Chapter II: Part 2

26. Some of the soldiers went to the master-of-camp, accompanied by slaves carrying some of the pieces from the fort. They reported a victory, saying that the fort had surrendered, and that all was finished. These men went without orders from their captains, but were not punished; nor was any new action taken, notwithstanding that the captains assert that they sent reports of the condition of the war. The captains, upon seeing that the Chinese were losing all fear, and had wounded some of the men, returned to the camp about sunset, overcome with fatigue. Had those in camp given aid then, the rampart would not have been abandoned; but they could have stayed in or behind it, and victory was certain. The captains say that the soldiers were very eager, and, as could be seen, fought from ten in the morning; but that the country is hot, that their weapons were heavy, that the smoke beat in their faces, and that they saw night approaching without reënforcements or any food. They even say they would have perished had they not found a well whence the Chinese drew water for their work; and this water, although bad, they drank from their helmets, being refreshed thereby. On account of these conditions they were compelled to retire to the camp. Upon their arrival at camp, they declare that they were met by the master-of-camp, Juan de Saucedo, who told them that, if he were a soldier and not the master-of-camp, he would die with them, for he was also a soldier to fight with the Chinese. The said captains and the people generally felt that the master-of-camp was very much troubled about what had happened--he complaining that they, despite his order to the contrary, had burned the fleet, and spent their time with the enemy in the fort; they responding that he was requiting them very poorly, and that, after they had gained the day and attained the victory at so great peril to themselves, he spoke such words through envy, that he proved his treachery, and refused to aid them in their necessity. From this arose many slanders, hate, and differences of opinion among the soldiers, that God alone can dispel. It is certain that there was a lack of persons who could direct such a battle, and the day was certainly the luckiest, as well as the least systematic, that could be imagined. A few of the men were wounded and five were killed on account of their lack of order, and because they waited until the enemy were recuperated.

27. A council was held, the following night, by the master-of-camp and the captains. Some of the latter thought it expedient to make an attack the next morning, before the corsair should regain his courage. As this was the prevailing opinion, the master-of-camp went with all his men to make an assault. On nearing the fort, they heard rumors and opinions that the place was already being fortified. The master-of-camp retired his forces, saying that it was not convenient to make the assault, or to expose the few Spaniards that your Majesty had here to so much danger. Now at this time there arose a great difference of opinion, caused by private interposition. It certainly was a mistake not to make the assault on that day, for the day before counted for but little; and a captain offered to reconnoiter the weakest part, and to lead in the assault.

28. After this retreat, they encamped near the enemy, on the islet formed by the river, which runs north and south. The enemy were on the northern side and the Spaniards on the southern. It was a good thing to have located so near the enemy, if they had immediately made a defense for the artillery, which could have been done with stakes and earth. That should have been done before it was established there; but they took up their position before they had made the bulwark.

29. By this time the corsair had regained his courage, and ordered certain of his guns fired at the camp. The "Vigilantib," which had been captured from the galley, as abovesaid, shattered the leg of a standard-bearer of the master-of-camp, striking him in the middle of the shin-bone. This man was healed, and is now living. This catastrophe caused such an impression, that they resolved to move the camp from the island to the mainland, so that the river might intervene between them and the spot occupied by the corsair. It was a great mistake followed by still greater ones. The affair became a long siege, and they amused themselves in gambling freely, in levying tribute, and in other like things.

30. The corsair was not expecting an assault by the Spaniards, so his fort was not completed, lacking the terreplein; and his artillery was unmounted, and no sentinels were placed. He had made no preparations for war, beyond what a colonist might do. But now he hurried to make preparations and to defend his cause. He sent out squadrons from time to time with lances and arquebuses to fight--although he himself did not leave the fort for the battle, but from within gave his signals of retreat or attack.

31. The master-of-camp only made some ambuscades, prolonging the siege. It is certain that the Spaniards never fought the Chinese with all their men, force to force. Although the Chinese leader sent out five hundred or six hundred men, who pretended to show fight, they generally fled when fifty of the Spaniards came out. It is certain that, force to force, the Chinese would not wait to fight; and if by the help of God they remained they would be routed, although they had three times as many men, for they are not a warlike race. It is also certain, and all acknowledge it to be true, that the Spaniards desired to fight hand to hand, and to make the assault. They always did their duty, fighting like valiant men, although there were some cowardly ones, as all bodies have their weak side.

32. On account of the space given to the corsair, the latter was able to delay things and to do some damage. For instance some soldiers were imprudently sent to form some small ambuscades; but the Chinese were warned of them, and made a counter ambuscade. Of the seven soldiers who left the camp, the Chinese killed and captured five, and the other two fled. It was exceedingly foolhardy to send so few men out in a case like this, and caused great harm, for it made the Chinese more daring. The master-of-camp left camp with about twenty men to form another ambuscade, contrary to the advice of the captains. This also proved unsuccessful, although, as help came, the Chinese retired without doing any damage.

33. As the corsair had no ships, he sent men out to cut wood, and as all his soldiers were good workmen, they soon constructed thirty ships within the fort. With these he set sail at noon on the fourth of August, having been besieged within the fortifications for over four months. He directed his ships toward his own country, but, as he left, he committed some damage with the "Vigilantib." At this time the Spaniards feared that, when the ships were leaving, they were about to attack them; and that some column was about to take them in the rear. For this reason they fortified their rear-guard strongly when the corsair left. It was ludicrous to expect that the Chinese were coming to attack them, when with all their squadrons they never dared once to measure their strength with ours.

34. Before this the Spaniards had filled the river with stakes, to retard the progress of the corsair, but the latter removed them. He compelled some of his men to enter the water; and ropes being tied to the shoulders of these men, they removed, although with considerable difficulty, a sufficient number of the stakes to clear the vessels. While he was removing the stakes, the Spaniards stationed arquebusiers and as large a force as they were able; but in this there was negligence in not opposing the enemy with better arquebusiers.

35. They say that the corsair sent offers of friendship to the Spaniards, saying that he would introduce us to the kingdom of China and assist us in conquering the same. In regard to this there was no further discussion; because he asked as a condition that the siege should be raised, and that the Spaniards should go to Manila, where he would return, in order to adjust the matter. Then, too, Omocon, a captain of the king of China, was in that city, who had come to locate the corsair, besides Sinsay, and others, which made the Spaniards suspicious of admitting these discussions.

36. It seems that in the kingdom of China this corsair, Limahon, had done much damage; and the king was at a great expense and trouble in maintaining garrisons along the frontier where he was wont to commit his frequent depredations. The governors of the province of Hoquian sent two ships in charge of a Chinese captain, named Omocon, sent by the governor of Chinchiu, who bears the title there of _Yncuanton_, to spy upon Limahon, in order to send a fleet against him. This same Omocon also brought letters containing a pardon from the king, in case he should fall into the hands of Limahon. He brought letters also to the principal married men with Limahon, promising them many things, if they would kill the corsair and return to the service of their king. This Omocon arrived at Pangasinan after the burning of the enemy's fleet, and after the attack made on the fort the first day. He spoke with the master-of-camp asserting that their enemy was a pirate; and that if the Spaniards would take him prisoner or kill him, the king of China would recompense them by entering into friendly and brotherly relations with them. He also said that monuments would be set up in the king's city, and in other public places, with inscriptions describing the heroic feats of the Castilians, who would not come to terms with Limahon, but on the contrary had killed him in order to do the king of China a favor. This Omocon, when he saw that the corsair was defeated and without any hope of getting ships, and ascertained that Limahon could not engage in a pitched battle, and concluding that the consummation had come, said that he would go to notify the Yncuanton of Chinchiu. Then he offered to take some of the religious with him, saying that he would take as many as wished to go. Accordingly the master-of-camp sent him to Manila, and Guido de Lavezares gave him a certain present to take to China. Fathers Fray Martin de Errada, a native of Navarra, and Fray Gerónimo Martin, a native of Mexico, went with him. A soldier named Miguel de Loarca, and another called Pedro Sarmiento, also accompanied them. They reached Pangasinan where they took two other soldiers with them, Nicolas de Cuenca and Juan de Triana. They took also as interpreter a Chinese, named Hernando, who understood Spanish. The above-mentioned Sinsay also went with them. A large vessel belonging to Omocon was left in Pangasinan with thirty or forty Chinese; Omocon said that he did so, in order that they might be of service to the camp. The fathers and soldiers went to China with Omocon, and what they saw there they have since related. [3]

37. It is believed that it was a mistake to let Omocon go, because with the two ships that he took, and the one that remained there, it might have been possible to close up the passage of the river. However at the time of the departure of the corsair minor matters should not be classed with errors.

38. When the friars reached China, they carried letters with them. They were there four or five months, and might have remained there, but the governors did not agree to that. Because of their eagerness to see Limahon, the governors despatched a fleet of ten ships, and with it the fathers and Spaniards, on the pretext that, if it were necessary for the Chinese to assist in the war, the latter would lend their aid. They appointed Sinsay captain, and Omocon a captain of higher rank. On the way, these men falsified the letters given them by Guido de Laveçares, writing others that said that they were at the front, and fought valiantly, encouraging the Castilians when the latter burned the fleet and demolished the fort; as a reward for which they gave in money, to each one, besides the captaincy, four hundred silver taes, each tae of the value of twelve Castilian reals. These captains had with them as captain-general another Chinese, named Siaogo, an insignificant, mean-looking, little old man. It is said that he had been a corsair when young. When these people came to this island and learned that Limahon had gone, they cried for very rage and bitterness--especially Omocon, who had solemnly averred that the corsair could not escape. They brought a slight present with them, of a few pieces of silk and cotton shawls, and also letters. A part of the present was for the governor, another for the master-of-camp, another for the captains, and the rest for the soldiers. Their portion was given to the captains by the Chinese and friars. That which was destined for the governor I received, and am sending it by this same packet to your Majesty, so that you may see their way of doing things. I am sending also some cloth, such as they wear, five bonnets, a belt that indicates that the wearer is a captain, and the original letters that came from China translated into Spanish--one of them having the equivalent Spanish words under the Chinese and the letter telling about the present. From these it will be seen that their writing does not consist of letters, but of syllables or symbols. They brought with them thirteen horses as a present or as purchases. These beasts are full of bad habits, like those of Galicia. One horse was given there and here to the governor, and was delivered to the officials of your Majesty's royal estate, that they may sell it, and place the proceeds in the box with the three keys. The rest of the horses were sent to their respective owners.

39. These ten ships brought some merchandise to sell, although but little, which they sold at very high rates. They are a mean, impudent people, as well as very importunate. They remained in this port more than six months, and demanded a present to carry back with them--saying that the good will of their commanders would thus be gained; and that, if this present were made to them, it would stand the Spaniards in good stead in their land. Inasmuch as it was reported that Limahon had fled, and as these people are as cowardly as Indians, they begged me to write to China that Limahon was dead. For this purpose, they tried to procure many human heads, which many natives of this land are wont to keep as treasures, in order to declare that they had that of Limahon. They made a false seal, claiming that it had belonged to Limahon, from whom they had taken it. They endeavored to have me write to China from here after this manner, but I always told them, whenever they broached the subject, that the Castilians did not know how to lie, and that we could not discuss such trivial matters. I consulted the captains and religious concerning the present, and we agreed that it was not convenient to send one, but that we would furnish them with provisions. Therefore we supplied them generously, and they left this port on the fourth of May of the year seventy-six. They took with them two fathers, Fray Martin de Errada and Fray Augustin de Alburquerque, and my letters, a copy of which I am sending, as well as an order for the fathers to remain there to preach. The Chinese did not take any Spaniards with them; however, they begged for some of our people, later, thinking that the latter would take something to give them or which they could seize. During their stay here I treated them very well, but there is no way of softening their hearts, except by means of gifts--although, to my way of thinking, weapons would avail more.

40. The kingdom of China is very large. It is a two days' journey from the head of this island thither for Spanish ships. Sailing from this port one day until one loses sight of land, on the next day China is seen. They themselves call their country "the kingdom of Taibiu;" those of the Yndias, and other peoples, call it China. This means "a very remote land," just as in Castilla they called Nueva España and Peru "Las Antillas." Thoughout these islands they call the Chinese "Sangleyes," meaning "a people who come and go," on account of their habit of coming annually to these islands to trade--or, as they say there, "the regular post." Here they style the Portuguese, "Parangue," taking the name from _margaritas_ [pearls]. They were given this name, because they were the first who sold pearls. The captains describe the kingdom of Taibiu in the following manner:

It has fifteen provinces, with viceroys, while the people out-number those of Germany. The king is now a child of thirteen. He has a mother and tutors, and it is about three years since his father died. The people are light complexioned, well-built, and robust. There are some who resemble mulattoes, who are badly treated.

41. The men and women both wear long garments, like the one that I am sending so that your Majesty may see it. All wear wide trousers [Sp. _çaragueles_], black or white felt hose, and shoes. The country is cold like España, but there are some warm regions. It has a great many people.

42. They are heathens, and do absurd things. They do not use the rosary, and have no religious observances or ornate temples. If some temples do exist, only mechanical rites are performed in them. They are a vile people, and are sodomites, as is affirmed by Spaniards who have seen young boys present themselves before the justice to ask the amount of the fine for the crime of violation, and frankly pay it. They are all tyrants, especially those in authority, who oppress the poor heavily.

43. They are a cowardly people--so much so, that none ride on horseback, although there are many horses there, because they do not dare to mount them. They do not carry weapons, nor do they use spurs on the horses. They use the whip and bridle, which do not have much effect on the horse.

44. There are a great many robbers or highway-men, robbing along the highways or off them. They are very lazy; they do not cultivate the ground unless some one forces them to it, and they do not collect the harvest. They sell their children, in case of poverty, for a small sum of money with which to buy food.

45. All the land belongs to the king, and no one in all the kingdom owns a handful of earth; accordingly each man must pay, in proportion to the amount of land that he uses, tribute to the king.

46. They know nothing, unless it be to read and write; and those who can do this well are made great captains by the king.

47. They talk slowly, very explosively, and arrogantly. Our manner of writing astonishes these people, as well as our way of living, which they think better than their own.

48. When they effect a cure by blood-letting, they scrape the skin until the blood comes, and with lighted wicks cauterize the wounds; they also give the patient certain potions about which they have learned by experience.

49. They always drink hot water. They heat this on the fire, and water their wine, which they drink hot. They pretend to a knowledge of chiromancy, but know nothing about it.

50. They are very superstitious in casting lots. When they crossed the bar of this port, this superstition affected the flagship in which the fathers had embarked, and the captain had to have the lot taken by divination, and had the friars, whom he was carrying, changed to another ship. However, the truth is that the change was made so that they would have more freedom to pursue their customary vices.

51. They are very submissive to authority, and patiently suffer the punishments inflicted. For a very slight offense an ear will be cut off, or a hundred lashes of the whip given. The land is fertile. The horses are small and the cows are like those of Berberia. It is reported that farther inland are horses capable of bearing armed men.

52. No sheep are found along the coast, but there are said to be some inland. On my asking them what Castilian products were lacking in their country, they replied, "None whatever, unless it be velvet;" and they say that they do not have this, because they do not know how to make it, but that if they could see that manufacture, they would learn it.

53. They say that inland there are vines from which they make wine, and olives. At the rear, this kingdom joins Tartaria; and a great many years ago, they do not know how many, the natives established the king of Tartaria in Taybiu, and he and his descendants ruled it for one hundred and seventy years, until, after four generations, they were expelled. Now one of the descendants of the native kings of Taybiu reigns, and wages constant war with the Tartars, of whom they say they are not afraid. They can reckon time only by the years of their king, and therefore lose count easily; for, as soon as one king dies, no further mention is made of him, and they reckon time by the first or second year of the reign of the new king, and no other memory of the preceding king endures. In another manner they reckon the months by moons, and have eleven months to the year. It is quite usual for that land to change masters; but it has always had a king, either of their own nation or a foreigner. They count as their New Year's the first of February.

54. The king and the chief priest dress in yellow, as a mark of distinction, no one else being allowed to use this color.

55. The smallest province has more inhabitants than Nueva España and Piru together. The cities are large, but contain mean little houses. The people are generally poor. There are no gold or silver coins, but everything is sold by weight. There are some copper and bronze coins for small change. There is gold and a great deal of silver. One peso [weight] of gold is worth four pesos of silver, according to their calculation. For so many pesos of silver so many of silk are obtained, and so with other things.

56. Everything is sold by weight, even wood and chickens, and all other things; they are sold very cheaply, for land is very cheap.

57. Wheat and rice are raised abundantly. There are mines of gold, silver, quicksilver, copper, lead, tin, and all the metals.

58. It takes a week, generally, to make the voyage from Manila to Chiunchiu [the modern Chwan-Chow-Foo], a distance of about one hundred and forty leagues. It is said that the journey has been made in fair weather in six days, and has never required more than ten.

59. These people never travel by water except during the months of the bonanças, which I have explained. Their ships cannot stand the wind astern, because both bow and stern have the same form and are flat, like a square table; they are so made in order that either end can be used. They navigate always, in either direction, by means of side-winds. These vessels rock to and fro, like cradles with oars.

60. The sails of their ships are made of bamboo, like matting. They do not use a yard on the mast, but raise the mainsail on the mast fastened to a pole as an infantry flag is placed on a pike; and the sheets hang down from the other side with which the sail is turned to this or that side, according to the direction of the wind. The sail is half the width of the ship, and the mast is large and high. The sail is raised by means of a windlass, which contrivance is used also for a capstan. The rigging is made of reeds and grass, which grow wild. The mast is stepped about two-thirds of the length of the ship nearer the prow, in order that the ship may pitch forward. The foremast is not stationary, being moved to port or starboard, according to the weather or other requirements. The sheets are worked in the same way. The compass is divided for fewer directions than ours. They also use stern-masts as mizzen-masts, which, like that at the bow, are changed from one side to the other, so that they do not need quadrants. They go from one side to the other with the wind which helps them. They use two oars at the bow to turn the ship, and two others at the stern that assist the sailing. The compass consists of a small earthenware jar, on which the directions are marked. This jar is filled with water and the magnetized needle placed in it. Sometimes before they happen to strike it right, they could go to the bottom twenty times, thus, although it is marvelous, considering that they are a barbarous people, that they should understand the art of navigation, it is very surprising to see how barbarous are their methods.

61. All their arms, for both sea and land, are fire-bombs. They have quantities of gunpowder, in the shape of loaves. Their artillery, although not large, is poor. They have also, and quite commonly poor, culverins and arquebuses, so that they depend mainly on their lances. I am informed that they do not fear the arquebuses very much, because they themselves are so poor shots with them, and are amazed at seeing a hen or a pigeon killed with an arquebuse-shot. They fear lances more than other weapons.

62. The chief captains and the king never cut their finger-nails, and allow one to grow as long as the finger, and longer. These go to war seated in chairs, carried on the shoulders of other men. They frequently become intoxicated, and are very libidinous. They guard their women very carefully. The women also do not cut their finger-nails. When daughters are born to people of rank, they compress the child's feet by the toes, so that they cannot grow; and the girl cannot stand on them, but is always carried about seated. For this reason, these women never leave the house.

63. The men have as many wives as they can support. They wear their hair long, gathered up on top of the head, as women dress their hair.

64. None but a few principal people ever see the face of the king, and those only who are near him. His face is always covered when he goes out, and he is accompanied by a numerous guard.

65. The king resides in the province of Paquian, in a city called Quincay, mentioned by Marco Polo, the Venetian, [4] in his second book, and sixty-fourth chapter. According to the account given by these, people, their country must have been ruled by the Tartars before Marco Polo made that voyage, because in his history he refers to the master of this city, and of others in the kingdom, as "the great Khan." I believe that the strange people and language must have changed the names of many of the provinces in his time. Although he writes briefly, and in such a way that it seems but nonsense, still it is true that this city does exist; and, according to the statements of the Chinese, the name means in their language "City of Heaven," as says Marco Polo. This city of Quincay, as nearly as we can learn, seems to be somewhat less than five hundred leagues from Manila, which is to those living here as Cales and the mainland of España, and if more of our people could go in one virey, everything would be changed. These people do not extol Quincay less than Marco Polo does.

66. Marco Polo says that there are in that city Nestorian Christians. The people here cannot pronounce the name, but claim that there are people in it from all over the world in great numbers. The people there are very vicious, as are those in these islands, which are really an archipelago of China, and their inhabitants are one people with the Chinese--as are those of Candia and of Constantinople, who are all Greeks.

67. There are walls in the city formed of smooth, dry stone, well placed on the outside. The food consists mainly of fish, for which they go out into the sea to a distance of twenty leagues. Whoever should prove master of the sea might do with them as he wished--especially along their coast, which extends north and south for more than five hundred leagues, where one may work daily havoc. Their garrisons of soldiers along the coast are worthless, for they are treated only as the servants of the commanders, and are overburdened; the result is that the lowest and most abused people among the Chinese are the soldiers.

68. The people generally have no weapons, nor do they use any. A corsair with two hundred men could rob a large town of thirty thousand inhabitants. They are very poor marksmen, and their arquebuses are worthless.

69. The trade with China is very disadvantageous to the Spaniards, as well as to the inhabitants of these islands; for the only useful thing that they bring is iron, and nothing else. Their silks are of poor quality; and they take away our gold and silver. Just so long as their intercourse with us endures without war, just so much the more skilful will they become; and all the less fear will they have of those with whom they have traded.

70. Some Indians, Japanese, and Chinese told me here that the Portuguese have taken weapons to China, especially arquebuses such as we use; and a Chinese sold me a Portuguese broadsword. The Portuguese could teach them the use of large artillery, how to manage the horse, and other things equally injurious to us. As they are merchants, it would not be surprising that they should do so. Does not your Majesty think that it would be well to hasten this expedition, and to do so at once? For, in truth, it is the most important thing that could happen for the service of God and of your Majesty. We are told that there are millions of men, and that their tribute to their king is thirty millions or more.

71. The equipments necessary for this expedition are four or six thousand men, armed with lances and arquebuses, and the ships, artillery, and necessary munitions.

72. With two or three thousand men one can take whatever province he pleases, and through its ports and fleet render himself the most powerful on the sea. This will be very easy. In conquering one province, the conquest of all is made.

73. The people would revolt immediately, for they are very badly treated. They are infidels, and poor; and, finally, the kind treatment, the evidences of power, and the religion which we shall show to them will hold them firmly to us.

74. There is enough wood in these islands, and enough men to make a great fleet of galleys. In all the islands a great many corsairs live, from whom also we could obtain help for this expedition, as also from the Japanese, who are the mortal enemies of the Chinese. All would gladly take part in it. Some native corsairs would also join us, and introduce us into the country.

75. The war with this nation is most just, for it gives freedom to poor, wretched people who are killed, whose children are ravished by strangers, and whom judges, rulers, and king treat with unheard-of tyranny. Each speaks ill of his neighbor; and almost all of them are pirates, when any occasion arises, so that none are faithful to their king. Moreover, a war could be waged against them because they prohibit people from entering their country. Besides, I do not know, nor have I heard of, any wickedness that they do not practice; for they are idolators, sodomites, robbers, and pirates, both by land and sea. And in fact the sea, which ought to be free according to the law of nations, is not so, as far as the Chinese are concerned; for whosoever navigates within their reach is killed and robbed, if they can do it. One day I called Captain Omocon, telling him in confidence that I wished to send a ship to trade with China, and he told me in friendship and all sincerity not to send that galley until I had ten more well equipped to accompany it; for the Chinese were so evilly inclined that, they would under some pretext try to attack and capture it, in order to rob it of its goods, and make slaves of the crew. It is safe to say that, no matter what good we might do them, they will always give us daily a thousand causes for a just war. Now my opinion is, may it please your Majesty, that it would be an advantage to have a sufficient force of soldiers, so that, under any circumstance whatsoever, they may find us ready.

76. Moreover, we live so near them that in five days they can come hither in their ships, while we in two days can sail in ours from one coast to the other; and, as we have seen, they are wont to commit depredations (as was the case in this city). Therefore, this course of action will quite prevent the execution of their plans, which I know--namely, that if they are able they will kill me, and are seeking occasion for it.

77. I offer myself to serve your Majesty in this expedition, which I desire so much that I cannot overrate it. If for this reason your Majesty is inclined to put less trust in me as a loyal vassal and servant, let some one else to your liking take charge of this expedition, even if I do not go on it, provided it is undertaken at your Majesty's command. Since I shall have been your Majesty's impelling motive, I shall remain satisfied; and it will be a sufficient reward for my poor services to have recommended it so earnestly in this manner. If it had pleased God to endow me with great wealth, I would not hesitate to spend on this expedition my entire patrimony whenever your Majesty should so command. In beginning a battle, the business would be finished, for there is not a man in that whole kingdom who has an income of one hundred ducats or a palm's length of land; nor is there one who considers it a disgrace to be given two hundred lashes. They are a mercenary horde, accustomed to serve foreigners.

78. The kingdom inland, from what I have learned from men who know, is not so large, nor does it extend so far as they say--namely, that it requires a journey of seven months to reach the place where the king lives. There are about five hundred leagues of seacoast running north and south. It is wonderful to see the number of people and the eagerness that they display in their duties and occupations. Besides the ordinary tribute, they say that the king has a million paid soldiers to oppose the Tartars, at the wall [5] made by both nations. With this I send a Chinese map, from which one can learn something, although the Chinese are so barbarous, as will be seen from their papers.

79. In a letter from China, from the Ynçuanton (as they are barbarians, and the real information that they possess of us is that our numbers are but two hundred men), he states (I know not what the words are, but they mean "tribute"), that a present taken by the Chinese the past year, before my arrival, was placed in the king's treasury. As Omocon falsified the letters that he took from here, as the friars told me on their return, and as he even stole a large part of that present--he must have said, that it was through his efforts that the fleet of the corsair Limahon was burned, when he joined the Castilians; and that the latter would send the corsair to their king. Afterward they tried to induce us to write from here in accordance with their desires, as I have said before. I treated them kindly, but the council decided that the Chinese should take no present, since it might happen that they would steal it; but that two priests should go to that land, who should carry letters and instructions from me, and should send back an answer, to ensure better success.

80. It is said that every three years the king changes the viceroys in China, because of his knowledge that they have robbed the whole country; also that those in command there resist the king's authority, as soon as they end their terms of office, and persuade others to do the same. In short, as no one can or does speak to the king or his viceroys except through a third party, they never tell the truth, and thus the whole country is in a state of infidelity and barbarism.

81. Concerning the demarcations, it is perfectly clear that the Malucos and all the rest extending from Malaca toward this direction, including Burney, the whole coast of China, Lequios, the Japanese islands, and Nueva Guinea are in the demarcation of your Majesty. The Portuguese pass the limits of their demarcation by more than five hundred leagues, and are busied in fortifying themselves. However, it is not necessary to take any notice of their fortifications; for, if ordered to do so, we can go to Maluco very easily. We are only awaiting the will of your Majesty. The Chinese bring here quantities of pepper which, as well as cloves, they sell for four reals a libra--and one hundred nutmegs for the same amount. This year, they told us, there are no Portuguese in China; for they all gathered at Malaca, because of the war waged against them by the king of Achen. Others who have come here, have told us that they were not in Malaca either; but I did not believe it. I believe only that the Chinese like our trade better because of the silver from Mexico and the gold from these regions; and that business with the Portuguese is business transacted with corsairs. Among other reasons why your Majesty should, without hesitation, despatch troops as soon as possible to this land, is that the king of Achen--who is a wretched, little, naked, barefooted Moro--is treating the Portuguese very badly. This ill-treatment arises from the fact that five or six hundred Turkish arquebusiers have come to him from Mec[c]a, and with their help he is conquering all the region thereabout. This territory is about the same distance from Malaca as Berbería is from Andalucía. Malaca is on the coast of China itself, which at that point turns toward the north. In that region we find two more petty kings, one of Çian [Siam] and the other of Patan [Pahang?], both Moros. They are about three hundred leagues from us here, while about one hundred and fifty leagues from us is the king of Borney--who is also a Moro, and in constant communication with the first named kings; and the whole archipelago would very willingly render obedience and pay tribute to him, if we were not here. These Moros of Borney preach the doctrine of Mahoma, converting all the Moros of these islands. I have investigated the matter so that, whenever God pleases, if we have forts and troops in this land, we might aid the Portuguese, in order that the petty king of Achen might be subdued--who persistently continues to send out his Mahometan preachers. As I before remarked, he has Turks in his service; accordingly, by depriving them of that vantage-point, the passage would be closed, and neither Turks nor Moros could travel from Malaca to this place. These are the most dangerous people, and know the use of all manner of arms, and of horses. Waiting for the Portuguese to do something is a weariness to the flesh, for they are a poor people at best. Nearly all the inhabitants here were born in Yndia, and are children of Indians.

_Condition of the Country_

82. These Philipinas islands are numerous and very extensive. The climate is hot and damp. There is no protection from the sun, as the houses are built of stakes and bamboo and the roofs are made of palm leaves. Notwithstanding all this the country is healthy. At night there is an agreeable temperature, and during the day are the flood-tides of the sea. There is water in abundance. The evening dew is not harmful. If there were the same protection from the sun that exists in Sevilla, this country would be as healthy--and some places more so, if one lives temperately (especially as regards continence), and does not imbibe too freely; for the penalty for immoderate living is death. The food here is rice, which is the bread of this country. It is cultivated in the following manner. They put a basketful of it into the river to soak. After a few days they take it from the water; what is bad and has not sprouted is thrown away. The rest is put on a bamboo mat and covered with earth, and placed where it is kept moist by the water. After the sprouting grains have germinated sufficiently, they are transplanted one by one, as lettuce is cultivated in España. In this way they have abundance of rice in a short time. There is another crop of rice, which grows of itself, but it is not so abundant. Wine is made from the cocoa-palm, from rice, and from millet, and they have _ajonjolí_ [6]--but of all these only a little, because the people are Indians. There is plenty of fish, but it is not so good as that of España. The same fowl are found here as in Castilla, but they are much better than those of Castilla. There are many swine, deer, and buffalo, but he who wishes them must kill them himself, because no native will kill or hunt them. Meat spoils very quickly here on account of the heat.

83. The soil is very fertile--better than that of Nueva España; and the rains come at about the same season. There is no such thing as a bad year, unless some hurricane works damage.

84. The people here are naked, and barefoot. They wrap a cotton cloth around their loins. Those who possess such a thing wear a little cotton or China silk shirt. They are people capable of much toil. Some are Moros, and they obtain much gold, which they worship as a god. All their possessions are gold and a few slaves, the latter being worth among them five or six pesos each. They do not let their hair hang but wind a small turban about the head. They believe that paradise and successful enterprises are reserved for those who submit to the religion of the Moros of Borney, of which they make much account. They do not eat pork, and believe many foolish notions that tend toward superstition. These are a richer people, because they are merchants, and, with their slaves, cultivate the land. There are other natives who tattoo themselves, and wear long hair, as the Chinese do. They are a poorer and fiercer race. All carry weapons, such as daggers and lances, and possess some artillery. No reliance can ever be placed on either of these races. They all settle on the shores of rivers, on account of the convenience for their fields, and because they can communicate with one another, and go in their little boats to steal. They hardly ever travel by land. Inland in the islands, and away from the rivers, dwells another race who resemble the Chichimecos [7] of Nueva España, very savage and cruel, among whom are some negroes. All use bows and arrows, and consider it very meritorious to kill men, in order to keep the heads of the slain as ornaments for their houses. They are the most despised people in these islands, and are called _Tinguianes_ [8] or "mountaineers;" for _tingue_ means "mountain." They have quantities of honey and wax, and trade these commodities with the lowlanders. As these islands are so fertile, there are large groves which are called _arcabucos_ ["thickets"]. Thus there are no open roads, for which reason the Spaniards experience difficulty in moving rapidly on land, while the natives can easily flee from one end to the other.

85. Most of the Indians are heathens, but have no intelligent belief, or any ceremonies. They believe in their ancestors, and when about to embark upon some enterprise commend themselves to these, asking them for aid. They are greatly addicted to licentiousness and drunkenness, and are accustomed to plunder and cheat one another. They are all usurers, lending money for interest and go even to the point of making slaves of their debtors, which is the usual method of obtaining slaves. Another way is through their wars, whether just or unjust. Those who are driven on their coast by storms are made slaves by the inhabitants of that land. They are so mercenary that they even make slaves of their own brothers, through usury. They do not understand any kind of work, unless it be to do something actually necessary--such as to build their houses, which are made of stakes after their fashion; to fish, according to their method; to row, and perform the duties of sailors; and to cultivate the land. The mountaineers make iron lance-points, daggers, and certain small tools used in transplanting rice. They are very anxious to possess artillery, of which they cast a little, although but poorly. They are all a miserable race. Although the Pintados behave better to the Spaniards, yet, whenever they find one alone, they kill him, and the Moros do the same whenever they can.

86. When Miguel Lopez de Legazpi came to these islands, he settled in the island of Çubu, which is very barren and small. When he went thence, he went to Panae, on account of the war waged against him by the Portuguese, and the famine there, which was very severe. With but little acuteness, he established a settlement in Çubu, with about fifty inhabitants; and built a little fort of stakes, which soon tumbled down. Although the country is healthful, it is so barren that no one cares to live there; neither is it an important place. I have established this place and rebuilt the ruined fortress; and I have placed there an alcalde mayor and about fifty soldiers who have pacified those natives. The latter had risen in rebellion, at the opportunity afforded by the tyrant Limahon. That islet is next another called Mindanao, a large and rich island--where, God willing, we must make an expedition soon. This settlement is of no advantage, and causes expense and no gain, beyond saying that it is near Maluco; nor does it possess other good qualities than that it claims to have a good climate and port.

87. The Malucos are nearer to Nueva España than this city is, by two hundred leagues; so that it would be easier and shorter to reach them from Nueva España. On returning, the season could be chosen better, as there are no channels or islands to go through, as we have here. Among these islands there are certain currents which flow more rapidly than those of any river. One cannot believe this unless one actually sees it. And as the archipelago is so extensive, at the doubling of each promontory it is needful to choose a different time for sailing. For this reason we need vessels with oars. Meanwhile, unless your Majesty orders it, we shall not go to Maluco. If we had to go there, it would be better to locate in that village in Mindanao, which is well supplied with provisions and where there are people. It is more than one hundred leagues nearer than Maluco.

88. When your Majesty was pleased to give Miguel Lopez de Legaspi permission to divide the land into encomiendas, he did so in accordance with the wishes of the few men whom he had, assigning two or three thousand natives as an encomienda to four or eight men. These natives were not pacified, conquered, or even seen, so that the people asked and still ask for soldiers to visit and pacify them, in regard to which there is much trouble here. It was agreed that eight thousand tributarios should be given as an encomienda to the master-of-camp, four thousand to the captains, three thousand to men of rank, and so on to the different classes, according to their position. This caused trouble immediately because the generality of people and soldiers are not willing to acknowledge so many people superior to themselves. It is impossible to pursue the procedure adopted. Again, complaints are heard that fewer Indians are given to one than to another, and that those taken from their encomienda, as is commonly asserted, swell the encomiendas of other persons. All these were things not well understood at that time. They were not discussed in the residencia, [9] in order not to arouse dissension. I tell all this to your Majesty so that you may know the condition of affairs here. If I could, I would reform matters so that good sense should conquer.

89. He [Legazpi] was also wont to maintain a number of gentlemen, who had nothing more to do than to act as sentinels for him alone. They were considered as of higher rank, as above said, and even more; and they ate with him at his table. They were ordinarily young men recommended to him by others from Mexico. They were thus set above their fellows, which occasioned considerable trouble--even resulting once in the garrotting of one from Cadiz. These men always accompanied the governor in his walks, for he went afoot, because there were no horses; and they were supported from your Majesty's treasury. It has seemed to me a gracious act toward the people to entrust my person to them all; and that those appointed by the sergeant-major in turn, from the different companies, should perform sentinel duty at my house--in order to relieve your Majesty's royal estate of this traffic and expense; and to obviate this envy and the too great equality caused by seating common people at the table. Then, too, I ride on horseback whenever I go out; and no one would wish to attend me except my servants. Therefore this guard, as was necessary, ceases to exist. I rely on the fidelity of the sentinels, and will rely on any person who refrains from possessions and honor not his own, and sets a good example.

90. For the reason above stated--that repartimientos were made by Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, and afterward by Guido de Lavesares, of places never pacified or even seen--there are many encomenderos who have no food, and who, whenever any district is pacified of late, demand that it be given to them by virtue of that encomienda, to the prejudice of those who go to pacify and cultivate it. Consequently, notwithstanding that I have not yet seen the river of Vindanao, as above stated, I must send men there. They have divided it into encomiendas, and assessed the tax according to the men; just as in districts which are not so large as that one, they come to beg for men, in order to go to collect their tributes and commit various excesses. In accordance with your Majesty's order and commission, I shall grant no encomienda that is not pacified and faithful. I think that this will settle the matter, and that the people will come to understand it. I enclose with this a list of the encomiendas of the country; but all that is a matter of little importance except for the passage from the mainland of China.