Chapter XXX: Book XXIII (6)

[1516] See B. xxi. c. 86: this is the Melissa officinalis of Linnæus, or balm-gentle, from which the bees gather honey, quite a different plant to apiastrum or wild parsley. The Sardinian plant here mentioned, is probably the same as the Ranunculus, mentioned in B. xxv. c. 109, where its identification will be further discussed.

[1517] See B. xix. c. 48.

[1518] Or “horse parsley.”

[1519] Or strangury. No medicinal use is made of this plant in modern times.

[1520] Or “mountain parsley,” see B. xix. c. 48.

[1521] Or “marsh-parsley,” see B. xix. c. 37. It is possessed of certain energetic properties, more appreciated by the ancient physicians than in modern pharmacy.

[1522] “Rock-parsley:” from this name comes our word “parsley.” It is not clearly known to what variety of parsley he refers under this name.

[1523] Or “ox-parsley.” C. Bauhin identifies this with the Petroselinum Creticum or Agriopastinaca of Crete; but, as Fée remarks, it is not clear to which of the Umbelliferæ he refers under that name.

[1524] The Ocimum basilicum of Linnæus, according to most commentators: though Fée is not of that opinion, it being originally from India, and never found in a wild state. From what Varro says, De Re Rust. B. i. c. 31, he thinks that it must be sought among the leguminous plants, the genus Hedysarum, Lathyrus, or Medicago. He remarks also, that Pliny is the more to be censured for the absurdities contained in this Chapter, as the preceding writers had only mentioned them to ridicule them.

[1525] See B. ix. c. 51.

[1526] “In Empericis.”

[1527] “Atramento sutorio.”

[1528] The Brassica eruca of Linnæus.

[1529] None of the numerous remedies mentioned by Pliny for removing spots on the skin, are at all efficacious, in Fée’s opinion.

[1530] “Good for sauces.”

[1531] In B. xix. c. 44.

[1532] The Lepidium sativum of Linnæus, cresses or nose-smart.

[1533] This opinion is corroborated by Dioscorides, B. ii. c. 185, and confirmed by the author of the Geoponica, B. xii. c. 27. Fée inclines to the opinion of Dioscorides, and states that is highly antiscorbutic.

[1534] In B. xix. c. 44.

[1535] The two varieties, the white and the black, are no longer distinguished. The only variety now recognized, Fée says, is that with crisped leaves.

[1536] “Furunculos.” Gangrenous sores, probably.

[1537] “Unguibus scabris,” _i. e._ for the removal of malformed nails, with the view to the improvement of their appearance.

[1538] The Lepidium Iberis of Linnæus, Fée thinks.

[1539] The Ruta graveolens of Linnæus. The Romans, singularly enough, valued this offensive plant as a condiment for their dishes, and a seasoning for their wines.—See B. xiv. c. 19: and at the present day even, it is admired for its smell, Fée says, by the ladies of Naples. The Italians use it also for their salads. Its smell is thought to prevent infection, for which reason it is still used, in country-places, at funerals, and is placed before prisoners when tried criminally, for the prevention, it is said, of gaol fever.

[1540] It is not the rue that has this effect, so much as the salts of copper which are formed.

[1541] Fée thinks it not likely that the rue grown here was at all superior to that of other localities.

[1542] This word, omitted in the text, is supplied from Dioscorides.

[1543] Or aconite. There is no truth whatever in these assertions, that rue has the effect of neutralizing the effects of hemlock, henbane, or poisonous fungi. Boerrhave says that he employed rue successfully in cases of hysteria and epilepsy; and it is an opinion which originated with Hippocrates, and is still pretty generally entertained, that it promotes the catamenia.

[1544] See B. viii. c. 40.

[1545] See B. x. c. 86.

[1546] “Si vero sit cephalæa.”

[1547] Dioscorides says however, B. iii. c. 52, that it arrests incontinence of the urine. See below.

[1548] De Morb. Mul. B. i. c. 128.

[1549] De Diæta, B. ii. c. 26.

[1550] “Pituitæ eruptionibus.”

[1551] This prejudice, Fée says, still survives.

[1552] The Menta silvestris of Linnæus; though Clusius was of opinion that it is the Nepeta tuberosa of Linnæus.

[1553] “Silvestre puleium.”

[1554] Galen and Dioscorides say the same; but it is not the fact; the leaves being of no utility whatever.

[1555] Difficulty of breathing, unless the neck is kept in a straight position.

[1556] Fée is inclined to think exactly the contrary.

[1557] Its properties as a vermifuge are contested.

[1558] According to ancient fable, Mintha, the daughter of Cocytus, and beloved by Pluto, was changed by Proserpine into this plant: it was generally employed also in the mysteries of the Greeks. It is the Mentha sativa of Linnæus.

[1559] Fée says that this passage alone would prove pretty clearly that Pliny had no idea of the existence of the gastric juices.

[1560] See B. xviii. c. 17, and B. xxii. c. 67.

[1561] It is only in this case and the next, Fée says, that modern experience agrees with our author as to the efficacy of mint.

[1562] The Menta pulegium of Linnæus.

[1563] Its medicinal properties are similar to those of mint; which is a good stomachic, and is useful for hysterical and hypochondriac affections, as well as head-ache. We may therefore know how far to appreciate the medicinal virtues ascribed by Pliny to these plants.

[1564] “Ampullas.”

[1565] “Cubiculis:” “sleeping-chambers.” It was very generally the practice among the ancients to keep odoriferous plants in their bed-rooms; a dangerous practice, now held in pretty general disesteem.

[1566] Strong odours, as Fée remarks, are not generally beneficial for head-ache.

[1567] Dioscorides makes no such distinction, and botanically speaking, as Fée observes, this distinction is faulty.

[1568] See B. xiv. c. 5.

[1569] “Defunctos partus” is certainly a better reading than “defunctis partus” though the latter is the one adopted by Sillig.

[1570] “Salsitudines.” Hardouin is probably right in his conjecture, that the correct reading is “lassitudines,” “lassitude.”

[1571] “Pulices.” It is to this belief, no doubt, that it owes its Latin name “pulegium,” and its English appellation, “flea-bane.”

[1572] It differs in no respect whatever from the cultivated kind, except that the leaves of the latter are somewhat larger.

[1573] Or origanum.

[1574] Whence our name “dittany.”

[1575] The “bleating plant;” from βληχάομαι, “to bleat.” Dioscorides, B. ii. c. 36, says the same of cultivated pennyroyal.

[1576] “Pulmonum vitia exscreabilia facit.”

[1577] Or “catmint;” the variety “longifolia,” Fée thinks, of the Menta silvestris of Linnæus; or else the Melissa altissima of Sibthorp. Sprengel identifies it with the Thymus Barrelieri, the Melissa Cretica of Linnæus. Dioscorides, B. iii. c. 42, identifies the “Calamintha” of the Greeks with the Nepeta of the Romans. The medicinal properties of Nep, or catmint, are the same as those of the other mints.

[1578] “Ægilopiis.”

[1579] Cummin is the Cuminum cyminum of Linnæus. The seed only is used, and that but rarely, for medicinal purposes, being a strong excitant and a carminative. In Germany, and Turkey, and other parts of the East, cummin-seed is esteemed as a condiment.

[1580] Horace, B. i. Epist. 19, says the same; but in reality cummin produces no such effect.

[1581] M. Porcius Latro, a celebrated rhetorician of the reign of Augustus, a Spaniard by birth, and a friend and contemporary of the elder Seneca. His school was one of the most frequented at Rome, and he numbered among his scholars the poet Ovid. He died B.C. 4.

[1582] The son of a Roman senator, but descended from a noble family in Aquitanian Gaul. When proprætor of Gallia Celtica, he headed a revolt against Nero; but being opposed by Virginius Rufus, he slew himself at the town of Vesontio, now Besançon.

[1583] “Captationi” is suggested by Sillig as a preferable reading to “captatione,” which last would imply that it was Vindex himself who sought a place by this artifice, in the wills of others.

[1584] There would be but little difference, Fée observes, between this and the cummin of other countries, as it is a plant in which little change is effected by cultivation. Dioscorides, B. iii. c. 79, says that the cummin of Æthiopia (by Hippocrates called “royal cummin”) has a sweeter smell than the other kinds.

[1585] Fée is inclined to identify wild cummin, from the description of it given by Dioscorides, with the Delphinium consolida of Linnæus; but at the same time, he says, it is impossible to speak positively on the subject.

[1586] “Penicillis.”

[1587] The Ammi Copticum of modern botany.

[1588] The Æthiopian cummin, namely, which Pliny himself seems inclined to confound with ammi.

[1589] Or “horned” serpent. See B. viii. c. 35, and B. xi. c. 45.

[1590] In B. xiii. c. 44.

[1591] It is not improbable that under this name he alludes to the carpels of some kind of Euphorbiacea, which bear a resemblance to the fruit of the caper. Indeed, there is one variety of the Euphorbia with an acrid juice, known in this country by the name of the “caper-plant.”

[1592] The Capparis spinosa, probably, on which the capers used in our sauces are grown.

[1593] Until recently, the bark was employed in the Materia Medica, as a diuretic: it is now no longer used.

[1594] Or Lovage. See B. xix. c. 50.

[1595] In B. xix. c. 50, where he states that Crateuas has given to the wild Ligusticum the name of Cunila bubula, or “ox cunila.”

[1596] See B. xix. c. 50.

[1597] See B. viii. cc. 41 and 44.

[1598] Universal remedy, or “all-heal.”

[1599] Or “Poultry cunila:” the Origanum Heracleoticum of Linnæus.

[1600] See B. xxv. c. 12.

[1601] An Umbellifera, Fée says, of the modern genus Conyza. See B. xxi. c. 32.

[1602] Fée is of opinion that Pliny has here confounded “cunila” with “conyza,” and that he means the κόνυζα μικρά of Dioscorides, B. iii. c. 136, the κόνυζα θῆλυς of Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. B. vi. c. 2, supposed to be the Inula pulicaria of Linnæus. See B. xxi. c. 32.

[1603] A variety of Conyza. See B. xxi. c. 32.

[1604] Dioscorides, B. iii. c. 136, says the same of the κόνυζα μικρά, or “small conyza.”

[1605] The Satureia thymbra of Linnæus. See B. xix. c. 50.

[1606] “Ictus,” possibly “stings.”

[1607] See the preceding Chapter: also B. xix. c. 62, and B. xxi. c. 32.

[1608] Perhaps Indian pepper, the Capsicum annuum of Botany. See B. xix. c. 62.

[1609] For some account of Castor, the botanist, see the end of this Book.

[1610] Or Wild Marjoram. See B. xix. c. 50.

[1611] So called, Nicander says, from being sought with avidity by the ass, ὄνος. It is the Origanum onites of Linnæus.

[1612] The Prasion, or “green plant,” mentioned by Hippocrates and Theophrastus, is _not_ identical, Fée says, with the Origanum onitis, it being the Marrubium Creticum, or peregrinum of modern botanists. To add to the confusion of these names, we find Pliny stating, in c. 69, that the name of “prasion” was given also by the Greeks to his second species of Heraclium, and that of “onitis” to the Heraclium Heracleoticum.

[1613] Or “Goat’s origanum:” the Thymus tragoriganum of Linnæus. Dioscorides mentions two kinds of tragoriganum, one of which has been supposed by Clusius to be the Thymus mastichina of Linnæus, and the other the Stachys glutinosa of Linnæus; Zanoni being the first author who promulgated this opinion; from which Fée, however, dissents.

[1614] Or Heracleotic origanum: see c. 62 of this Book. Pliny here confounds several distinct plants, and, as Fée observes, the whole account is in hopeless confusion.

[1615] Probably the Origanum Heracleoticum of Linnæus, mentioned in c. 62.

[1616] The Marrubium Creticum, or peregrinum, probably, a variety of horehound. See c. 67.

[1617] See B. xiii. c. 2, and B. xv. c. 7.

[1618] The Origanum onites of Linnæus, probably. See c. 67.

[1619] Fée says that a strong infusion of pepperwort has been used in France for the itch, with successful results.

[1620] Sulphate of lime, which, as Fée remarks, though insoluble, does not act as a poison, but causes a derangement of the digestive functions. The wines of the Romans were extensively treated with this substance, and we have seen in B. xviii. that it was used as an ingredient in their bread.

[1621] Dittander, or pepperwort: the Lepidium latifolium of Linnæus.

[1622] Or fennel-flower: the Nigella sativa of Linnæus. Fée suggests that its name, “gith,” is from the ancient Egyptian.

[1623] “Black flower.”

[1624] “Black seed.”

[1625] It is no longer used in medicine, but it is esteemed as a seasoning in the East. All that Pliny states as to its medicinal properties, Fée considers to be erroneous. The action of the seed is irritating, and reduced to powder, it causes sneezing.

[1626] See B. xxv. c. 17.

[1627] See B. xix. c. 52.

[1628] The Pimpinella anisum of Linnæus.

[1629] It is still used in some countries as a seasoning with which bread and pastry are powdered.

[1630] See B. xiv. c. 28.

[1631] See B. xix. cc. 48 and 62: also B. xxvii. c. 97.

[1632] This and the next statement are utterly fabulous.

[1633] “Unconquerable,” from the Greek ἀ, “not,” and νικάω, “to conquer.” Fée thinks that the word is a diminutive of “anisum,” which, according to some persons, is a derivative from “_anysun_,” the Arabic name of the plant. Dioscorides gives the name “anicetum” to dill, and not to anise.

[1634] A mere fable, as Fée remarks.

[1635] A fiction, without any foundation in truth.

[1636] See B. viii. c. 47, and B. xxxii. cc. 13, 23, 24, and 28.

[1637] Fée evidently mistakes the meaning of this passage, and censures Pliny for speaking of anise as an emetic. On the contrary, he here prescribes it to counteract vomiting, and he has previously stated, in this Chapter, that it _arrests_ vomiting.

[1638] The Anethum graveolens of Linnæus: originally a native of the hot climates. Its properties are very similar to those of anise.

[1639] Or Sagapenum. This is a fetid gum-resin, imported from Persia and Alexandria, and supposed, though without sufficient proof, Fée says, to be the produce of the Ferula Persica. It is occasionally used in medicine as a stimulating expectorant. In odour it somewhat resembles assafœtida, only it is much weaker. Galen speaks of it as the produce of a Ferula. It acts also as a purgative and a vermifuge.

[1640] See B. xii. c. 56, and B. xix. c. 52. Some writers have supposed, but apparently without any sufficient authority, that this is the Ferula communis of Linnæus. Fée is of opinion that one of the Umbelliferæ is meant.

[1641] In B. xix. c. 53.

[1642] It is probable, Fée says, that Pliny does not intend here to speak of the _calyx_ as understood by modern botanists, but the _corolla_ of the plant. The calyx disappears immediately after the plant has blossomed; and is never employed by medical men at the present day, who confine themselves to the heads or capsules.

[1643] The variety Album of the Papaver somniferum. See B. xix. c. 53.

[1644] The variety A. nigrum of the Papaver somniferum of Decandolle.

[1645] The incisions are made in the capsules, and towards the upper part of the peduncle. The account given by Pliny, Fée remarks, differs but little from that by Kæmpfer, in the early part of last century.

[1646] Nine in the morning.

[1647] This plan, Fée thinks, would not be attended with advantage.

[1648] A name, probably, of Eastern origin, and now universally employed.

[1649] “Bilbilis” has been suggested.

[1650] Syrop of white poppies was, till recently, known as sirop of diacodium. Opium is now universally regarded as one of the most important ingredients of the Materia Medica.

[1651] Poppy-seed, in reality, is not possessed of any soporific qualities whatever. This discovery, however, was only made in the latter part of the last century, by the French chemist, Rosier.

[1652] “Collyriis.”

[1653] “Lexipyretos,” “pepticas,” and “cœliacas”—Greek appellations.

[1654] The type of the cultivated poppy is the Papaver somniferum of Linnæus.

[1655] This, Fée says, is a matter of doubt.

[1656] From μήκων, a “poppy.” Tournefort has described this kind of opium obtained by decoction; it is held in little esteem.

[1657] Fée remarks, that this account of the tests of opium is correct in the extreme.

[1658] In B. xix. c. 53. The Papaver rhœas of Linnæus: the field poppy, corn poppy, or corn rose.

[1659] Theophrastus says that it has just the taste of wild endive. Fée remarks that the peasants of Treves eat the leaves of this poppy while young.

[1660] The Glaucium Corniculatum of Persoon; the horned poppy, or glaucium. This, Fée remarks, is not a poppy in reality, but a species of the genus Chelidonium. The juice is an irritating poison, and the seed is said to act as an emetic.

[1661] “Argema.”

[1662] “By the sea-shore.”

[1663] Not a poppy, but the Euphorbia esula of Linnæus, a spurge. The milky juice found in the stalk and leaves have caused it to be classed among the poppies, as other varieties of Euphorbiaceæ appear to have been, among the wild lettuces.

[1664] Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. B. ix. c. 31, compares this plant with the Struthium—(see B. xix. c. 18). Pliny, or his scribes, have supposed him to be speaking of the στρούθος, or “sparrow”—hence the present mistake. The Struthium itself has received that name from the resemblance which its flower bears to a bird with the wings expanded.

[1665] Hence its name, “aphron.”

[1666] See B. xix. c. 4. Pliny has here mistaken a passage of Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. B. ix. c. 31; where he attributes this quality to the Struthium, and not the Heraclium.

[1667] See c. 76 of this Book. It is difficult to conjecture how one of the Euphorbiaceæ, a powerful drastic, could enter into the composition of a soothing preparation, such as the diacodion is said to have been.

[1668] “Capitibus.” As Fée remarks, the capsules of Euphorbia bear no resemblance whatever to the heads of the poppy. Dioscorides, B. iv. c. 67, similarly confounds these two plants.

[1669] See B. xxvi. c. 31.

[1670] See B. xxvi. c. 41. Probably the Euphorbia paralias of Linnæus, or Sea euphorbia. Its medicinal properties are similar to those of the Euphorbia esula above mentioned.

[1671] The fructiferous heads of the Euphorbiaceæ, thus employed, would, as Fée remarks, be productive of most disastrous results.

[1672] The Euphorbia peplis of Linnæus.

[1673] See B. xiii. c. 40. By Dioscorides, B. iv. c. 165, all these virtues are attributed exclusively to the cultivated purslain. Indeed, there is no analogy between the properties of the two plants; though neither of them is possessed of the wonderful virtues as antidotes here mentioned, and they would only increase the sufferings of asthmatic patients.

[1674] As to this serpent, see Lucan’s Pharsalia, B. ix. l. 722, _et seq._

[1675] A kind of spreading tumour, which, according to Scribonius Largus, would appear as if about to force the eye out of the socket. Fée remarks, that this malady is no longer known.

[1676] See B. xxxv. c. 57.

[1677] “Acetariis.”

[1678] “Sapa.” Grape-juice, boiled down to one third.

[1679] Ἐπιτομὴν ῥιζοτουμένων.

[1680] The Coriandrum sativum of Linnæus. At the present day, wild coriander is commonly found in Italy, on uncultivated soils. It may have been naturalized, however, Fée thinks, since the time of Pliny.

[1681] Nicander says also, that it is a cure for the stings of serpents and scorpions, but there is no truth in the assertion.

[1682] See B. viii. c. 35.

[1683] The Atriplex hortensis of Linnæus. Fée thinks that the wild atriplex of Pliny is some kind of Chenopodium, which it is now impossible to identify. Orage is more of an aliment than a medicament. Applied externally, it is soothing and emollient.

[1684] De Morb. Mulier. B. ii. c. 57.

[1685] It would not have this effect. The statements here given relative to the virtues of orage are, in general, considered to be correct.

[1686] See B. xix. c. 22.

[1687] The Malva silvestris of Linnæus, or wild mallow.

[1688] The Malva rotundifolia of Linnæus, or round-leaved mallow.

[1689] From μαλάσσω, to “soften,” or “relax.”

[1690] These wild varieties are the same in every respect as the cultivated kinds; their essential characteristics not being changed by cultivation. See further as to the Althæa or marsh mallow, at the latter end of this Chapter.

[1691] The meaning of this name appears to be unknown. “Pistolochia” is a not uncommon reading.

[1692] Mallows were commonly used as a vegetable by the ancients; and are so in China and the south of France, at the present day. The mucilaginous principle which they contain renders them emollient and pectoral; they are also slightly laxative.

[1693] The only benefit resulting from the application of mallows would be the reduction of the inflammation; the plant having no efficacy whatever in neutralizing the venom.

[1694] Sub-carbonate of lead. The mallow would have little or no effect in such a case.

[1695] See B. ix. c. 72, and B. xxxii. c. 3.

[1696] The same was said in the middle ages, of the virtues of sage, and in more recent times of the Panax quinquefolium, the Ginseng of the Chinese.

[1697] Q. Serenus Sammonicus speaks of the accumulation of dandriff in the hair to such a degree as to form a noxious malady. He also mentions the present remedy for it.

[1698] Some commentators have supposed this to be the Alcea rosa of Linnæus; but Fée considers this opinion to be quite unfounded.

[1699] It would be of no use whatever in such cases, Fée says.

[1700] Without any good results, Fée says.

[1701] “Permeatus suaves facit.” We can only make a vague guess at the meaning; as the passage is, most probably, corrupt.

[1702] The Althæa officinalis of Linnæus, or marsh-mallow. The medicinal properties are similar to those of the other varieties of the mallow.

[1703] It is the fact, that water, in which mallows are steeped, owing to the mucilage of the root, assumes the appearance of milk.

[1704] Fée says that this milky appearance of the water does not depend on the freshness of the root; as it is only the aqueous particles that are dried up, the mucilage preserving its chemical properties in their original integrity.

[1705] The Rumex acetosella of Linnæus, or small sorrel.

[1706] See B. xix. c. 60.

[1707] “Horse Lapathum.”

[1708] Or “Lapathum with pointed leaves;” the Rumex acutus of Linnæus.

[1709] Or “water lapathum;” the Rumex aquaticus of Linnæus.

[1710] Or “horse lapathum;” the Rumex patientia of Linnæus: or dock, as Fée thinks: though, according to Sprengel, the cultivated lapathum was identical with that plant.

[1711] The medicinal properties of the lapathum vary according to the parts of the plant employed. The leaves and stalks of the acid kinds of Rumex are refreshing, and slightly diuretic and laxative. The action of those which are not acid is sudorific, antiherpetic, and depurative.

[1712] Fée says that it would be of no benefit whatever for tooth-ache.

[1713] It is not possessed of any stomachic properties, Fée remarks.

[1714] It would be of no utility in such a case, Fée says.

[1715] Supposed by Fée to be the same as the wild lapathum of the last Chapter, the Rumex acetosella of Linnæus; small sorrel.

[1716] Fée remarks that no part of lapathum is naturally astringent.

[1717] Or “ox lapathum.” Fée considers this to be identical with the “hippolapathon” of the last Chapter.

[1718] In B. xix. c. 54. Fée identifies these three varieties of mustard as follows; the slender-stemmed mustard of Pliny he identifies with the Sinapis alba of Linnæus, mustard with white seeds. The mustard mentioned as having the leaves of rape he considers to be the same as the Sinapis nigra of Linnæus, mustard with black seed; and that with the leaf of the rocket he identifies with the Sinapis erucoïdes of Linnæus, the Eruca silvestris of Gessner, or rocket-leaved mustard.

[1719] In reality, mustard is injurious for all affections of the chest and throat.

[1720] “Seseli.”

[1721] A sinapism applied to the head, Fée remarks, in cases of cerebral congestion, would very soon cause death.

[1722] Mustard poultices are used extensively at the present day for blisters on the chest.

[1723] “Rubrica.”

[1724] “Scabras genas.”

[1725] This is not the fact; no juice flows from the stem which is capable of becoming concrete.

[1726] As a tonic, mustard-seed is commonly taken whole at the present day.

[1727] In B. xvi. c. 66. In B. xxxii. c. 52, we shall find Pliny speaking of this substance under the name of “Calamochnus.” Dioscorides, B. v. c. 137, speaks of adarca as growing in Cappadocia, and as being a salt substance which adheres to reeds in time of drought.

[1728] This, Fée says, cannot possibly be the fact, whatever adarca may really have been.

[1729] The “grass-green” plant.

[1730] The “twisted flax” plant.

[1731] “Lad’s-love.”

[1732] “Love and grace,” apparently.

[1733] There are two kinds of prasion mentioned by Dioscorides, and by Pliny at the end of the present Chapter, one of which Fée is inclined to identify with the Ballota nigra of Linnæus, the fetid ballota; and the other with the Marrubium vulgare of Linnæus, the white horehound. Bochart conjectures that the word “marrubium” had a Punic origin, but Linnæus thinks that it comes from “Maria urbs,” the “City of the Marshes,” situate on Lake Fucinus, in Italy.

[1734] Though much used in ancient times, horehound is but little employed in medicine at the present day: though its medicinal value, Fée thinks, is very considerable. Candied horehound is employed to some extent in this country, as a pectoral.

[1735] See B. xviii. c. 25.

[1736] Its medicinal properties, as recognized in modern times, are in most respects dissimilar to those mentioned by Pliny.

[1737] “Far.”

[1738] “Pterygia.” “Pterygium” is also a peculiar disease of the eye.

[1739] “Inter pauca.” He has mentioned, however, a _vast number_ of so-called antidotes or remedies. It is just possible that he may mean, “There are few antidotes like it for efficacy.”

[1740] “A serpendo:” the Thymus serpyllum of Linnæus.

[1741] The Thymus zygis of Linnæus: the Serpyllum folio thymi of C. Bauhin. Dioscorides says that it is the _cultivated_ thyme that is a creeping plant.

[1742] See Lucan’s Pharsalia, B. ix. l. 712, _et seq._

[1743] The Sisymbrion menta of Gerard; the Menta hirsuta of Decandolle, prickly mint. Sprengel, however, takes it to be the Menta silvestris of modern Botany.

[1744] The Sisymbrion nasturtium of Linnæus.

[1745] Apparently the Sisymbrium just mentioned, and the Nasturtium.

[1746] Ovid, Fasti, B. iv. l. 869, speaks of Sisymbrium as being esteemed by the Roman ladies for its agreeable smell.

[1747] See B. xix. c. 1. The rich mucilage of linseed makes it extremely valuable, in a medicinal point of view, for poultices. This mucilage is found in the perisperm more particularly; the kernel containing a fixed oil, which is extremely valuable for numerous purposes. The account given by Pliny and the other ancient writers of the medicinal uses of linseed, is, in general, correct.

[1748] “Inspersum,” sprinkled with boiling water; like oatmeal for porridge, probably.

[1749] It would be of no use whatever for such a purpose, Fée says.

[1750] “Emendat.” By bringing them off, probably.

[1751] It would be of no utility for hernia, Fée says, or for the cure of gangrenous sores.

[1752] The Blitum capitatum of Linnæus.

[1753] Hence, too, the Latin word “bliteus,” meaning “insipid,” “senseless,” or “worthless.”

[1754] This is not the case, it being as innocuous as it is insipid. Applied topically, the leaves are emollient.

[1755] There is no foundation, Fée says, for this opinion.

[1756] The Æthusa meum of Linnæus; our Spignel, or Baldmoney, the Athamanta Matthioli of Wulf. By some authorities it is called Feniculum Alpinum perenne. It is possessed of exciting properties, and is no longer used in medicine.

[1757] See B. iv. c. 8.

[1758] See B. viii. c. 41. This plant is the Anethum feniculum of Linnæus. The seed and roots are still used in medicine, being sudorific, diuretic, and aperitive.

[1759] This resinous juice of fennel is no longer employed, or indeed known, Fée says, to the curious.

[1760] “Horse marathrum:” the Cachrys Libanotis of Linnæus, probably.

[1761] The Seseli tortuosum of Linnæus, probably.

[1762] It is sometimes used at the present day for condiments, as a substitute for anise. Pliny’s account of its medicinal virtues, Fée says, is replete with errors.

[1763] “Oxyporis:” perhaps “salad-dressings.”

[1764] See B. xviii. c. 13.

[1765] Their properties, Fée says, are very similar.

[1766] “Ophiaca.”

[1767] “Rhizotomumena.”

[1768] Theriaca, l. 596. _et seq._

[1769] The wild hemp of Pliny is the Althæa cannabina of Linnæus: the hemp marsh-mallow.

[1770] The cultivated hemp is the Cannabis sativa of Linnæus.

[1771] He is speaking of the hemp marsh-mallow here, and not the real hemp; though at the same time he mingles with his statement several facts which are stated by Dioscorides with reference to the genuine hemp. See B. xix. c. 56.

[1772] This is evidently stated in reference to the hemp-mallow.

[1773] For an account of the Ferula, see B. xiii. c. 42.

[1774] An accidental circumstance, Fée says, and no distinctive mark of sex or species.

[1775] Fée thinks that Pliny’s meaning is, that it is eaten as a confection, similar to those of angelica and parsley stalks at the present day. That, however, would hardly appear to be the sense of the passage. In B. xix. c. 56, he speaks of it being dried and used as a seasoning.

[1776] Fennel-giant is considered to be a good stomachic.

[1777] This, Fée thinks, is probably the fact.

[1778] The pith, in reality, of the Umbelliferæ, is insipid and inert.

[1779] In B. xix. c. 43.

[1780] This, Fée considers to be the Cinara carduncellus of Linnæus, artichoke thistle, or Cardonette of Provence.

[1781] The Cinara scolymus of Linnæus probably, our artichoke, which the ancients do not appear to have eaten. Both the thistle and the artichoke are now no longer employed in medicine.

[1782] Galen gives these lines, sixteen in number, in his work De Antidot. B. ii. c. 14; the proportions, however, differ from those given by Pliny.

[1783] Half a denarius; the weight being so called from the coin which was stamped with the image of the Goddess of Victory. See B. xxxiii. c. 13.

[1784] Antiochus II., the father of Antiochus Epiphanes.

[1785] Or “antidote.” In this term has originated our word “treacle,” in the Elizabethan age spelt “triacle.” The medicinal virtues of this composition were believed in, Fée remarks, so recently as the latter half of the last century. The most celebrated, however, of all the “theriacæ” of the ancients, was the “Theriaca Andromachi,” invented by Andromachus, the physician of the Emperor Nero, and very similar to that composed by Mithridates, king of Pontus, and by means of which he was rendered proof, it is said, against all poisons. See a very learned and interesting account of the Theriacæ of the ancients, by Dr. Greenhill, in Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. His articles “Pharmaceutica,” and “Therapeutica,” will also be found well worth attention by the reader of Pliny.

[1786] See end of B. iii.

[1787] See end of B. ii.

[1788] See end of B. xiv.

[1789] He is also mentioned in B. xxv. c. 2, as having commenced a treatise on Medicinal Plants, which he did not live to complete. It is not improbable that he is the same Valgius that is mentioned in high terms by Horace, B. i. Sat. 10.

[1790] See end of B. iii.

[1791] See end of B. xii.

[1792] Supposed by some to be the same with the Bassus Tullius mentioned by ancient writers as the friend of Niger, possibly the Sextius Niger here mentioned.

[1793] See end of B. vii.

[1794] He lived at Rome, in the first century of the Christian era, and possessed a botanical garden, probably the earliest mentioned. He lived more than a hundred years, in perfect health both of body and mind. See B. xxv. c. 5.

[1795] See end of B. ii.

[1796] See end of B. iii.

[1797] A mystic personage of the early Grecian Mythology, under whose name many spurious works were circulated. Pliny says. B. xxv. c. 2, that he was the first who wrote with any degree of attention on the subject of Plants.

[1798] See end of B. xix.

[1799] See end of B. ii.

[1800] See end of B. viii.

[1801] Probably Chrysippus of Cnidos, a pupil of Eudoxus and Philistion, father of Chrysippus, the physician to Ptolemy Soter, and tutor to Erasistratus. Others, again, think that the work “on the Cabbage,” mentioned by Pliny in c. 33, was written by another Chrysippus, a pupil of Erasistratus, in the third century B.C.

[1802] A native of Carystus, in Eubœa, who lived in the fourth century B.C. He belonged to the medical sect of the Dogmatici, and wrote several medical works, of which the titles only and a few fragments remain.

[1803] Of this writer nothing whatever is known.

[1804] For Heraclides of Heraclea, see end of B. xii.; for Heraclides of Pontus, see end of B. iv.; and for Heraclides of Tarentum, see end of B. xii. They were all physicians.

[1805] See end of B. xv.

[1806] See end of B. xii.

[1807] It was probably this personage, or the one next mentioned, who wrote to Ptolemy, one of the kings of Egypt, giving him directions as to what wines he should drink. See B. xiv. c. 9. A person of this name wrote a work on Ointments and Chaplets, quoted by Athenæus, and another on Venomous Animals, quoted by the same author. This last is probably the work referred to by Pliny, B. xxi. cc. 15, 29, &c. It has been suggested also, that the proper reading here is “Apollonius” of Citium, a pupil of Zopyrus, a physician of Alexandria.

[1808] See the preceding Note.

[1809] A celebrated physician, a native of the island of Cos. He belonged to the medical sect of the Dogmatici, and flourished probably in the fourth century B.C. He was more particularly celebrated for his comparatively accurate knowledge of anatomy. The titles only and a few fragments of his works survive.

[1810] A pupil of Praxagoras. He appears to have written a work on Anatomy, quoted more than once by Galen.

[1811] A pupil of Chrysippus of Cnidos, and who lived probably in the fourth and third centuries B.C. Galen speaks of him as being held in great repute among the Greeks.

[1812] He flourished in the fourth century B.C., and belonged to the medical sect of the Dogmatici. He wrote some medical works, of which nothing but a few fragments remain.

[1813] He lived probably about the beginning of the third century B.C., as he was the tutor of Antigenes and Mnemon. He seems to have been famous for his medicinal prescriptions of wine, and the quantities of cold water which he gave to his patients.

[1814] Born either in Sicily or at Locri Epizephyrii, in Italy. He is supposed to have lived in the fourth century B.C. By some persons he was thought to have been one of the founders of the sect of the Empirici. He wrote works on Materia Medica and Cookery, and is several times quoted by Pliny and Galen.

[1815] See end of B. vii.

[1816] A Greek herbalist, who lived about the beginning of the first century B.C. He is mentioned by Galen as one of the most eminent writers on Materia Medica. Another physician of the same name is supposed to have lived in the time of Hippocrates.

[1817] A Greek physician, supposed to have lived in or before the first century B.C. Dioscorides and Saint Epiphanius speak of Petronius _and_ Diodotus, making them different persons; and it is not improbable that the true reading in c. 32 of this Book, is “Petronius _et_ Diodotus.”

[1818] See end of B. xii.

[1819] See end of B. xi.

[1820] See end of B. xii.

[1821] It is probable that there were several Greek physicians of this name; but the only one of whom anything certain is known is the physician to Ptolemy Philopater, king of Egypt, in whose tent he was killed by Theodotus, the Ætolian, B.C. 217. He was probably the first writer on hydrophobia. Eratosthenes is said to have accused him of plagiarism.

[1822] See end of B. xii.

[1823] It is doubtful if the person of this name to whom Pliny attributes a work on the Cabbage, in cc. 34 and 36 of this Book, was the same individual as Epicharmus of Cos, the Comic poet, born B.C. 540. It has been suggested that the botanical writer was a different personage, the brother of the Comic poet Demologus.

[1824] Possibly the same person as the Damon mentioned at the end of B. vii. He is mentioned in c. 40 of this Book, and in B. xxiv. c. 120, and wrote a work on the Onion.

[1825] See end of B. vi.

[1826] Beyond the mention made of him in c. 73 of this Book, nothing whatever is known relative to this writer.

[1827] Beyond the mention made of him in c. 73, nothing is known of him. Some read “Theopolemus.”

[1828] Probably Metrodorus of Chïos, a philosopher, who flourished about B.C. 330, and professed the doctrine of the Sceptics. Cicero, Acad. ii. 23, § 73, gives a translation of the first sentence of his work “On Nature.”

[1829] A physician of Smyrna. He is called Solon the Dietetic, by Galen; but nothing further seems to be known of his history.

[1830] See end of B. xii.

[1831] A Theban authoress, who wrote on Medicine; mentioned also by Plinius Valerianus, the physician, and Pollux.

[1832] A Greek physician, a native of Cos, the reputed founder of the sect of the Empirici. He probably lived in the third century B.C. From Athenæus we learn that he wrote a work on Botany. A parallel has been drawn between Philinus and the late Dr. Hahnemann, by F. F. Brisken, Berlin, 1834.

[1833] See end of B. xix.

[1834] The Scholiast on Nicander mentions a treatise on Botany written by a person of this name: and a work of his on Medicine is mentioned by Labbe as existing in manuscript in the Library at Florence.

[1835] A Greek physician of this name belonging to the sect of the Empirici, lived probably in the third or second century B.C. Galen mentions him as one of the earliest commentators on the works of Hippocrates. It is uncertain, however, whether he is the person so often quoted by Pliny.

[1836] A physician of Aphrodisias, in Cilicia, who lived in the reign of Tiberius. He wrote some pharmaceutical works, and is censured by Galen for his disgusting remedies, such as human brains, flesh, urine, liver, excrements, &c. There is a short essay by him still in existence, on the Aliments derived from the Aquatic Animals.

[1837] See B. xxii. c. 1.

[1838] “Sive privatis generum funiculis in orbem, in obliquum, in ambitum; quædam coronæ per coronas currunt.” As we know but little of the forms of the garlands and chaplets of the ancients, the exact translation of this passage is very doubtful.

[1839] According to Boettiger, the word “struppus” means a string arranged as a fillet or diadem.

[1840] Fée makes the word “vocabulum” apply to “corona,” and not to “struppus;” but the passage will hardly admit of that rendering.

[1841] “To bind” or “join together.”

[1842] A “connected line,” from the verb “sero.”

[1843] By “quod,” Hardouin takes Pliny to mean, the use of the word σπαρτὸν, among the Greeks, corresponding with the Latin word “sertum.”

[1844] These chaplets, we learn from Festus, were called “pancarpiæ.” The olive, oak, laurel, and myrtle, were the trees first used for chaplets.

[1845] See B. xxxv. c. 40.

[1846] The “Chaplet-weaver.” See B. xxxv. c. 40.

[1847] B.C. 380.

[1848] From Athenæus, B. xv. c. 2, _et seq._, we learn that the Egyptian chaplets were made of ivy, narcissus, pomegranate blossoms, &c.

[1849] “Corolla,” being the diminutive of “corona.”

[1850] Or tinsel.

[1851] The “Rich.”

[1852] Ribbons or streamers.

[1853] “Puri.”

[1854] Consul, A.U.C. 570.

[1855] Or “engrave,” “cælare.” He is probably speaking here of golden lemnisci.

[1856] “Philyræ.” This was properly the inner bark of the linden-tree; but it is not improbable that thin plates of metal were also so called, from the resemblance. The passage, however, admits of various modes of explanation.

[1857] “Pecuniâ.” Fée compares this usage with the employment of jockies at horse-races in England and France.

[1858] “Intus positus esset.”

[1859] “Foris ferretur.”

[1860] Or “money-changer,” “argentarius.”

[1861] “E pergulâ suâ.” Scaliger thinks that the “pergula” was a part of a house built out into the street, while, according to Ernesti, it was a little room in the upper part of a house. In B. xxxv. c. 36, it clearly means a room on the ground-floor.

[1862] In the Fora of ancient cities there was frequently a statue of this mythological personage, with one hand erect, in token, Servius says (on B. iv. l. 58 of the Æneid), of the freedom of the state, Marsyas having been the minister of Bacchus, the god of liberty. His statue in the Forum of Rome was the place of assembly for the courtesans of that city, who used to crown it with chaplets of flowers. See also Horace i. Sat. 6. l. 120; Juvenal, Sat. 9. l. 1 and 2; and Martial, ii. Ep. 64. l. 7.

[1863] Cujacius thinks that Pliny has in view here Polemon of Athens, who when a young man, in his drunken revelry, burst into the school of Xenocrates, the philosopher, with his fellow-revellers, wearing his festive garland on his head. Being arrested, however, by the discourse, he stopped to listen, and at length, tearing off the garland, determined to enter on a more abstemious course of life. Becoming an ardent disciple of Xenocrates, he ultimately succeeded him at the head of the school. The passage as given in the text, from its apparent incompleteness, would appear to be in a mutilated state.

[1864] Julia. See B. vii. c. 46.

[1865] Thus acknowledging herself to be no better than a common courtesan.

[1866] “Illius dei.”

[1867] See B. vii. c. 10.

[1868] “Funus elocavit.”

[1869] “E prospectu omni.” “From every look-out:” _i. e._ from the roofs, doors, and windows.

[1870] This usage is still observed in the _immortelles_, laid on the tombs of departed friends, in Catholic countries on the continent. Tibullus alludes to it, B. ii. El. 4:

“Atque aliquis senior veteres veneratus amores,
Annua constructo serta dabit tumulo.”

[1871] At the conclusion of the festival of Mars on the 1st of March, and for several successive days. These entertainments were celebrated in the Temple of that god, and were proverbial for their excellence.

[1872] It is a well-known fact, as Fée remarks, that the smell of flowers is productive, in some persons, of head-ache, nausea, and vertigo. He states also that persons have been known to meet their death from sleeping all night in the midst of odoriferous flowers.

[1873] “Ipsaque capiti imposita.” Holland and Ajasson render this as though Cleopatra placed the garland on Antony’s head, and not her own. Littré agrees with the translation here adopted.

[1874] Fée remarks that we know of no poisons, hydrocyanic or prussic acid excepted, so instantaneous in their effects as this; and that it is very doubtful if they were acquainted with that poison.

[1875] Hist. Plant. B. vi. cc. 6, 7.

[1876] “Persecutus est.”

[1877] A characteristic, it would appear, of the greater part of the information already given in this Book.

[1878] He alludes to the wild rose or eglantine. See B. xvi. c. 71.

[1879] “Granoso cortice.”

[1880] Boxes of a pyramidal shape. See B. ix. c. 56.

[1881] Still, even for that purpose the rose was very extensively used. One ancient author states that, even in the middle of winter, the more luxurious Romans were not satisfied without roses swimming in their Falernian wine; and we find Horace repeatedly alluding to the chaplets of roses worn by the guests at banquets. Hence probably arose the expression, “Under the rose.” Fée is evidently mistaken in thinking that Pliny implies here, that it was but rarely used in chaplets.

[1882] Il. xxiii. l. 186.

[1883] B. xiii. c. 2.

[1884] “Collyriis.”

[1885] Clusius was of opinion that this was the Provence rose, the Rosa Gallica of Linnæus.

[1886] The same rose, probably, of which Virgil says, Georg. B. iv. l. 119, “Biferique rosaria Pæsti”—“And the rose-beds of Pæstum, that bear twice in the year.” It has been suggested that it is identical with the Rosa alba vulgaris major of Bauhin, the Rosa alba of Decandolle: but, as Fée says, it is very questionable if this is correct, this white rose blossoming but once a year.

[1887] A simple variety of the Rosa Gallica of Linnæus, Fée thinks.

[1888] See B. iv. c. 14. According to J. Bauhin, this is the pale, flesh-coloured rose, called the “rose of France,”—the “Rosa rubello flore, majore, pleno, incarnata vulgo.” Others, again, take it to be the Damascus rose.

[1889] See B. v. c. 29. A variety of the white rose, Fée thinks, the determination of which must be sought among the Eglantines.

[1890] “Spiniola.” A variety belonging to or approaching the Eglantine in all probability. Fée makes mention here of a kind called the Rosa myriacantha by Decandolle (the “thousand-thorn rose”), which is found in great abundance in the south of Europe, and other parts of it.

[1891] Fée remarks on this passage, that the beauty of the flower and the number of the petals are always in an inverse proportion to the number of thorns, which disappear successively the more carefully the plant is cultivated.

[1892] This is most probably the meaning of “Asperitate, levore.”

[1893] Still known as the “Rosa centifolia.” Its petals sometimes exceed _three_ hundred in number; and it is the most esteemed of all for its fragrant smell.

[1894] “Non suæ terræ proventu.”

[1895] This rose is mentioned also by Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. B. vi. c. 6. From the description that Pliny gives of it, Fée is inclined to think that it is some variety of the Rosa rubrifolia, which is often found in mountainous localities.

[1896] This assertion is borrowed from Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. B. vi. c. 6. Fée remarks that there is no truth in it. It is not improbable, however, that the word “cortex” here may mean, not the calyx, but the bark of the stem, in reference to its exemption from thorns. The τραχὺ τὸ κάτω of Theophrastus would seem to admit of that rendering. See Note [1891] above.

[1897] “Extremas velut ad cardines.”

[1898] This is not the case with the Rosa centifolia of modern botany. See Note [1893] above. It is not improbable, however, that the reading is “probabilis,” and that this passage belongs to the next sentence.

[1899] The Lychnis, Fée remarks, is erroneously classed by Pliny among the roses. It is generally agreed among naturalists that it is the garden flower, the Agrostemma coronaria of Linnæus; which, however, does not grow in humid soils, but in steep, rocky places.

[1900] Or “small Greek” rose. Some commentators have identified it with the Rosa silvestris, odorata, flore albo of C. Bauhin, a wild white rose.

[1901] Sillig thinks that this may mean the “Macedonian” rose. Another reading is “moscheuton.” Fée says that it is not a rose at all, but one of the Malvaceæ belonging to the genus Alcæa; one variety of which is called the Alcæa rosa.

[1902] Or “little chaplet.” Possibly a variety of the Eglantine, the Rosa canina or dog-rose, Fée suggests.

[1903] The Eglantine.

[1904] This seems to be the meaning of “tot modis adulteratur:” the roses without smell appearing to him to be not _genuine_ roses.

[1905] The Rosa Damascena of Miller, Fée thinks, our Damascus rose.

[1906] The earliest rose in France and Spain, Fée says, is the “pompon,” the variety Pomponæa of the Rosa centifolia.

[1907] This is consistent with modern experience.

[1908] From Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. B. vi. c. 6. The rose is but very rarely reproduced from seed.

[1909] See B. xvi. c. 67, and B. xvii. c. 33.

[1910] Previously mentioned in this Chapter. The meaning of this passage, however, is extremely doubtful. “Unum genus inseritur pallidæ, spinosæ, longissimis virgis, quinquifoliæ, quæ Græcis altera est.”

[1911] If the water was only lukewarm, Fée says, it would be of no use, and if hotter, the speedy death of the tree would be the result.

[1912] “Quâdam cognatione.” He alludes to a maceration of the petals of the rose and lily in oil. The aroma of the lily, Fée says, has not been fixed by any method yet found.

[1913] See B. xiii. c. 2.

[1914] The Lilium candidum of Linnæus. Fée remarks that the “Lilium” of the Romans and the λείριον of the Greeks is evidently derived from the _laleh_ of the Persians.

[1915] “Calathi.” The “calathus” was a work-basket of tapering shape; it was also used for carrying fruits and flowers, Ovid, Art. Am. ii. 264. Cups, too, for wine were called by this name, Virg. Ecl. v. 71.

[1916] As this passage has been somewhat amplified in the translation, it will perhaps be as well to insert it: “Resupinis per ambitum labris, tenuique pilo et staminum stantibus in medio crocis.”

[1917] The Convolvulus sæpium of modern botany; the only resemblance in which to the lily is in the colour, it being totally different in every other respect.

[1918] “Rudimentum.” She must have set to work in a very roundabout way, Fée thinks, and one in which it would be quite impossible for a naturalist to follow her.

[1919] The white lily is reproduced from the offsets of the bulbs; and, as Fée justly remarks, it is highly absurd to compare the mode of cultivation with that of the rose, which is propagated from slips.

[1920] This absurd notion is derived from Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. B. ii. c. 2, and B. vi. c. 6.

[1921] See B. xix. c. 48.

[1922] The root really consists of certain fine fibres, to which the bulbs, or rather cloves or offsets, are attached.

[1923] Judging from what Theocritus says, in his 35th Idyl, the “crinon” would appear to have been a white lily. Sprengel, however, takes the red lily of Pliny to be the scarlet lily, the Lilium Chalcedonicum of Linnæus.

[1924] Or “dog-rose:” name now given to one of the wild roses.

[1925] See B. xiii. c. 9.

[1926] Fée remarks, that it is singular that Pliny, as also Virgil, Ecl. v. l. 38, should have given the epithet “purpureus” to the Narcissus. It is owing, Fée says, to the red nectary of the flower, which is also bordered with a very bright red.

[1927] Into cloves or offsets.

[1928] The Narcissus poeticus of Linnæus. Pliny gives the origin of its name in c. 75 of this Book.

[1929] Though supported by Theophrastus, this assertion is quite erroneous. In France, even, Fée says, the Narcissus poeticus blossoms at the end of April, and sooner, probably, in the climates of Greece and Italy.

[1930] See B. xviii. c. 76. It is just possible that Pliny and Theophrastus may be speaking of the Narcissus scrotinus of Linnæus, which is found in great abundance in the southern provinces of Naples, and is undoubtedly the flower alluded to by Virgil in the words, “Nec sera comantem Narcissum,” Georg. iv. ll. 122, 123.

[1931] Fée remarks, that the extravagant proceeding here described by Pliny with a seriousness that is perfectly ridiculous, does not merit any discussion.

[1932] When detached from the bulb, the stem of the lily will infallibly die.

[1933] “Nudantibus se nodulis.” There are no such knots in the lily, as Fée remarks.

[1934] The Viola odorata of Linnæus.

[1935] The Greek name.

[1936] “Ianthina vestis,” violet-coloured.

[1937] Desfontaines identifies this with the Cheiranthus Cheiri; but Fée says that there is little doubt that it belongs to the Viola tricolor herbensis (pansy, or heart’s-ease), in the petals of which the yellow predominates, and the type of which is the field violet, or Viola arvensis, the flowers of which are extremely small, and entirely yellow.

[1938] This has been identified with the Cheiranthus incanus, the Cheiranthus tricuspidatus of the shores of the Mediterranean, the Hesperis maritima of Linnæus; also, by some commentators, with the Campanula Medium of Linnæus.

[1939] So called, according to Pintianus and Salmasius, from Calatia, a town of Italy. Fée adopts the reading “Calathiana,” and considers it to have received that name from its resemblance to the Caltha mentioned in the next Chapter. Dalechamps identifies it with the Digitalis purpurea; Gessner, Dodonæus, and Thalius, with the Gentiana pneumonanthe, others with the Gentiana ciliata and Pannonica, and Sprengel with the Gentiana verna of Linnæus. Fée admits himself totally at a loss on the subject.