Chapter X: Part 10

[18] Referring to Sebastian Vizcaino (VOL. XIV, p. 183). The Englishman here referred to is doubtless Will Adams (VOL. XXII, p. 169, note 39), then high in favor with Iyeyasu. Regarding the expulsion of religious at that time, see VOL. XVIII, p. 81.

[19] A marginal note reads as follows: "Ricca douro is an island which was discovered by a vessel from Macao. They landed there in order to repair their galley fireplace, and a week later they perceived that that earth had been converted into plates of gold. I suffered a violent tempest in the latitude of that island, as the maps show it; and there are few vessels that sail in that latitude, without having trouble."

See also notes in VOL. XIV of this series, p. 183; and VOL. XVI, p. 204.

[20] In the margin is the following note: "Tono in the Japanese language signifies a person who holds the rank that a duke of Cardone or a marquis of Carpio would have in Espana." This means a daimio, or feudal lord (see VOL. XVIII, p. 216).

[21] Following is a translation of the title-page of the book from which this account is taken: "Relation of the glorious victories on land and sea won by the arms of our invincible king and monarch, Felipe IIII, the Great, in the Filipinas Islands against the Mahometan Moros of the island of Mindanao and their king Cachil Corralat, under the leadership of Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of Alcantara and one of his Majesty's Council of War, and governor and captain-general of those islands: drawn from various relations sent from Manila during this year (1638). 1638. With license. Mexico; at the press of Pedro de Quinones, opposite the Professed House."

[22] Tulio (misprinted Fulio), for Tullius (Cicero). Apparently there is some error in the reference given in the text, for this citation from Cicero is not found in the place indicated by it, in the standard editions of his Epistolae.

[23] Attached to the editions of Quintilian's works are 164 Declamations, which remain out of a collection consisting originally of 388 of these compositions. It is supposed, however, that these were written by various persons, at different periods of time.

[24] "It is believed that the number of islands exceeds 1,400, although thus far no one has stated their number with exactness." (Archipielago filipino, p. 6.) The latest information (Census of the Philippine Islands, Washington, 1905, i, p. 185), gives the total number of islands, however, as not less than 3,141, although the exact number is still unknown.

[25] This is the literal translation; but it will be remembered, from previous accounts, that the figure of Christ here referred to was painted on a sheet of linen or cloth; it was this sheet which was used by the Moro as a garment.

[26] Camaras were tubes or cylinders which received the charge and were introduced into the breech of the cannon, sometimes fitted by pressure, at other times by screwing (see Diego Ufano's Treatise on military; Brussels, 1617). Some of the ancient pieces of ordnance had these spare chambers, so that, after a charge had been fired, the chamber could be changed and operations carried on more rapidly. Thus they served as do the cartridges of modern breech-loading guns. Some camaras were used independently of the cannon, for firing salutes. See Stanley's Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869) pp. 226, 227, note.

[27] Tawi Tawi is the largest island of a group having the same name, in the extreme southwest of the Philippine Archipelago, nearly 700 miles distant from Manila. It contains over 100 islands, mostly very small; but five of these contain ten or more square miles of area. The island Tawi Tawi contains 187 square miles; its surface is one of fertile plains interspersed with forests, and broken by five peaks ranging from 736 to 1,941 feet in height. The islands are thinly populated (estimated at 1,815 fighting men) by Malayan tribes supposed to have migrated thither from Borneo--the Suluanos, Camucones, and Tirones. Navigation among the islands is difficult and dangerous, except for the small, light native craft; and they have been the hiding-places of pirates from the earliest times.

[28] Referring to Captain Gines Ros y Aviles, who had been left by Corcuera as governor of Jolo. Combes gives a detailed account of all this affair (Hist. Mindanao, Retana's ed., col. 369-395). Ros applied himself, after Corcuera's departure, to the profits of trade, and was deceived by the Moros, who pretended submission but planned to surprise and kill all the Spaniards. The officer next in command, Gaspar de Morales, with the two Jesuits, finding their warnings unheeded, sent word to the governor's lieutenant at Zamboanga, Pedro de Almonte--who immediately went to Jolo, again subdued that island, and placed Morales in Ros's post as governor. Cf. La Concepcion's account, Hist. Philipinas, v, pp. 348-359, 412-427.

[29] A village in Laguna, Luzon, on the southwest shore of Laguna de Bay.

[30] The two Jesuits who remained in Jolo as missionaries, Fathers Alejandro Lopez and Francisco Martinez.

[31] "Of these [Sangleys] several champan-crews armed themselves to infest the seas; and, occupying the narrow passages of Marivelez, they captured various vessels which came from Bisayas and other provinces to trade.... Armed ships were despatched against them from Manila, and, despite their resistance, several of their champans were seized; and the pirates were punished with death, as their insolence deserved--several of them being baptized, by dint of exhortations, just before their torture." (La Concepcion, Hist. Philipinas, v, pp. 429-431). One of these "rigorous modes of punishment" is mentioned post, on p. 226--that of tearing away the flesh with pincers.

[32] Probably referring to the revolt of the Caragas, 1629-31, and their murder of several Recollect missionaries at Tandag.

[33] Combes describes very fully this and another Spanish expedition into the region of Lake Lanao in 1639; and "a third and last one," which was unsuccessful, and compelled the Spaniards to retreat, in 1640. See his Hist. Mindanao (Retana's ed.), col. 145-177.

[34] Referring to the injury sustained by this chief in the explosion of a mine at the siege of Jolo; it is described by Lopez in his chronicle for 1637-38 ante, pp. 44, 45.

[35] See Combes's description of Lake Lanao (Hist. Mindanao, Retana's ed., col. 145-147); lanao means simply "lake," and malanao, "people of the lake." Cf. A. H. S. Landor's description--in Gems of the East (New York and London, 1904), pp. 303-308--of the lake legion and its people. In 1902 the American military authorities constructed excellent highways from the seacoast to Lake Lanao, from Malabang on the south to Iligan on the north. A description of this work, with valuable observations on the character and habits of the Malanao Moros, appears in the Atlantic Monthly for December, 1903, from the pen of Major R. L. Bullard, U. S. A., who directed the building of one of these roads. The Malanaos were never conquered by the Spaniards or any other people. The present district of Lanao contains part of the Rangaya range of mountains, 5,000 to 8,500 feet in height; and its eastern part is traversed by the Pulangui River (Rio Grande). The lake is twenty-two miles long and sixteen miles wide, and its outlet is Iligan River.

[36] Apparently referring to the boat which carried passengers from Manila to the port of Cavite.

[37] Also Zarpana, the modern Rota. Uan apparently means the present Guam. The place where the ship was wrecked was, according to Diaz (Conquistas, p. 402), the island of Seypan.

[38] Diaz states (Conquistas, p. 402) that this galleon ("Nuestra Senora de la Concepcion") was "the largest one built up to that time," and that it contained the greatest wealth of the islands. The few men who escaped to land were afterward rescued by Spanish ships, and taken back to Manila--save one, a Chinese blacksmith, who spent the rest of his life there and acquired great influence over the natives.

[39] La Concepcion states (Hist. Philipinas, v, p. 351) that when Corcuera returned to Manila in triumph, the Confraternity of La Misericordia gave him 100,000 pesos from its treasury, for the expenses of the Jolo campaign.

"For Governor Corcuera to secure, even in part, the successful result that he desired in this conquest, he was obliged to resort, for the necessary succor, to the treasury of Santa Misericordia; for in this emergency he found closed on all sides the gates of resource for the accomplishment of his so laudable designs. He found this aid, as prompt as liberal, in the sum of 104,609 pesos, two tomins, and one grano, which the brethren carried to him at the royal offices, as a loan, to aid his needs and enable him to push forward this conquest, which depended on such aid." This statement is taken from the Demostracion historica (MS. in Ayer library; see following note), fol. 7 verso.

[40] These two letters are obtained from a MS. volume in the library of Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago, entitled: Demostracion historica de cuantas depredaciones llevan cometidas las Moros desde que se incorporaron estas Yslas a la Monarquia Espanola; inedidas de toda especie tomadas por el Gobierno para contenerlos; y indicasiones que se presentan para hacerles la guerra con mejor fruto que hasta aqui, a fin de que las Visayas se vean libres de las continuas opresiones qe. sufren--"Historical exposition of the many depredations which the Moros have committed, from the time when these islands were incorporated with the Spanish monarchy; the measures, of all kinds, taken by the government for curbing them; and indications that suggest how war may be waged upon them with better results than have hitherto been secured, to the end that the Visayas may be freed from the continual cruelties that they suffer." This work (evidently intended for publication) is undated; but the conjectural date "1835?" appears on the fly-leaf, which is headed "1a. Parte." As appears by the introduction to the book, it was written by one of the members of the Sociedad Economica of the Philippines--founded by Basco y Vargas in 1780, and reestablished by Folguera in 1819; and his "only motive in writing it was to meet his obligations to that society." The MS. is contained in a plainly-bound volume of 291 folios (582 pages), and displays fine, round, legible, and beautiful handwriting, from several different hands. Folios 1-11 cover the period antecedent to 1750; the rest of the book, that from 1750 to 1806--more than two-thirds of this part being dated after 1788. The writer evidently had access to valuable original documents, some of which, as these letters to La Misericordia, he cites directly; and his narrative is well and carefully written.

[41] This was Fray Francisco de Zamudio, who had come to Manila in 1636, and acted as provisor-general during the temporary exile of Archbishop Guerrero.

[42] The great visitor-general of New Spain and the bishop of Puebla. He had a "special commission to take the residencias of Cerralvo and Cadereita, and to investigate the commercial relations with Peru and the Philippine Islands." He was of noble family, although illegitimate, but was legitimized by his father. He was a man of great abilities, which won him speedy recognition and high offices until he decided to enter the priesthood (1629); and, after serving in various capacities in Spain, he went to Mexico in 1640. He was energetic and impartial in the exercise of his duties, and before long this embroiled him with the indolent and easily-influenced viceroy. Finally he was offered the archbishopric, and at the same time ordered to assume charge of the government. He refused the archbishopric, but accepted the latter, and in 1642 assumed that office--which he held for five months, during which he ruled well and impartially. After retiring to his bishopric he had various troubles with the Jesuits, the new viceroy, the archbishop, and others, until he was ordered to retire to Spain in 1648, where he died bishop of Osma in 1659, much regretted by the people of his bishopric. See Bancroft's Hist. Mexico, iii, pp. 98-136.

[43] Meaning that the failure to receive the usual supplies of money from Mexico had rendered the Manila merchants unable to buy the goods brought by the Chinese traders--the latter being thus unable to maintain their shops in Manila, and obliged to return to their own country.

[44] Apparently some words have been omitted in Ventura del Arco's transcription; probably it should read, "upon us for our past sins"--or possibly, "for the past two years."

[45] Spanish, regalos; referring to the articles (mainly those of luxury) imported from Mexico by citizens of the islands.

[46] Shells or hollow balls, sometimes of clay, sometimes of heavy canvas, which were filled with combustible substances; when kindled, they were shot or hurled against the enemy, either to cause injury by their explosion, or to set his works on fire.

[47] "A mountain called Socol, distant from Calamba a short league" (Diaz, Conquistas, p. 406).

[48] This was an estate belonging to the Jesuits (Diaz, Conquistas, p. 408).

[49] Pastells' transcript of this document (Colin's Labor evangelica, iii, p. 129) contains a few lines of additional matter, as follows:

"Of the whole affair a full relation will, I think, be printed; so I leave it here, entreating our Lord to look with pity on these islands, which are so full of misery and poverty."

[50] In passing through Mexico Senor Corcuera found so much cloth from this [Chinese] commerce stored in the warehouses that, in consideration for the interests of the merchants, he thought it best not to send a ship [to Acapulco] that year; as a result, in this year of 1638 the Chinese found less silver [in the Philippines] than their business required. It also contributed [to their discontent] that, since the royal treasury was unable to meet the great expenses of so many armed fleets and wars, the contributions [levied] on the Chinese were greater and more exacting--not only in actual money, but in other necessary supplies." (La Concepcion, Hist. Philipinas, v, p. 429).

[51] Diaz states (Conquistas, p. 403) that besides the Chinese of the Parian, who were chiefly traders, there were at the time of this revolt more than 20,000 others scattered through the islands, who were occupied in tilling the soil, and that of these more than 6,000 were at work on the rich lands of Calamba. La Concepcion says (ut supra) that there were 33,000 Chinese living in the islands--too large a number for safety, after the warning furnished by the insurrection of 1604.

[52] This was Luis Arias de Mora, an advocate belonging to the Manila Audiencia; according to Diaz (p. 404) he was even more avaricious and extortionate than his predecessors in the alcaldia of La Lacuna, and so oppressed those Chinese that in desperation they decided, to kill him--which they did with much and barbarous cruelty.

[53] Diaz says (p. 404) that the Jesuit Villamayor, who accompanied the Spaniards, tried to persuade Aduna not to pursue the Chinese; but the captain refused to listen to him, and went on to his death.

[54] The names in brackets are obtained from Diaz (p. 406); and some names occurring later in this document are similarly filled out, from the same source.

[55] Diaz states (p. 406) that the Augustinian friars of Comintan (the ancient name of Batangas province) after this battle assembled a large troop of Indians, and with them scoured the surrounding country, killing the scattered Sangley fugitives.

[56] A visita of the Augustinian mission station at Pasig.

[57] According to Diaz's account (p. 408), the Sangleys of Santa Cruz attempted to seize Corcuera's person; but he escaped their hands, ordered the village to be set afire, and then attacked the Chinese, who numbered some 6,000 men. To check their advance, a detachment of Spaniards was sent to a certain spot with a troop of Moros, "aimed with campilans, who had come with the ambassador from Sanguyl." Olaso was soon recalled to Manila, leaving Santa Cruz defenseless--an imprudent step, which resulted in loss, "since that post was most necessary and convenient for guarding the river and the Parian."

[58] Diaz (p. 409) makes this twenty-three, besides a Japanese priest who accompanied and encouraged his countrymen.

[59] Diaz (p. 408) says that the friars at Tondo gathered the natives within the convent, "which, as it was very strong and spacious, was capable of being a sufficient fortification for 6,000 Indians."

[60] "In Binondoc father Fray Francisco de Herrera was fortified, with the Sangley mestizos, and kept within the walls more than 160 Christian Sangleys; the governor commanded that these should be taken from that place, because they were continually making signs and writing notes [to their countrymen?], and they were conveyed to Manila, to the public prison, in order to make sure of them." (Diaz, p. 413.)

[61] Diaz states (p. 412) that the governor issued this command, which was executed by one of the auditors of the Audiencia and the two alcaldes of the city; "they killed a great many Chinese, although there were many whom the religious and the citizens concealed."

[62] "By the fire were destroyed more than 3,000 pesos of rents from the municipal property of the city, and more than 80,000 pesos of those belonging to private persons, for the houses in which the Sangleys lived; the riches lost in the property of the Sangleys were immense, because the looting of these could not be enjoyed on account of the fire, and because the [military] authorities would not allow the Spaniards to be diverted from their attention to the defense of the city." (Diaz, p. 412).

[63] Diaz says that the church was burned; but this probably refers to its woodwork only.

[64] "On December 5 orders were despatched to the provinces to put to death all the Sangleys in them--although the opinions of the jurists [regarding this step] differed." (Diaz, p. 412).

[65] "They burned the magazines, where there were large quantities of the supplies necessary for the equipment of the galleons" (Diaz, p. 413).

[66] See p. 156 and note 31, ante.

[67] Diaz's figures are somewhat different, and more extensive (p. 413). "In Cavite as many as 1,100 were slain, and more than 600 were seized. In Pampanga, where Santiago Gastelu was alcalde-mayor, few escaped; for the said alcalde exercised such care and so vigilant guard that as soon as the order arrived he caused it to be executed in all places at the same time, so unexpectedly that he gave them no opportunity to take the defensive; accordingly he beheaded them all, 1,800 in number, including infidels and those baptised. In the province of Bulacan, where there were more Sangleys, the slain did not exceed 500; for as they were farm laborers, and were scattered, they went away, deserting their houses, and joined the rebels, without Captain Juan Diaz, the alcalde-mayor of that province, being able to hinder them.... In the province of Tondo, as many as 300 were beheaded, because, as the insurrection was going on therein, only those were put to death who could not easily join the rebels. In the province of Bay were beheaded 200, of those who had been sheltered in the convents, and of those who were seized as accomplices of the uprising in Calamba. In the province of Taal they slew others.... In Pangasinan they beheaded 500 Sangleys, through the energy of the alcalde-mayor, Captain Don Fernando Suarez Deza; and in that of Ilocos, which was governed by Sargento-mayor Pedro de Tursis, as many as 100 were slain. The same was done in the other provinces, by which the forces of the enemy were diminished, and the revolution checked."

[68] "The leaders in these sacrilegious acts were the Christian Sangleys, who showed that they were renegades from the faith which they had pretended to profess." (Diaz, p. 412).

[69] The bracketed words are conjectural, to replace some that are illegible or worn in the original MS.

[70] "On December 7 Captain Santiago Gastelu arrived from Pampanga with a large reenforcement of men, and in his company was father Fray Juan de Sosa, a religious of our father St. Augustine, and minister of the village of Porac, who came with 800 Zambal archers whose leader he was in all the fights that occurred, ... urging on the Pampangos, who were a terror to the enemy; a thousand of them were arquebusiers, and the [above] 800 were archers." (Diaz, p. 415.)

[71] Some of these are described by Diaz, whose account throughout is more full and detailed.

[72] "On the way, our people heard how the Aetas from the hills had gone out to lie in ambush against the Sangleys, and had done them much damage; for in one place seven Aetas, naked and armed with some bamboo darts, had rushed in among more than 6,000 Sangleys--of whom they slew seventy, the Aeta band losing only one of their seven men." (Diaz, p. 418).

[73] Diaz (p. 418) gives the main credit for this achievement to the Augustinian friar Juan de Sosa, who offered to dislodge the Chinese from their camp with his Indian archers--the Spanish troops seconding the attack of the Indians.

[74] "Cogon (Saccharum koenigii): a rapidly growing plant reaching three meters (about 10 ft.) in height, and forming a tangled mass only penetrable by fire or knife. The areas are burned over during the dry season, the young shoots being cut for cattle fodder when 18 inches high. Where nipa does not grow cogon is used for thatching." (U. S. Gazetteer of Philippines, p. 71.) E. D. Merrill's Dictionary of Plant Names (Manila, 1903), p. 52, gives the botanical name as Imperata arundinacea.

[75] This was Onofre Esbry (Esvri--incorrectly made Esbin by Diaz's editor); he was a native of Tortosa, and entered the Jesuit order at the age of fifteen. At the time of this insurrection, Esbry was but twenty eight years old. In 1647, while sailing to Macao, he was slain by Chinese pirates, near Sanchon Island. See Murillo Velarde's Hist. Philipinas, fol. 108 verso, and 154 verso.

[76] The statement in this sentence is not very clearly expressed; but the apparent meaning is that the Chinese commander was not officially entitled to the designation of "mandarin," which had been conferred upon him by the insurgents without due right to make such appointment. S. Wells Williams says (Middle Kingdom, i, p. 326): "The word mandarin, derived from the Portuguese mandar, to command, and indiscriminately applied by foreigners to every grade from a premier to a tide-waiter; it is not needed in English as a general term for officers, and ought to be disused, moreover, from its tendency to convey the impression that they are in some way unlike their compeers elsewhere." See his account of the Chinese government, general, provincial, and local, and the classes of the Chinese people (pp. 322-352); also Winterbotham's description of the "mandarins of arms," or military officers, in his Chinese Empire, ii, pp. 8-10. Cf. note on civil mandarins, in VOL. XIX of this series, p. 44.

[77] "For more than six months, it was impossible to drink the water in the rivers, they were so corrupted by the dead bodies; nor did the people eat fish in a circuit of many leguas, since all these were fattened on human flesh." (Diaz, p. 427).

[78] "Every day those people knew what their losses were, through the regular plan that they followed. This was as follows: every ten men formed a mess; of these, two went out to procure food, six to fight, and two to guard and attend to their lodging. Every ten troops of these were under a captain; and a field officer commanded ten captains, with a thousand men each. Each soldier had a chapa (a bronze coin that is current among them), and at night each one handed this to his captain; then all these were counted, and the soldiers knew, by the number of coins that were lacking, how many men they lost each day." (Diaz, p. 423.)

[79] In the MS. here and elsewhere, "S. Paloc"--evidently supposed by the transcriber to be the name of some saint.

[80] In Diaz, "Tabuco, a visita of Quingua."

[81] Diaz relates (p. 414) the plots concocted by the Sangleys for this insurrection, which was set for Christmas; they were to carry gifts of fowls on that day, as was their custom, to the Spaniards of their acquaintance; and were to perform a comedy near one of the gates, to divert the attention of the citizens from any suspicion of their designs. Then at an appointed hour they were to kill all the Spaniards, and take possession of the city. This was frustrated by the premature rising at Calamba; sixty of those concerned therein were slain by their own countrymen, because they had not waited till the appointed day.

[82] In the MS., guerra; probably a transcriber's conjecture for a word poorly written, since the context requires fuerza--referring to the fort of Santiago at the mouth of Pasig River.

[83] According to Diaz (p. 414), two negroes (slaves), who under torture confessed that they had aided the insurgents, were hanged.

[84] The name of the smallest coin current in former times, the word meaning literally "one-fourth." Apparently, the bishop imposed a slight tax on all who attended mass, for the benefit of the poor prebendaries. It will be noticed that the word coro has several different meanings. In this sentence, it means the body of clergy in the church who chant the sacred offices; above, referring to the bishop's seat, it meant the place which the clergy occupied during the church services.

[85] The title-page of the Bocabulario states that additions were made to it by Claver before sending the work to the press. This friar came to the Philippines in 1624, and was assigned to the Visayan missions, where he labored until 1639, when he was sent as procurator to Madrid and Rome; he died at Madrid, in 1646. Claver wrote several books, the most important being a history of the Augustinian province of Philipinas, which has been lost. See Perez's Catalogo, p. 105, and T. H. Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca Filipina, pp. 262, 263.

[86] For bibliographical account of Mentrida's works, see Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca Filipina (Washington, 1903), pp. 262, 263. They are as follows: Bocabulario de la lengva Bisaia Hiligvoyna y Haraia (Manila, 1637), and another edition (Manila, 1841); Arte de la lengua Bisaya Hiliguayna (Manila, 1818), possibly this was a second edition; and Ritual para administrar los Santos Sacramentos (Manila, 1630), reprinted in 1669. Pardo de Tavera says: "He died in 1637, leaving various works which have since been lost, not having been printed; Father Agustin Maria says that he had an opportunity to see these in Panay, about 1770 to 1780."

[87] Colin says (Labor evangelica, Pastells' ed., i, p. 31): "For greater convenience in governing it, this island of Panay is divided into two jurisdictions: the territory belonging to that of Panay is all of the northern coast, from the point of Potol to Bulacabi; the rest of the island belongs to the jurisdiction of Oton, the principal [Spanish] post in which, at this time, is at Iloilo--a point which projects into the sea on the southern coast, between the two rivers of Tigbauan and Jaro; and makes, with the island of Imaras, a strait half a legua wide and an open harbor." This would make the jurisdiction of Fanay correspond to the present province of Capiz; and that of Oton to the provinces of Antique and Iloilo. The boundaries between these present divisions are the rugged mountain chains which fill a great part of the interior of the island, their peaks ranging in height from 3,500 to 7,200 feet; they render traffic between the provinces almost impossible, except as it is carried on by way of the sea. The island of Guimaras is 26 1/2 miles long by 12 miles wide, and has important fishing and agricultural industries.

[88] One of the most notable names in Philippine missionary annals is that of Agustin de San Pedro (his family name Rodriguez), born in Portugal in 1599. He was a student in the university of Salamanca, but, desiring to enter the religious life, he assumed the habit of a Recollect Augustinian at Valladolid, and made his profession at the age of twenty. Three years later, he set out for the Philippine mission, and soon after reaching Manila was sent to Mindanao. There he labored with the Indians in the districts of Butuan, Habongan, Linao, Cagayan, Tandag, and Romblon; and accompanied the expedition of Atienza Ibanez (1639) to Lake Malanao. Retana and Pastells (in their edition of Combes's Hist. Mindanao, col. 725) state that this missionary converted some 10,000 natives to Catholicism. More than that, he aided in the defense of his converts, several times fighting at their head against their heathen and piratical enemies; and, having been as a student proficient in mathematics and military science, he constructed forts in the Christian villages which enabled them to repel their invaders, and taught the natives the art of fortification. Fray Agustin died in Romblon, in 1653. See accounts of his life and exploits in Prov. S. Nicolas de Tolentino, pp. 290-292; and La Concepcion's Hist. Philipinas, v, pp. 362-391 (which will appear in a later volume of this series).

[89] This expedition, departing from Tandag (on the north-eastern coast of Surigao, the easternmost province of Mindanao), sailed northwest to the point near the town of Surigao, then, passing through the strait of that name, southwest into Iligan Bay on the north shore of the island. Ascending the Iligan River (which is the outlet of Lake Lanao), they reached the lake, after a journey of sixteen and one-half miles. Now, as then, the valley of the river and the vicinity of the lake are thickly settled, and the Moro inhabitants carry on extensive industries in agriculture and commerce. On the Jesuit Atlas de Filipinas (Washington, 1900), map no. 27, appears a village named P. Capitan--evidently in memory of the soldier-missionary Fray Agustin; but no such name is given in the U. S. Gazetteer of the islands.

[90] Marginal note: "This relation has been translated from a Spanish manuscript existing in the library of Don Carlo del Pezzo."

This relation is unsigned, and undated, but Rev. Pablo Pastells, S.J., said during the course of a conversation with one of the Editors, in 1903, that the author was undoubtedly Father Diego de Bobadilla; and in his edition of Colin's Labor evangelica (Barcelona, 1904), he says (iii, p. 798, note): "This father [i.e., Father Bobadilla] was the author in 1640 of the famous relation which was translated by Melquisedec Thevenot."

[91] See our VOLS. I and II for the history of these early expeditions. It will be noticed that the author of the present relation is inaccurate in regard to the date of the voyage of Villalobos, and that he omits mention of some of the early voyages.

[92] That is "Birth follows the womb."

[93] See VOL. XXII, p. 300, note 61.

[94] For this expedition to Mindanao by Hurtado de Corcuera, see previous documents. This reference proves the present relation to have been written in 1640, as the expedition above mentioned occurred in 1637.

[95] Visayan name (also colocolo, elsewhere) of the fishing gannet (Sula piscatrix). Delgado says (Historia, p. 820) that he had a tame one in his house, which would bring home fish that it had caught, and carry them to the kitchen.

[96] French, Estang du Roy ("the King's Pool"); evidently referring to the hot springs near Laguna de Bay (see VOL. XIV, p. 211), and the word Roy is probably a misprint for Bay.

[97] It is Chirino who is here (although inexactly) cited; see VOL. XII, p. 236.

[98] See Chirino's account, in VOL. XII, p. 241; he says that the art of writing was imparted to the Visayans by the Tagals.

[99] Marginal note: "Prudish" (melindrosa).

[100] That is, "star-thistles"--the common name of a genus (Tribulus) of plants, which bears prickly fruits, very injurious to the feet of animals or men. The military instrument called "caltrop" resembles that fruit, from which it may have been evolved; and the appellation tribolo is one of the etymological elements in "caltrop."

[101] See the Cleveland reissue of the Jesuit Relations, lxv, p. 131, for a description of head-compression by the North American Indians.

[102] Mt. Bulusan, near the center of the province of Sorsogon, Luzon; at present "almost extinct, but at times emits an abundance of watery vapor and sulphurous fumes" (Report of U. S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, p. 149).

[103] Also called balimbin; the fruit of Averrhoa carambola; used for food and sweetmeats, and also has medicinal qualities. See Blanco's description, Flora, p. 274; and Delgado's Historia, pp. 505, 506. For note on santor, see VOL. XVI, p. 87; on banana (Musa), VOL. V, p. 169.

[104] The corot (Dioscorea triphylla) is very common, with leaves one palmo long, and very small flowers. Its sap is yellow and very poisonous, and has cleansing power which is utilized to whiten abaca. The root is very large and is eaten cooked by the Indians, after having soaked it in the water for three or four days.

The ubi is the Dioscorea alata, and the plant grows rather high and is widely disseminated. The root is violet in color, and often attains a great size; it is eaten cooked. The best variety is that known as the Cebu ubi or ube, which comes from Bohol, and which makes a delicious jelly. The ubi and analogous roots must be carefully prepared, or else they prove poisonous. See Blanco's Flora, and U. S. Gazetteer of the Philippine Islands. Delgado (p. 763) enumerates eight varieties of this root.

The apari is perhaps the apalia or paria (Montordica balsamina), a climbing plant, which bears a fruit which is rather bitter to the taste, and eaten in salads. The juice of its leaves is used instead of soap. The ripe fruit soaked in olive, cocoa, or beneseed oil makes an excellent balsam that is used for medicinal purposes.

[105] French, patanes, apparently a misprint for patatas. The camote or sweet potato (Convolvulus batatas, Linn.; now named Batatas edulis) is extensively cultivated in the islands. Blanco (Flora, p. 69) cites Mozo as saying that this plant was carried to the islands from Nueva Espana; but Blanco regards it as indigenous in the Philippines. Delgado (pp. 766-768) enumerates twenty-nine varieties of camote.

[106] The Batelan is perhaps the balete; see VOL. XII, p. 214, note 56. For note on dabdab, see ibid., p. 215, note 57.

[107] Apparently a reference to the variety of orange known at the present day as navel oranges.

[108] For a treatise on the snakes and poisonous animals of the Philippines, see Delgado's Historia, pp. 889-907. He describes the omodro as the odto (Hemibungarus collaris)--from the word meaning "half-day" or "noon," and given to it because the bite proves fatal if given at noon, but at no other time. It is of various colors and very furious at the hour of noon. The saua (Python reticulatus) is the largest snake of the islands and is often domesticated, and is not poisonous to man.

[109] The dugong (a word corrupted from the Malay name duyong); not a fish, but a marine mammal (Helicore australis). Crawfurd says (Dict. Indian Islands, p. 125) that it is found in the shallow seas of the Malayan archipelago, but is not often captured; and that its flesh is greatly superior to that of the green turtle. This creature is one of those from which originated the fable of the mermaids.

[110] Thevenot has translated the Spanish term for Franciscans (padres de San Francisco or padres franciscanos) into the popular French term cordeliers, so called because of their girdle. Similarly he has translated the term for Dominicans (padres de San Domingo or padres dominicanos) as Jacobins, also the popular French appellation, so called from the name of the church of St. Jacques, which was given them in Paris. See Addis and Arnold's Cath. Dict., article "Franciscans," p. 356; and Chevin's Dict. Latin-Francais, p. 353.

Either Thevenot the translator, or the author, omits mention of the convent of the Society of Jesus, only the four above mentioned being given.

[111] The persimmon; see VOL. XVI, p. 180.

[112] A misprint for sibucao (VOL. III, p. 196; XV, p. 256).

[113] There is evidently a play of words in this passage. The French reads Mais il se trouua bie loing de ses esperances, & auec vn pied de nez. Pied de nez (literally "a foot of nose") is an exact equivalent of the Spanish phrase palmo de narices, and the French expression demeurer avec un pied de nez is equivalent to the Spanish idiom quedar con un palmo de narices, which signifies "the frustration of one's hopes," or "to be left out in the cold."

[114] Apparently a corruption of Zarpana, the name given by its inhabitants to the island of Rota, one of the Mariannes or Ladrones Islands.