Chapter CXXIV: Appendix (2)

Thrasness, 136.

Thraswick (Freswick), in Caithness, 154.

Thule, xi.

Thurso (Thorsa), 20, 73, 106, 152, 153, 159, 164, 165, 183, 194.

Thussasker, 44.

Tingwall, in Rendal, 61.

Tiree (Tyrvist), xxxiv, 95.

Torf Einar, Earl, xxiv, cxvii, 1, 2, 112, 203, 205, 207, 211.

Torfness, 21, 22, 152, 205.

Tröllhæna, 197.

Tunsberg, 75, 83, 84.

Turgot, Bishop of St. Andrews, lxxiii.

Tyrvist; _see_ Tiree.

Uist (Ivist), xxxiv.

Uladstir; _see_ Ulster.

Ulfreksfiord, xxx, 7.

Ulli, Strath, 115.

Ulbster, in Caithness, xx.

Ulster (Uladstir), xxxiv, 58.

Uni, 80, 81, 99-102.

Unn, 76, 77.

Uppland, in Hoy, 74, 105. Upsala, 120.

Værings, 127, 150.

Vagaland (Walls), in Hoy, 167, 169, 176.

Valdimar, King, 151.

Valland, 135.

Valkyriar, xxvii.

Valthióf, Earl, 47, 125, 126.
" Olafson, 73, 91, 93, 96, 114.

Varangians, 127, 150.

Veradal, 25.

Verbon (Nerbon), 135, 145.

Vidivag (Widewall), 166.

Vidkunn Jonsson, 54.

Vigr (Weir), island of, 126.

Vik, in Norway, 40, 78, 85, 151.
in Caithness (Wick), 118, 122, 154, 155.

Vikings, xxii, xxiv, xxxvi, cxxi, 1, 25, 29, 33, 35, 59, 113.

Volga, cxviii, cxxiii.

Völuness, 174.

Walls (Vagaland), in Hoy, 167, 169, 176.

Walter, Bishop of Caithness, lxxxiii.

Wales (Bretland), xv, 7, 54, 56, 117.

Warrenne, John de, Earl of Surrey, lvi.

Wear (Hvera), river, 134.

Weir (Vigr), island of, 126.

Weir, church of, xcvi.
" castle of, cxxiii, 126.

Westness, in Rousay, 46, 70, 73, 91, 101, 109.

Westray, cxvii, cxxii, 74, 91, 96, 102, 177.

Wick (Vik), in Caithness, 118, 122, 154, 155.

William the Old, Bishop of Orkney, xxxvi, lxxii, lxxiv, lxxxix, xcv,
68, 95-97, 105, 109, 111, 113, 131, 134, 137, 143, 144, 150.
" II., Bishop of Orkney, lxxv, 193.
" III., Bishop of Orkney, lxxvi.
" IV., Bishop of Orkney, lxxvii.
" V., Bishop of Orkney, lxxviii.
" Tulloch, lxxix.
" Bishop of Caithness, lxxxiii.
" Earl of Ross, lvi.
" Fitz Duncan, 46.
" Freskyn, xlvi.
" of Egremont, xxxviii, 46, 181.
" the Lion, King of Scots, xxxix, xl, lxxx, 193, 195.

Wimund, Bishop, xxxvii, 181, 192.

Wulstan, Bishop, lxxii.

York (Yorvik), 47.

Yell (Jala), 86.

Yell Sound (Alasund), 86.

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Footnotes

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Footnote 1:

Writing of the barrows and cairns of Orkney, Captain Thomas states
that at least 2000 might still be numbered. We have no estimate of the
number in Shetland, but there also they are very numerous. Not less
remarkable is the number of the early “dwellings of strength,” of
which Mousa is the type—huge edifices, constructed with amazing labour
and wonderful skill. (See under Maeshow and Mousa.)

Footnote 2:

The Frisic Sea is supposed to mean the Firth of Forth.

Footnote 3:

The “Historia Britonum” of Nennius (whoever he may have been) is
believed, on what seems reliable evidence, to have been written about
A.D. 858. (See the Irish Nennius, Irish Archæological Society, p. 18.)

Footnote 4:

Ireland was then called Scotia.

Footnote 5:

St. Ninian was commemorated at Dunrossness in Shetland (Sibbald’s
Description, 1711, p. 15); at Stove in South Ronaldsay, Orkney
(Peterkin’s Rentals, No. III.); at the north head of the bay of Wick
in Caithness; and at Navidale in Sutherland. St. Columba’s three
chapels in South Ronaldsay were at Grymness, Hopay, and Loch of
Burwick (Peterkin’s Rentals, No. III. p. 86). There were also
dedications to St. Columba in the islands of Sanday and Hoy in Orkney,
at Olrig and Dirlet in Caithness, on Island Comb, at Tongue, and at
Kilcalmkill in Sutherlandshire (Bishop Forbes’s Calendar of Scottish
Saints). St. Triduana, whose name has been corrupted into St. Tredwell
and St. Trudlin (the Tröllhæna of the Saga), had dedications in Papa
Westray in Orkney (Martin’s and Brand’s Descriptions), and at
Kintradwell in Sutherlandshire. It seems also, from the narrative of
Bishop John’s mutilation in the Saga, that there was a dedication to
her near Thurso. St. Brigid had chapels in Stronsay and Papa Stronsay
in Orkney. But it is impossible to tell how many of these early
religious sites had similar dedications, as scarcely a tithe of those
that are known have preserved their names. Brand and Sibbald both
mention the fact that in their time there were still recognisable the
sites of 24 chapels in the island of Unst, 21 in the island of Yell,
10 or 11 in the island of Fetlar: 55 religious foundations in the
three most northerly islands of the Shetland group. The Christian
period of the Norse occupation is marked by dedications showing the
influence of the Crusades or of the national religious feeling. The
dedications to the Holy Cross, St. Mary, St. Peter, St. Lawrence, St.
Olaf, and St. Magnus, are probably all of this period.

Footnote 6:

Unfortunately, the readings of these inscriptions which have been
attempted are far from satisfactory. The Shetland and Orkney specimens
are in different styles of the Ogham writing, and the whole subject of
the reading and interpretation of the inscriptions in this character
is beset with difficulties of no ordinary kind. One rendering of the
Bressay inscription makes it “the cross of Natdod’s daughter here,”
and on the other edge of the stone, “Benres of the sons of the Druids
here;” while the language is supposed to be a mixture of Celtic and
Icelandic. (Sculptured Stones of Scotland, vol. i. p. 30.)

Footnote 7:

Sculptured Stones of Scotland (Spalding Club), by John Stuart, LL.D.,
_passim_.

Footnote 8:

Sir James Simpson’s reading of the inscription, given in the
Sculptured Stones of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 71.

Footnote 9:

In Orkney we have the islands of Papa Westray and Papa Stronsay (the
_Papey meiri_ and _Papey minni_, or greater and lesser Papa of the
Saga), Paplay in South Ronaldsay, Paplay in the parish of Holm, and
Papdale, near Kirkwall, in the Mainland. In Shetland we have the isles
of Papa—Papa Stour (_Papey stora_) and Papa Little (_Papey litla_),
and Papill in the islands of Unst and Yell. Papa Stronsay, Papa
Westray, and Paplay, in the Mainland of Orkney, are mentioned in the
Saga. Papa Stour occurs in a deed of A.D. 1229 (Diplom. Norveg. i.
89), Papill in Unst in a deed of A.D. 1360 (Ibid. iii. 310), and a
“Sigurdr of Pappley” is mentioned in the agreement between Bishop
William of Orkney and Hakon Jonson, May 25, 1369 (Ibid. i. 404).

Footnote 10:

There is a cairn in Sanday called Ivar’s Knowe, which may be his
burial mound.

Footnote 11:

Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, Flateyjarbók, chap. 180, in the Appendix; and
Ynglinga Saga, Heimskringla, chap. 22. Earl Sigurd’s grave-mound, on
the estuary of the Oykel (Ekkialsbakki), was known in the 12th century
as _Siwardhoch_, or Sigurd’s How, and is still identifiable in the
modern Cyderhall. (See the note on Ekkialsbakki, p. 107 of the Saga.)

Footnote 12:

Landnamabók, chap. ii.

Footnote 13:

Laxdæla Saga, chap. iv.

Footnote 14:

Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, Flateyjarbók, chap. 180, in Appendix.

Footnote 15:

This was done by hewing the ribs from the backbone, and tearing out
the heart and lungs.

Footnote 16:

Bœndr, the odal landholders. (See note on this word, chap. i. of the
Saga.)

Footnote 17:

Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, Flateyjarbók, chap. 183, in Appendix.

Footnote 18:

Finnleik has been conjectured to be Finlay, the father of Macbeth.

Footnote 19:

Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, Flateyjarbók, chap. 184, in Appendix.

Footnote 20:

Ibid. chap. 185.

Footnote 21:

This is probably the Celtic name Maelbrigd. Though it is suggestive of
Macbeth, the date is too early for Macbeth MacFinlay.

Footnote 22:

The locality of Skida Myre has been identified by Munch with the Loch
of Scister, in the parish of Canisbay. It seems rather to be indicated
by the modern Skitten, as the name formerly applied to the great tract
of moorland in the north-west corner of the parish of Wick, now
generally known as the Moss of Kilmster.

Footnote 23:

Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, Flateyjarbók, chap. 186, in Appendix.

Footnote 24:

“He kept Caithness by main force from the Scots.” (See Appendix, p.
209.)

Footnote 25:

Njal Saga, chap. lxxxvii.

Footnote 26:

Njal Saga, _loc. cit._ This Hundi should be the father of the Kali
Hundason of the subsequent narrative.

Footnote 27:

Njal Saga, chap. clvi.

Footnote 28:

War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 191.

Footnote 29:

Hrafn the Red, whose denunciation of the raven-banner as the earl’s
devil may not altogether be accounted for by the fervour of his
Christianity, was chased into the river, where he was in danger of
being drowned by the rising tide. In this emergency he made a vow as
follows:—“Thy dog, Apostle Peter, hath run twice to Rome, and he would
run the third time if thou gavest him leave.” The Irish Chronicle
states that the full tide in Dublin Bay on the day of the battle
coincided with sunrise, and that the returning tide in the evening
aided in the destruction of the defeated foreigners. The date assigned
by the Chronicle for the battle is Good Friday, 23d April 1014. It has
been found by astronomical calculation that the full tide that morning
did coincide with sunrise—a remarkable attestation of the authenticity
of the narrative.

Footnote 30:

See the account of him in the Saga, chap. v. and note.

Footnote 31:

Rattar Brough, a little to the east of Dunnet Head, seems to be the
modern form of Rauda Biorg.

Footnote 32:

See the Saga account, chap. xxiii. and note. The dates do not bear out
the statement that Thorfinn was Earl for seventy years.

Footnote 33:

Fordun, v. 24.

Footnote 34:

Saga Magnus Berfoetts, Heimskringla, chap. xxv.

Footnote 35:

Chron. Manniæ, Munch’s edition, p. 59.

Footnote 36:

See the account of his death in the Saga, chap. xxxix. His feast days
were 16th April and 13th December, the former commemorating his death,
and the latter the removal of his relics from Birsay by Bishop
William. (Den Norske Kirkes Historie af R. Keyser: Christiania, 1856,
p. 162.)

Footnote 37:

The Earls of Athole seem at this time to have occupied the _rath_ or
fortress at Logierait. It is mentioned in one of the Scone charters as
the capital of the earldom in the 12th century. (Lib. Eccles. de Scon,
p. 35.)

Footnote 38:

This was the occasion in which he and his men spent the Yule-feast day
in the Orkahaug, which seems to be Maeshow. See the Saga, chap. xci.

Footnote 39:

See the notice from the Saga of Egill Skalagrimson, in the chapter on
Mousa.

Footnote 40:

Some years after his death Earl Rögnvald was canonised, but his name
is not commemorated in any of the dedications now remaining in the
Islands.

Footnote 41:

Munch, Chron. Manniæ, p. 84.

Footnote 42:

Fordun’s Annals, xvi.

Footnote 43:

From this time till 1379 Shetland passed into the immediate possession
of the crown of Norway. So we find in 1312-1319, that King Hakon
Magnusson grants to the Mary-Kirk in Oslo (Christiania), for the
completion of the fabric of the kirk, “all our incomes of Hjaltland
and the Faroes, so that those who have charge of the kirk’s building
and fabric every year shall render account thereof to our heirs, and
when the fabric is altogether completed, then shall the foresaid
revenues of Hjaltland and the Faroes revert to the crown.”
(Nicolaysen, Norske Fornlevninger, p. 426.)

Footnote 44:

Chronica Rogeri de Hoveden (Rolls Ed.), iv. pp, 10, 12.

Footnote 45:

In the Chronicle of Melrose, under the date 1175, it is stated that
“Laurentius, Abbot in Orkney, was made Abbot of Melrose.” But as his
death is recorded in the year 1178, the priest here mentioned by
Hoveden must have been a different person, though of the same name. At
the same time, as this passage shows that Earl Harald had a
hird-priest named Laurentius, it is not improbable that the so-called
Orkney abbot, who was made abbot of Melrose, may also have been
Harald’s family or court priest. Being himself the son of a Scottish
earl, and allied by marriage first with the family of the Earl of
Fife, and subsequently with the MacHeths, and having, moreover, such
close relations with the abbey of Scone, it is not unlikely that he
may have had Scottish priests about his family in preference to those
of Norwegian extraction.

Footnote 46:

So says the Saga. Fordun says that the use of his tongue and of one
eye was in some measure left him. The letter of Pope Innocent,
addressed to the Bishop of Orkney, prescribing the penance to be
performed by the man who mutilated the bishop, only mentions the
cutting out of the tongue. It is as follows:—

“We have learnt by your letters that Lomberd, a layman, the bearer of
these presents, accompanied his earl on an expedition into Caithness;
that there the Earl’s army stormed a castle, killed almost all who
were in it, and took prisoner the Bishop of Caithness; and that this
Lomberd, as he says, was compelled by some of the earl’s soldiery to
cut out the bishop’s tongue. Now because the sin is great and
grievous, in absolving him, according to the form of the church, we
have prescribed this penance for satisfaction of his offence, and to
the terror of others:—That he shall hasten home, and bare-footed, and
naked, except breeches, and a short woollen vest without sleeves,
having his tongue tied by a string, and drawn out so as to project
beyond his lips, and the ends of the string bound round his neck, with
rods in his hand, in sight of all men, walk for fifteen days
successively through his own native district, the district of the
mutilated bishop, and the neighbouring country; he shall go to the
door of the church without entering, and there, prostrate on the
earth, undergo discipline with the rods he is to carry; he is thus to
spend each day in silence and fasting until evening, when he shall
support nature with bread and water only; after these fifteen days are
passed he shall prepare within a month to set out for Jerusalem, and
there labour in the service of the Cross for three years; he shall
never more bear arms against Christians; for two years he shall fast
every Friday on bread and water, unless by the indulgence of some
discreet bishop, or on account of bodily infirmity, this abstinence be
mitigated. Do you then receive him returning in this manner, and see
that he observe the penance enjoined him.” (Epist. Innoc. III. Lib.
iii. No. 77; Diplom. Norvegicum, vii. 3.)

Footnote 47:

Chron. de Mailros, p. 114; see also p. lxxxi. _infra_.

Footnote 48:

Magnus, son of the Earl of Angus, appears among those present at the
perambulation of the boundaries of the lands of the Abbey of
Aberbrothock on 16th January 1222 (Regist. Vet. de Aberbrothock, p.
163); but he seems to have been Earl of Angus as well as of Caithness
at the date after mentioned. A charter of King Alexander II. to the
chapel of St. Nicholas at Spey, dated 2d October 1232, is witnessed by
M. Earl of Angus and Kataness (Regist. Moraviense, p. 123).

Footnote 49:

The title prefixed to the translation of this document by Dean Gule,
made for William Sinclair of Roslin, in 1554, calls it:—“A Diploma or
Deduction concerning the Genealogies of the ancient Earls of Orkney,
drawn up from the most authentic records, by Thomas, Bishop of Orkney,
with the assistance of his clergy and others, in consequence of an
order from King Eirik of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, to investigate
the rights of William Sinclair to the earldom.” But in the document
itself King Eirik is spoken of as “our former lord of illustrious
memory,” and the date is evidently erroneous. It is probably to be
assigned to about 1443. It was first printed by Wallace in 1699, and
subsequently by Jonæus in the appendix to the Orkneyinga Saga in 1780;
by Barry in his History of the Orkneys in 1805; in the Bannatyne
Miscellany, 1848; and by Munch in his Symbolæ, Christiania, 1850.

Footnote 50:

Among the documents found in the King’s Treasury at Edinburgh in 1282,
were the letters addressed by the King of Norway (presumably Hakon) to
the inhabitants of Caithness. The inhabitants of Caithness seem to
have been also obliged by the Scottish King to give hostages for their
fealty to him. In the accounts of Laurence Grant, Sheriff of
Inverness, for the year 1263, there is a charge of £15:6:3 for the
expenses of twenty-one hostages from Caithness, at the rate of one
denarius (penny) for each per day for twenty-five weeks, “and then
they were set at liberty.” (Compota Camerarium Scotiæ, i. p. 31.)

Footnote 51:

Acta Parl. Scot., vol. i. p. 82.

Footnote 52:

Iceland Annals, _sub anno_.

Footnote 53:

The Scala Cronica says off the coast of Buchan. “One Master Weland, a
clerke of Scotlande, sent yn to Norway for Margaret, dyed with her by
tempeste on the se cumming oute of Norway to Scotland yn costes of
Boghan.” (Scala Cronica, Mait. Club, pp. 110, 282.) Wyntoun says she
was “put to dede by martyry,” and assigns as the reason that the
Norwegians would not have one who was of another nation and a female
to be heir to the throne of Norway, though their laws allowed it. He
had probably heard the story of the “false Margaret.” (See p. lii.)

Footnote 54:

In the Wardrobe Rolls of King Edward I. (1290) the following payments
occur:—“Sept. 1.—To Lord Eli de Hamville going by the king’s orders
with the Lord Bishop of Durham towards Scotland to meet the messengers
of the King of Norway and the princess, and was to return with the
news to the king. To John Tyndale, the messenger from the Bishop of
St. Andrews, who brought letters from his master to the king
concerning the rumours of the arrival of the Princess of Scotland in
Orkney—by gift of the king, xxsh. To William Playfair, messenger of
the Earl of Orkney, who brought letters to our Lord the King, on the
part of Lord John Comyn, concerning the reported arrival of the
Scottish Princess in Orkney—by gift of the king, xiiish. 4d.” There is
also a detailed account of the expenses of two messengers who left
Newcastle on the 15th September, were at Haberdene on the 23d, at the
Meikle Ferry in Sutherland on the 30th, where they met the messengers
from Scotland, then proceeded by Helmsdale and Spittal to Wick, which
they reached on the 4th October. They left Wick on the 6th October,
and arrived at Norham on the 21st November. On the 13th May of the
following year (1291) Earl John of Orkney had a safe conduct to come
to King Edward till the 24th June, when the earl would doubtless
communicate to the king all that he knew of the princess’s death.

Footnote 55:

This letter was dated 1st February 1320, and the substance of it is
given by Suhm, vol. xii. p. 29. It does not seem to be known from the
original document however, but from a later “paraphrase,” as Munch
calls it, preserved in the Royal Library at Stockholm. (Det Norske
Folks Historie, vol. iv. part 2, p. 348.)

Footnote 56:

Under the date 1293 the following entry occurs in the Chronicle of
Lanercost:—“Dominica etiam post festum Sancti Martini (Nov. 15)
desponsata est filia Roberti de Carrick regi Norwagiae Magno.” (Chron.
de Lanercost, p. 155.) Magnus is plainly a mistake for Eirik, the son
of Magnus, who reigned from 1280 to 1299.

Footnote 57:

Rymer’s Fœdera, Syllabus I. p. 114.

Footnote 58:

Det Norske Folks Historie, vol. iv. part 2, p. 202.

Footnote 59:

Munch, Det Norske Folks Historie, vol. iv. part 2, pp. 195, 344.

Footnote 60:

Haflidi Steinson died nearly nineteen years after this as priest of
Breidabolstad in Iceland. The Iceland Annals, recording his death in
1319, recount the story as if this were the real Margaret (whose death
they record in 1290), and add that “to this Haflidi himself bore
witness when he heard that this same Margaret had been burnt at
Nordness.” (See Wyntoun’s Statement, p. 1, note 1.)

Footnote 61:

On the 2d April 1320 Bishop Audfinn writes to the Archbishop that on
the 1st February he had issued a prohibition against the bad custom of
making pilgrimages to Nordness, and offering invocations to the woman
who had been burnt many years ago for giving herself out as King
Eirik’s daughter. He also complains to the archbishop that opposition
had been offered to the reading out of the prohibition in the Church
of the Apostles of Bergen. (Munch, Det Norske Folks Historie, iv. part
2, p. 348.)

Footnote 62:

This noble document was signed by eight earls and thirty-one barons of
Scotland, at the abbey of Aberbrothock on the 6th April 1320. After
asserting the legitimate claims of King Robert the Bruce, and
narrating his struggles in the cause of Scottish independence, it goes
on to say that “If he were to desist from what he has begun, wishing
to subject us or our kingdom to the King of England or the English, we
would immediately endeavour to expel him as our enemy, and the
subverter of his own rights and ours, and make another king who should
be able to defend us. For so long as a hundred remain alive, we never
will in any degree be subject to the dominion of the English. Since
not for glory, riches, nor honour, we fight, but for liberty alone,
which no good man loses but with his life.” The duplicate, preserved
in the General Register House, is printed in facsimile in the National
Manuscripts of Scotland, published under the superintendence of the
Lord Clerk Register.

Footnote 63:

The lands are those of Stufum, Kuikobba, Klaet, Thordar, Borgh, Leika,
Lidh, Haughs-æth and Petland-Sker. (Diplom. Norvegicum, ii. 146.)

Footnote 64:

Munch, in his Genealogical Table of the Earls of Orkney, makes
Katharina to be the daughter of Earl John (following Douglas’ Peerage
of Scotland), and Magnus to be a son of Malcolm of Caithness, whom he
conjectures to have been a son of the first Magnus. But in a note on
this subject in the second series of his History, he acknowledges the
mistake, referring to this document in proof of Magnus’ descent from
Earl John. (Det Norske Folks Historie, Anden Afdeling, vol. i. p.
317.)

Footnote 65:

An entry in the Chamberlain Rolls for that year mentions the dues of
the fourth part of Caithness, which the Earl of Stratherne had. (Comp.
Camer. Scot. i. p. 235.)

Footnote 66:

This document is not now to be found, but Mr. Cosmo Innes says (Lib.
Insule Missarum, p. xliii) that he made a note of its purport as given
above in the Dunrobin charter-room. Sir Robert Gordon, in his
Genealogy of the Earls of Sutherland (p. 49), gives the purport of the
document in precisely similar terms, but says that it is dated 28th
May 1344. Sir James Balfour, in his Catalogue of the Scottish
Nobility, also gives 1344. The confirmation of this contract by David
II. is recorded as a “confirmation of a contract of marriage betwixt
Malisius, Earl of Stratherne, Caithness, and Orkney, and William, Earl
of Ross.” (Robertson’s Index of Missing Charters, p. 51.)

Footnote 67:

There is also on record a confirmation by Robert I. of a charter of
the lands of Kingkell, Brechin, to Maria (Marjorie?) de Stratherne,
spouse of Malise of Stratherne. (Robertson’s Index, p. 19.)

Footnote 68:

Chronicle of the Earls of Ross, Mis. Scot., vol. iv. p. 128.

Footnote 69:

There is an entry in the Chamberlain Rolls, in 1340, in regard to a
payment by Johannes More, “pro terris de Beridale in Cattania, de
quibus dicit se hereditarium infeodari per comitem de Strathern et per
Regem confirmari.” (Comp. Camerar. Scot. i. p. 265.)

Footnote 70:

Sir James Balfour (Catalogue of the Scottish Nobility) says:—“This
Earl Malisius was forfaulted by King David II. for alienating the
earldom of Stratherne to the Earl of Warrenne, an Englishman, the
king’s enemy, and all his possessions annexed to the crown.” Sir
Robert Gordon says that the charter by King David granting the earldom
of Stratherne to Maurice Moray is dated the last day of October 1345.

Footnote 71:

A dispensation granted by Pope Benedict XII. in July 1339 for the
marriage of Maurice de Moravia with Johanna, widow of John, Earl of
Athole, styles her Countess of Stratherne. (Theiner’s Monumenta, p.
275.) Maurice fell at the battle of Durham in 1346. Johanna, Countess
of Stratherne, in her widowhood executed a charter in favour of Robert
of Erskine and his wife, Christian of Keith, her cousin, which is
confirmed by Robert, Steward of Scotland and Earl of Stratherne in
1361. (Chartulary of Cambuskenneth, Grampian Club, p. 255.)

Footnote 72:

Third Report of Com. on Hist. MSS. p. 416.

Footnote 73:

Rymer’s Fœdera, Syllabus i. p. 272.

Footnote 74:

Robertson’s Index of Charters, pp. 18, 34.

Footnote 75:

Hist. Doc. Scot. i. p. 394.

Footnote 76:

Balnagown Charters, Orig. Paroch. ii. 487.

Footnote 77:

Robert Stewart, Seneschal of Scotland and Earl of Stratherne,
certifies that, in his court held at Crieff, 8th May 1358, he had seen
read and confirmed the charters granted to the abbot and convent of
Inchaffray of the annual of 42 marcs of the thanage of Dunyne, given
by the former earls of good memory—Malise the first and Malise the
second, his predecessors. (Liber Insula Missarum, p. 55.) Et nihil hic
de terris quondam Malesii infra comitatu Cathanie quia comes de Ross
se intromittit de eisdem. (Conqu. Camerar. Scot., _an._ 1357, i. p.
320.) That the second Malise of Robert Stewart’s deed is the last
Malise who was Earl of Stratherne seems to be shown by another deed of
Robert Stewart, dated in 1361, in which, as Seneschal of Scotland and
Earl of Stratherne, he grants to James Douglas the lands of Kellor in
Stratherne, “which the late Malise gave.” In the confirmation of this
grant by Eufamia, Countess of Moray and Stratherne, he is styled “the
late Malise of good memory.” (Regist. Honoris de Morton, ii. pp. 60,
86.)

Footnote 78:

See p. lvi.

Footnote 79:

Called in the Diploma “Here Ginsill de Swethrik,” for “Erengisle de
Suecia.” He was lawman of Tisherad in Sweden in 1337.

Footnote 80:

In the Diploma he is called “quodam Gothredo, nomine Gothormo le
Spere”—_Gothredo_ being a misreading for _Gothricio_, “a native of
Gothland.” (Munch, Symbolæ, p. 55.)

Footnote 81:

Munch, Norske Folks Historie, 2d series, i. p. 595.

Footnote 82:

In 1360 he grants certain lands to the monastery of Calmar for the
souls of his deceased wives, Meretta and Annot or Agneta, the latter
being probably Malise’s daughter, as the name is not a common one in
Sweden.

Footnote 83:

He styles himself “Comes Orchadensis” in a deed of 4th March 1388.
(Diplom. Norvegicum, v. 246.)

Footnote 84:

Diplom. Norvegicum, ii. 337-339.

Footnote 85:

See the document dated at Cullen, 4th August 1321, quoted on p. lv,
_supra_.

Footnote 86:

In a deed executed at Kirkwall, 20th January 1364, by which Bernard de
Rowle resigns to Hugh de Ross (brother of William, Earl of Ross) the
whole lands of Fouleroule in Aberdeenshire, the witnesses are John de
Gamery and Symon de Othyrles, canons of Caithness; Euphemia de
Stratherne, one of the heirs of the late Malise, Earl of Caithness;
Thomas de St. Clair, “ballivus regis Norvagie;” and Alexander St.
Clair. (Regist. Aberdonense, i. 106.)

Footnote 87:

Sir James Balfour calls her Lucia. She is also called Lucia by William
Drummond, author of the “Genealogie of the House of Drummond, 1681,”
but in neither case is any documentary authority cited. Camden says
the eldest daughter.

Footnote 88:

Barbour’s Bruce (Spald. Club), p. 482.

Footnote 89:

Munch’s Norske Folks Historie, 2d series, vol. ii. p. 96. See also the
deed of investiture, which is printed at length in the Diplomatarium
Norvegicum, vol. ii. pp. 353-358.

Footnote 90:

Balfour, Oppressions of Orkney (Maitland Club), p. xxvi. Such was not
the opinion of Father Hay, the panegyrist of the St. Clairs of Roslyn.
He says that “Henry, prince of Orknay, was more honoured than any of
his ancestres, for he had power to cause stamp coine within his
dominions, to make laws, to remitt crimes;—he had his sword of honour
carried before him wheresoever he went; he had a crowne in his armes,
bore a crowne on his head when he constituted laws; and, in a word,
was subject to none, save only he held his lands of the King of
Danemark, Sweden, and Noraway, and entred with them, to whom also it
did belong to crowne any of those three kings, so that in all those
parts he was esteemed a second person to the king.” (Genealogie of the
St. Clairs, p. 17.) Father Hay’s romances receive no countenance
whatever from the deed of investiture.

Footnote 91:

About £333 sterling.

Footnote 92:

Father Hay states (Genealogie of the St. Clairs, p. 17) that Henry St.
Clair “married Elisabeth Sparres, daughter of Malesius Sparres, Prince
of Orkney, Earl of Caithness and Stratherne, through which marriage he
became Prince of Orkney.” But Malise Sperra never had any connection
with the earldoms of Caithness or Stratherne. In another place, p. 33,
he says that Sir William Sinclair (who fell fighting with the Saracens
in Spain in 1330) “was married to Elizabeth Sparre, daughter to the
Earle of Orkney, and so by her became the first Earl of Orkney of the
Saintclairs. His name was Julius Sparre. He is also reputed Earl of
Stratherne and Caithness.” But this is manifestly a tissue of
impossibilities. He seems to have copied the last statement from the
Drummond MS. (1681), where the additional statement is made that
Elizabeth’s mother was Lucia, daughter of the Earl of Ross.
(Genealogie of the House of Drummond: Edinburgh, 1831, p. 237.) Both
writers seem to have confounded Malise, Earl of Stratherne, with his
daughter’s son, Malise Sperra.

Footnote 93:

Iceland Annals, _sub anno_. Munch, Det Norske Folks Historie, 2d
series, vol. ii. p. 106.

Footnote 94:

He seems to have held lands in Banffshire. In the Chamberlain Rolls,
1438, there is an entry of a receipt of £9 from James M’fersane for
the land formerly belonging to Malis Speir, knight in the Sheriffdom
of Banff, remaining in the king’s hands. (Diplom. Norvegicum, i. 366.)

Footnote 95:

The Iceland Annals, under the date 1389, have the following
entry:—“Malise Sperra slain in Hjaltland, with seven others, by the
Earl of Orkney. He had previously been taken captive by him. From that
conflict there escaped a man-servant who with six men in a six-oared
boat got away safely to Norway.”

Footnote 96:

Diplom. Norvegicum, ii. 401. Regist. Mag. Sigill. 196.

Footnote 97:

This deed is said by Robert Riddell to be in the Perth Charter-chest.
A copy of it is in one of his MS. note-books in the Advocates’
Library. See also Robertson’s Index of Charters, p. 128. The “double”
of this deed is said by William Drummond (1681) to have been given to
him by a friend, and the substance of it is given by him as
follows:—“Sir John Drummond and his lady Elisabeth Sinclair oblige
themselves to a noble and potent Lord, Henry, Earle of Orkney, Lord
Roslin, their father, that they nor their aires shall never claime any
interest or right of propertie to any lands or possessions belonging
to the said earle or his aires lying within the kingdome of Norroway,
so long as he or any air-male of his shall be on lyfe to inherit the
same; bot if it happen (which God forbid) the said earle to die
without any air-male to succeed to him, then it shall be lawful for
them to claim such a portion of the aforesaid lands as is known by the
Norwegian laws to appertain to a sister of the family. Sealled at
Rosline 13th May 1396.” (Genealogie of the House of Drummond, p. 91.)

Footnote 98:

Henry himself had married a daughter of Malise. See p. lxiii.

Footnote 99:

Father Hay says that he escaped through the instrumentality of one
John Robinsone, indweller at Pentland, one of his tenants, who went to
the place where his master was confined and played the fool so
cunningly that he was allowed access to the prison, and so found means
to convey the earl out in disguise. (Genealogie of the St. Clairs, p.
81.)

Footnote 100:

Balfour’s Annals, i. 148.

Footnote 101:

Diplom. Norvegicum, ii. 482.

Footnote 102:

Fordun, Scotichron. xv. chap. 32.

Footnote 103:

Douglas’ Peerage. The Diploma says nothing of his wife, but he is said
to have married Egidia Douglas, daughter of Lord William Douglas, and
Egidia, daughter of Robert II. (Extracta ex Cronicis Scocie, p. 200.)

Footnote 104:

Diplom. Norvegicum, ii. 489. This document is endorsed—“Biscop Thomes
breff af Orknoy, at han skal halde Orknoy til myn herres konnungens
hand, oc hans effterkommende, oc lade him with Noren lagh.”

Footnote 105:

Diplom. Norvegicum, ii. 498. This document is endorsed—“Item biscop
Thomes aff Orknoy bref um Kirkwaw slot i Orknoy, oc um landet oc
greveschapet ther samestads.”

Footnote 106:

This document is printed at length in Torfæus, pp. 179-182; in
Balfour’s Oppressions of Orkney (Maitland Club), pp. 105-110; and also
in the Norse language of the time in the Diplomatarium Norvegicum, ii.
514.

Footnote 107:

Torfæus, Hist. Orc. 182. The document of which Torfæus here gives a
copy, however, is that of the 31st year of the reign of King Eirik
(1420), previously noticed, and refers not to the bishop’s second
appointment but to his first.

Footnote 108:

Torfæus, p. 183.

Footnote 109:

Balfour’s Annals, i. 155.

Footnote 110:

Diplom. Norveg. vii. 430.

Footnote 111:

He had received a grant of the earldom of Caithness from King James
II. 28th August 1455, as formerly mentioned, p. lxi.

Footnote 112:

Diplom. Norvegicum, v. 599.

Footnote 113:

Ibid. v. 605.

Footnote 114:

These islands had been ceded by Norway to Scotland in 1266 on
condition of an annual payment of 100 marks, which at this time had
fallen into arrear for 26 years.

Footnote 115:

His words imply that it was by request of the Orkneymen themselves
that Adalbert sent them preachers “extremi venerant Islani, Gronlani,
et Orchadum legati petentes ut prædicatores illuc dirigeret, quod et
fecit.”

Footnote 116:

Keyser, Den Norske Kirkes Historie, i. 158; Torfæus, i. 160; Munch,
Det Norske Folks Historie, ii. p. 216; Grub’s Eccles. Hist. i. 252.

Footnote 117:

Twysden, Decem Scriptores, pp. 1709-13.

Footnote 118:

Printed in the Notes and Illustrations to the Scala Cronica (Maitland
Club), p. 234.

Footnote 119:

Monasticon Anglicanum, vi. p. 1186.

Footnote 120:

Flor. Wig. Chron. Monum. Hist. Britann. p. 644.

Footnote 121:

The name Christ’s Church, says Munch, was only given to a cathedral
church.

Footnote 122:

Sir Henry Dryden’s Notices of Ancient Churches in Orkney, in the
_Orcadian_, 1867.

Footnote 123:

Munch’s Catalogue of the Bishops of Orkney, Bannatyne Miscellany, iii.
181.

Footnote 124:

See the Saga, p. 126.

Footnote 125:

Fornmanna Sögur, vol. vi.

Footnote 126:

Diplom. Norvegicum, vii. p. 2.

Footnote 127:

See p. lxxx.

Footnote 128:

Hakonar Saga hins gamla, Flateyjarbók, iii. 52.

Footnote 129:

Diplom. Norvegicum, vii. p. 13.

Footnote 130:

Ibid. i. 32.

Footnote 131:

Keyser, Den Norske Kirkes Historie, ii. 210. Torfæus Hist. Orc., p.
172.

Footnote 132:

Diplom. Norvegicum. The Chron. de Lanercost, under the date 1275,
incidentally notices a Bishop of Orkney, named William, who related
many wonderful things of the islands under Norwegian rule, and
specially of Iceland. Munch supposes him to have been one of the
titular bishops consecrated at York, and suggests that he may have
been the author of the curious fragment of a Chronicon Norvegiæ
preserved in the Panmure transcript, along with the transcript of the
Diploma of the succession of the Earls of Orkney, printed at
Christiania, 1850. (Munch, Symbolæ, pp. 2, 18; Det Norske Folks
Historie, iv. part 1, p. 678; Chron. de Lanercost, p. 97.)

Footnote 133:

Keyser, Den Norske Kirkes Historie, ii. 216.

Footnote 134:

Diplom. Norvegicum, vii. p. 134.

Footnote 135:

Ibid. p. 134.

Footnote 136:

Printed from the Panmure transcript in the Miscellany of the Spalding
Club, vol. v. p. 257.

Footnote 137:

Theiner, Vetera Monumenta, p. 376.

Footnote 138:

Among the persons mentioned in this record are Sir Richard of Rollisey
(Rousay), Sir Christen of Sanday, John of Orkney, Sigurd of Pappley,
John of Dunray (Downreay in Caithness). The title “sir” is equivalent
to our “reverend.” (Diplom. Norvegicum, i. 308.)

Footnote 139:

See p. lxix. Both these documents are printed at length in the second
volume of the Diplomatarium Norvegicum, and are exceedingly curious
specimens of the language of the time.

Footnote 140:

Diplom. Norveg. v. 605.

Footnote 141:

There was a monastery at Dornoch before the death of Earl Rögnvald in
1158. King David of Scotland addressed a missive to Rögnvald, Earl of
Orkney, and to the Earl of Caithness (Harald Maddadson), and to all
good men in Caithness and Orkney, requesting them to protect the monks
living at Durnach in Caithness, their servants and their effects, and
to see that they sustained no loss or injury. (Regist. de Dunfermelyn,
p. 14.)

Footnote 142:

Regist. de Dunfermelyn, p. 14.

Footnote 143:

Ibid. p. 74.

Footnote 144:

Diplom. Norveg. vii. p. 2.

Footnote 145:

The Book of Deer (Spald. Club), p. 95.

Footnote 146:

Diplom. Norvegicum, vii. p. 2.

Footnote 147:

See p. xliii, and also the account of these transactions in the Saga,
chap. cxv.

Footnote 148:

Printed in Theiner’s Vetera Monumenta, p. 21.

Footnote 149:

Chron. de Mailros, pp. 139, 150.

Footnote 150:

Printed in the Miscellany of the Bannatyne Club, vol. iii.

Footnote 151:

The bones of St. Fergus, the patron saint of Caithness, were deposited
in the abbey of Scone. Harald Maddadson, Earl of Orkney and Caithness,
granted a mark of silver yearly to the canons of Scone for the souls
of himself and wife, and the souls of his predecessors. The grant is
witnessed by his son “Turphin.” The Abbot of Scone obtained a royal
precept from King Alexander II. addressed to the sheriffs and bailies
of Moray and Caithness, for the protection of the ship of the convent
when on its voyages within their jurisdiction. The Abbey of Scone was
proprietor of the church of Kildonan, which, with its chapels and
lands, was confirmed to the canons of Scone by Pope Honorius III. in
1226. (Liber Ecclesie de Scon, pp. 37, 45, and 67.)

Footnote 152:

Sir Robert Gordon mentions a tradition that he was the builder of the
noble castle of Kildrummy, in Mar.

Footnote 153:

Theiner, Vet. Mon. Hib. et Scot. p. 89.

Footnote 154:

Ibid. p. 104.

Footnote 155:

There was collected in the year 1274—From Olric (Olrig), 2 marcs;
Dinnosc (Dunnet), 32s. 4d.; Cranesby (Canisbay), 40s.; Ascend
(Skinnet), 5s. 4d.; Haukyrc (Halkirk), 14s. 2d.; Turishau (Thurso),
26s. 7d.; the chapel of Haludal (Halladale), 9s. 4d.; Lagheryn
(Latheron), 27s. 10d.; Durness, 14s. 8d. There was collected in the
year 1275—Laterne (Latheron), 32s.; Cananby, 32s.; Thorsau, 2 marcs;
the chapel of Helwedale (Halladale), 9s. 4d.; Ra (Reay), 9s. 4d.;
Haukyrc (Halkirk), 13s. 9d.; Olric (Olrig), 2 marcs; the church of
Scynand (Skinnet), 18s. 8d.; the church of Dunost (Dunnet), 2 marcs;
Keldoninave (Kildonan), 2 marcs. The personal contributions include
one from Magister H. de Notingham—doubtless the Notingham near Forse
which still bears the name unchanged. (Theiner, Vet. Monum. pp. 112,
115.)

Footnote 156:

Theiner, Vet. Monum. p. 124.

Footnote 157:

Henry of Nothingham was a canon of Caithness in 1272. (Lib. Eccles. de
Scon, p. 85.)

Footnote 158:

Rotuli Scotiæ, vol. i. p. 6.

Footnote 159:

Ibid. vol. i. p. 7.

Footnote 160:

Theiner, Vet. Monum, p. 161.

Footnote 161:

Ibid.

Footnote 162:

Ibid. p. 163.

Footnote 163:

Ibid.

Footnote 164:

Comp. Camerar. Scot. i. 25-26.

Footnote 165:

See a paper by Joseph Robertson, Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot. vol. ii. p.
31, _note_.

Footnote 166:

Theiner, Vet. Monum., p. 276.

Footnote 167:

Ibid.

Footnote 168:

Ibid. p. 277.

Footnote 169:

Origines Parochiales, ii. 485.

Footnote 170:

Regist. Morav. p. 368.

Footnote 171:

There is a writ of Pope Innocent VI., dated in May 1360, preferring
Thomas to be bishop of the “Ecclesia Cathayensis,” and ordering him to
repair to his diocese on being consecrated by the Bishop of Preneste.
It appears from subsequent documents, however, that he was obstructed
and interfered with by the bishops of Limerick, Ardfert, and
Clonmacnoise, who laid many charges of criminal and illegal
proceedings against him, asserting that the “Ecclesia Cathayensis” was
a parochial and not a cathedral church, and the Pope appointed George,
Archbishop of Cashel, to report on the matter. Owing to the death of
the archbishop the report was not made, and the remit was renewed by
the successor of Pope Innocent VI. to the Bishop of Lismore. It is not
clear whether this was a preferment to the see of Caithness following
on the death of Thomas de Fingask, or a series of mistakes. See
Theiner’s Vetera Monumenta, pp. 316, 318, 324.

Footnote 172:

Theiner, Vetera Monumenta, p. 333.

Footnote 173:

Diplom. Norvegicum, vii. p. 309.

Footnote 174:

Regist. Morav. p. 200.

Footnote 175:

Regist. Episc. Brechinensis, p. 39.

Footnote 176:

For the details of the structure by Sir H. Dryden, see the
Transactions of the Architectural Institute of Scotland, 1869-73. See
also Billings’ Baronial and Ecclesiastical Antiquities, 1848; and
Worsaae’s Danes and Northmen, 1852.

Footnote 177:

Sir Henry Dryden recognises the following styles in the building:—1st
style, 1137 to 1160; 2d style, 1160 to 1200; 3d style, 1200 to 1250;
4th style, 1250 to 1350; 5th style, 1450 to 1500. (Guide to St.
Magnus’ Cathedral by Sir H. Dryden, Daventry, 1871.)

Footnote 178:

Magnus Helga Saga (edidit Jonæus: Hafniæ, 1780), pp. 536, 538.

Footnote 179:

The present church of St. Olaf’s, which is not older than the 16th
century, and is said by Wallace to have been built by Bishop Reid, in
all probability stands on the site of the older one. The veneration of
St. Olaf extended both to Scotland and England. There was a church
dedicated to him at Cruden, and among the articles enumerated in an
inventory of the treasury of the cathedral of Aberdeen in 1518, there
is “a small image of St. Olaf of silver decorated with precious
stones.”—(Regist. Episc. Aberdonense, ii. p. 172.)

Footnote 180:

Neale, in his Ecclesiological Notes (p. 116), states that Earl
Rögnvald’s remains were first interred in the church of Burwick, South
Ronaldsay, but gives no authority for the statement. The Saga, on the
other hand, states expressly that his remains were taken to Kirkwall,
and interred in the cathedral. It is not likely that the founder of
the cathedral would have been interred anywhere else.

Footnote 181:

See p. liii, _antea_.

Footnote 182:

In the engraving given of this church by Hibbert, the church and tower
are both represented as covered by a stone roof, that of the tower
being a conical cap resembling the usual termination of the Irish
Round Towers.

Footnote 183:

In Jo. Ben’s description of the islands (1529) it is said that the
church of Egilsey was dedicated to St. Magnus. But as he adds that St.
Magnus was born in Egilsey, and brought up there from his infancy, and
that he gave a piece of ground to his nurse, on which she made an
underground house with all its furniture of stone, it is plain that he
is merely repeating the absurd traditions of the time.

Footnote 184:

There were three towered churches in Shetland (see p. ci.)

Footnote 185:

“Its style of architecture,” says Sir Henry Dryden, “discarding
certain indications of an earlier date, prevents our assigning to it a
date later than the beginning of the 12th century. When we contrast it
with the Kirkwall Cathedral begun in 1137, we are forced to give an
earlier date than that to Egilsey, and this opinion is corroborated by
the churches at Orphir and Brough of Birsay.”—(Ruined Churches in
Orkney and Shetland, in the _Orcadian_ of 1867.)

Footnote 186:

Those in Britain are Cambridge, consecrated in 1101; Northampton,
about 1115; Maplestead, 1118; the Temple Church, London, 1185; the
small Norman church in Ludlow Castle, and the Earls’ Church at Orphir
in Orkney—the only example in Scotland. “The round churches at
Cambridge, Northampton, and London,” says Ferguson, “were certainly
sepulchral, or erected in imitation of the church at Jerusalem”
(History of Architecture, ii. p. 60). Wilson, on the other hand,
supposes that the early dry-built beehive houses of the Western
Islands may have served as a model for some of the earliest Christian
oratories, of which that at Orphir, he remarks, is an interesting
example (Prehistoric Annals, ii. p. 369). But there is no analogy
whatever between the architectural features of Orphir and those of the
beehive houses, nor has it any resemblance to the earlier oratories
and chapels of the Western Isles.

Footnote 187:

Pope’s Translation of Torfæus (Wick, 1866), p. 108.

Footnote 188:

Sir H. Dryden says this mode of putting on the arch was probably
resorted to in order to give a support to the centre on which the arch
was built. This seems highly probable, and in some cases it would seem
as if the original supports still remain in the shape of two long thin
slabs resting on the imposts on either side and meeting in the centre
of the arch. See the engraving of the doorway in St. Mary’s Church,
Kilbar, Barra, in Mr. Muir’s Characteristics of Old Church
Architecture, p. 230.

Footnote 189:

Caithness and Part of Orkney, an Ecclesiological Sketch, by T. S.
Muir, p. 25.

Footnote 190:

From an expression of Jo. Ben’s it would seem to have been dedicated
to St. Peter:—“Weir, insula est parva, Petro Apostolo dicata.”

Footnote 191:

This church, which was called St. Peter’s in 1726, is called St.
Mary’s by Mr. Muir.

Footnote 192:

Sir Henry Dryden remarks that the same mode of making doorways is to
be seen in the chapels at Lybster in Caithness, at Weir, at Linton in
Shapinsay, Uyea in Shetland, and in some of the early oratories in
Ireland, and suggests the question—Were there doors in these churches,
and if so, where were they placed and how were they hung? “It is
known,” he adds, “that in many cottages in old time the door was an
animal’s hide hung across the opening, and probably this may have been
the case in these unrebated church entrances.” The custom of closing
the entrances to the places of worship by a skin or heavy curtain
survives in the East to the present day. The “veil of the Temple,”
covering the entrance to the Holy of Holies, is a familiar
illustration of this ancient custom among the Jews.

Footnote 193:

The minister of Birsay in 1627 says:—“There is likewise ane litill
holm within the sea callit the Brughe of Birsay, quhilk is thocht be
the elder sort to have belongit to the reid friaris, for there is the
foundation of ane kirk and kirkyard there as yet to be
seen.”—Peterkin’s Rentals, No. III., p. 98.

Footnote 194:

Low’s Tour through Orkney and Zetland, MS. in the possession of David
Laing, Esq.

Footnote 195:

See the article on “The Twin-towered Churches of Denmark,” by J.
Kornerup, in the Aarboger for Nordisk Oldkindighed for 1869, p. 13.

Footnote 196:

Detailed accounts of the excavation, with translations and facsimiles
of the inscriptions of Maeshow, have been given in a privately-printed
work by Mr. Farrer, and in a work published by the late Mr. John
Mitchell. An account of the structure of Maeshow, with notices of the
inscriptions, is given by Dr. John Stuart, secretary to the Society of
Antiquaries of Scotland, in their Proceedings, vol. v. p. 247. A
notice, with readings of the inscriptions, by Dr. Charlton, is given
in Archæologia Æliana, vol. vi. p. 127 (1865). See also the splendid
work on The Runic Monuments of Scandinavia and England, by Professor
George Stephens, Copenhagen, 1866-68.

Footnote 197:

Hogboy is the Norse word _Haug-bui_, the tenant of the _haug_, how, or
tomb—a hoy-laid dead man, or the goblin that guards the treasures
buried in the how. (Ordbog det Norske Gamle Sprog, _sub voce_.)

Footnote 198:

The leading specific feature of the Orkney group of chambered cairns
is the formation of small cells or loculi off the principal chamber.
The Caithness group is distinguished by the tricameration of the
chamber, and the Clava group by having a circular or oval chamber
undivided and unfurnished with _loculi_.

Footnote 199:

See Chap. xci.

Footnote 200:

The first par of the word seems analogous to the last part of our own
Carling-wark, indicating astonishment at the amount of labour required
for the rearing of such a structure.

Footnote 201:

In his recent work on Rude Stone Monuments of all Countries (London:
John Murray, 1872), Mr. Ferguson suggests that Maeshow may have been
erected for Earl Havard, who fell at Stennis about A.D. 970. But apart
from its Celtic structural character, if it had been Earl Havard’s
tomb his countrymen could scarcely have so completely forgotten the
fact in the short space of 200 years.

Footnote 202:

The most detailed account of these is to be found in an elaborate
paper on the Celtic Antiquities of Orkney, by Captain F. W. L. Thomas,
R.N., in the Archæologia, vol. xxxiv.

Footnote 203:

Flateyjarbók (Christiania, 1860-68), vol. i. p. 225. See the
translation in the Appendix, p. 208.

Footnote 204:

The following enumeration of the known sites of the “Pictish Towers,”
Borgs, or Brochs, will give some idea of their number and
distribution. In Shetland there are, in the island of Unst, 7; in
Whalsay, 3; in Yell, 9; in Fetlar, 4; in Mainland and its outlying
islets, 51; in Foula, 1—total, 75. In Orkney, in the island of North
Ronaldsay, 2; in Papa Westray, 2; in Westray, 5; in Sanday, 9; in
Eday, 1; in Stronsay, 3; in Shapinsay, 1; in Gairsay, 1; in Rousay, 3;
in Mainland, 35; in South Ronaldsay, 4; in Hoy, 1; in Hunday, 1; in
Burray, 2—total, 70. In Caithness, 79. In Sutherland, 60. In Lewis and
Harris, 38. In Skye, 30. (For detailed descriptions of Mousa, and many
others of these Towers, and lists of their sites, so far as known, see
the Archæologia Scotica, “Transactions of the Scottish Society of
Antiquaries,” vol. v.)

Footnote 205:

Detailed accounts of these are printed in the Proceedings and
Transactions of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.

Footnote 206:

No instance of a flint arrow-point, a flint celt, a polished stone
axe, or perforated stone hammer, has yet been found in a Broch or
“Pictish Tower.”

Footnote 207:

As the people of the islands did universally to a comparatively recent
period, and as in some of the islands they do to this day.

Footnote 208:

See the Saga, p. 161.

Footnote 209:

_Scat_ still remains _the_ Orkney grievance. “Scalds” were got rid of
in the 17th century, having been then solemnly abolished by the
kirk-session of Kirkwall, on pain of 40s. penalty and four hours in
the cuckstool, as slanderers and persons offensive to their
neighbours.

Footnote 210:

Fasti Eccles. Scot. v. p. 441. This statement must be taken _cum grano
salis_. There can be no doubt, however, that the old language was in
use in Shetland at that date. The latest known document in the Norse
language, written in Shetland, is dated 1586, and among those
mentioned in it is “Mons Norsko minister i Jella”—Magnus Norsk,
minister in Yell. (Mem. de Soc. Antiq. du Nord, 1850-60, p. 96.)

Footnote 211:

See Lyngbye’s Faeroiske Qvæder, with Muller’s Introduction: Randers,
1822. The old man, William Henry, of Guttorm, in Foula, from whom Low
took down the Shetland ballad, spoke to him of “three kinds of poetry
used in Norn and recited or sung by the old men—viz., the Ballad, the
Vysie or Vyse, now commonly sung to dancers, and the simple song. By
the account he gave of the matter, the first seems to have been valued
chiefly for its subject, and was commonly repeated in winter by the
fireside; the second seems to have been used in public gatherings, now
only sung to the dance; and the third at both.” (Low’s MS.)

Footnote 212:

In the Stockholm edition of Snorro’s Edda, it was Hilda, by her
enchantments, who raised the slain, as fast as they fell, to renew the
combat, and the episode of Ivar Liomi and the Christian additions do
not occur. Allusions to Hogni’s daughter Hilda occur in the stanzas of
Eyvind Skaldaspiller (Saga of Harald Harfagri, chap. 13), and in those
of Einar Skalaglum (Harald Grafeld’s Saga, chap. 6, and Olaf
Tryggvason’s Saga, chap. 18).

Footnote 213:

For descriptions and readings of these see Munch’s Chronicon Manniæ,
Christiania, 1860; Cumming’s Runic and other Monumental Remains in the
Isle of Man, London, 1857; and Worsaae’s Danes and Northmen, London,
1852.

Footnote 214:

It is no less singular to find a Rune-inscribed stone so far up the
valley of the Spey as Knockando in Morayshire. See Sculpt. Stones of
Scotland, i. p. 61.

Footnote 215:

This fragment, which is now in the museum of the Society of
Antiquaries of Scotland, is figured and described by Professor George
Stephens of Copenhagen, in the “Illustreret Tidende” for 20th July
1873, and will be included in the third volume of his great work on
the Runic monuments of Scandinavia and England, now preparing for the
press.

Footnote 216:

See the note at p. 107 of the Saga.

Footnote 217: