very camps yet appearing about _Gildsbrough_ and _Daintry_ in _Northamptonshire_, then, confining the _Icenian_ Dominion to the Westward. Which Troops therefore, lay doubtlesse, in very great danger if not timely relieved; especially in case _Boadicia_ should conduct her Army that way; as, ere long afterwards she did so far as _Verulam_; this course being taken by her, not improbably, in pursuit of _Suetonius_. Neither was it very dangerous for the _Roman_ Generall to lead his Forces that way, the Enemies main strength lying about _Camalodunum_. Howsoever, whether he marched up to them or no, concluded it is, he made his retreat towards _Pœnius Posthumus_ encamped with the _second Legion_ in the borders of the _Silures_, (now _Herefordshire_, _Radnorshire_ &c.) for which _Legion_, _Suetonius_ sending to have it brought up to his Rendezvouz, his commands being slighted, that strength failed him. _The way which_ Suetonius _took, after his departure, was in mine opinion_ (saith _Anonymus_) _towards_ Severn, _where_ Pœnius Posthumus _encamped with the second Legion among the_ Silures. So also _Spencer_ our famous _English_ Poet finds it. Whereby it appears, _Suetonius_ retreat was not Westward to _Salisbury_ Plains, but Northerly towards that _second Legion_. In this retreat, I may not omit, _Anonymus_ conducts him over the _Thames_ at _London_; which if granted, and, _that he kept the river upon his right hand still_, untill engaging _Boadicia_, as _Anonymus_ saith he did: then was _Suetonius_ march _far away_ indeed from _Salisbury_ Plain. The course of that River winding, as we all know, through _Barkshire_ out of _Oxfordshire_, where _Tame_ from the County _Buckingham_, and _Isis_ from the edge of _Glocester_ Province, make their conjunction a little beneath _Dorchester_. And, if keeping this course _still_ by the Rivers side, _Suetonius_ marcht alongst the banks of _Cherwell_ also, then must _Anonymus_, whether he will or no, bring him up close to _Gildsbrough_ and _Daintry_, as aforesaid; and thereby (for it is admitted _Cerealis_ horse-troops were at the fight) reconciling all opinions, upon his direct way towards the _second Legion_.

How far on, neverthelesse, toward _Pœnius Posthumus_ Camp _Suetonius_ advanced is uncertain; but, that the battell might be fought in some Plain about _Verulam_, or upon that rode, is not altogether improbable. (Especially considering part of _Suetonius_ strength consisted of _Londoners_, who, as _Auxiliaries_ followed him in this War, and would not stay behind). For, the _Roman_ Generall when marshalling his Army for fight, had with him (saith _Tacitus_) _the aids of the places adjoyning_. What places were these? the last _place_ named by him was _Verulam_, the next place before it _London_; and, if the Historian intends either of these two, by the _places adjoyning_ to the field, where the battell fought; then, may _Anonymus_ prove the desarts in _Africa_, as soon as the Plains of _Salisbury_, to be the place of Battell.

[Sidenote: _Cant. 10._]

_Spencer_ saith, the battell was fought near _Severn_:

_Which seeing stout_ Bunduca _up arose,
And taking arms, the_ Britons _to her drew;
With whom she marched straight against her foes,
And them vnwares besides the_ Seuerne _did enclose_.

[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 14._]

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 179._]

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 178._]

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 161._]