Chapter V: Part 5

"We arrived at the fort. I informed Adjutant Eras of the condition of affairs. According to his orders, Manaquior was summoned; and he made a treaty of peace with Captain Marquez. For a beginning, he offered an iron piece that uses a ball weighing three libras, which he handed over to the said adjutant Eras. We continued to ascend the river to quiet the villages that the hostile Moncay had taken from Manaquior, and which he had fortified. But when they learned that the Spaniards were coming, they discarded their foolish ideas, and, as sensible men, abandoned the village, which was excellently fortified. They set fire to a part of it, but were unable to burn it all because of their haste in escaping. They went to join those who were fortified in a village higher up the same river, which was the village which prevented those who could have done so from carrying refreshment to the fort of the Spaniards. The Spaniards went up the river, and before they arrived the natives deserted that village also, and that so hastily that they were unable to burn more than one house. We went up as far as the village of Manaquior, where we were well received. We took five days to reach that place from the fort. Manaquior said that the inhabitants of the two villages had united with a third, in order to fight, and that they were on an arm of the river. The adjutant with his fleet, and with Manaquior, who had always accompanied him, descended the river; and, arriving at the entrance of the said arm, as one of the caracoas was large, the adjutant left it there (it was the one in which I was embarked), and ascended with the rest. Before his arrival, the enemy also fled and said that all those who had abandoned the other villages were going to fortify themselves in another position farther up the river. Thereupon, those who accompanied Adjutant Eras tried to persuade him not go any farther, since those Moros did not await them, and the river was becoming narrower. The adjutant refused to do anything else but pursue them, and did so for two days by that arm of the sea. He reached the last site, where the enemy were fortifying themselves with an excellent stockade. There must have been a great force of men, since they had done so much in so few hours. They did not hold their ground there, either, but according to the track that they left went to the mountains in two divisions. Thereupon we returned to Samboangan, after having reenforced the fort with food and ammunition.

"Two bronze versos were found at that last site, which had been hidden in the river. The adjutant seized them, and is sending them, I believe, to Don Sebastian. I have been in various fleets, and have seen in none of them what I have seen in this one--namely, that although those people had never encountered Spaniards before, there was not a single soldier who ill-treated any Indian, while the latter came very willingly. Perhaps the cause for it was the speech that Adjutant Eras made to the Spaniards--who, as they know that he treats them with great courtesy, and that for that reason he will stand no nonsense, did not wish to give him cause for anger. As we were returning, I saw Corralat, and tried to ascertain from him his intentions. He does not wish to fight with the Spaniards; but, on the other hand, he makes impertinent demands--namely, that the country from Sibuguei to near Catel (a region about two hundred leguas in circuit), and the lake of Malanao, be left to him. As my intention was not to make any agreement with him, except that he should not unite with Moncay, I told him that I was writing to Don Sebastian, as I did, whose letter I am despatching now.

"All the Mindanaos fear the Castilians, especially Don Sebastian. Corralat's whole anxiety was lest he might come here, and he asked why he should come, when it would be sufficient to send a captain; and he said other things in this manner. May our Lord arrange matters as is most fitting to His holy service; and may He preserve your Reverence, to whose holy prayers and sacrifices I earnestly commend myself. Sanboangan, September 30, 1638."

Section of a letter written in Manila

"Father Belin took with him about eighty Christian captives of those who have come to our soldiers--both in that entrance which was made in the villages, and of those who have been escaping from the Moros since the time of the arrival of Don Sebastian, who exceed one hundred and fifty Christians. Among them, at times, were some Moros who requested holy baptism. The eighty who arrived here were disembarked at the gate of Saint Dominic, where the sargento-mayor was awaiting them with the captains and adjutants and the company of the governor, who marched them down in their midst. When the procession or march was ended, the alcaldes and Father Belin went through the street which leads to [the house of] the master-of-camp and [the convent of] St. Augustine, to the palace. Having gone round by the parade-ground, they went up to the governor, where Father Belin thanked his Lordship for the liberty that had been obtained through his mediation. His Lordship ordered them to be lodged in the city; and directed the father to bring the chiefs to the palace next day, as he intended to clothe them as he had those whom he sent to Basilan. Among them is a Moro who is a Christian, who is accompanied by more than twenty persons of his relatives and household. All of them have resolved to be baptized, and to live among Christians in Cabuyao. [29] That was the chief who brought Father Angel to the fort, and withdrew him from captivity when he came to our people. The fact was that that chief captured a girl about twelve years old in that village of Cabuya, whom he has married during this time, with the intention of making her his chief wife until his death. She, having seen the love that he showed her, told him that if he wished her to live in his company willingly, not only was she to be a Christian, but he was to become one also, in order to be her true husband and live among Christians. In short, she won him so that he determined to come with her to her village. He persuaded his men to do the same, and in accordance with that they have come. In the champan, he told his Tagal wife that she should not tell the Castilians that he had captured her, lest they kill him or do him some harm; but that she could say that she was bringing him and all his people to captivity, as was a fact. Don Sebastian, influenced by reasons of expediency, orders that that family return to live in Mindanao."

October 31, the patache from the island of Hermosa entered this port. It brings as news that five or six Franciscan and Dominican friars are there, who have been exiled from China; and that they hope to be able to reenter that country. The report that the Dutch had occupied the post of Tanchui, which we had left, is said to be false. On the contrary, the inhabitants of Tanchui came to beg friendship and Spaniards, to which the only answer given was that they should come with safety to the fort with their drugs, which would furnish them a safe passage.

A champan also arrived from Terrenate at the end of October. It brought news that the sargento-mayor, Francisco Hernandez, made an important raid into the country of the enemies, with good result. He found in Macasar the Spaniards who deserted from this place last year with Captain Ramos, whom they had already killed through anger. Francisco Hernandez begged the king for permission and aid to arrest them; and, being given it, arrested them and placed them in the galleys.

A small vessel, called a cho, came from Macan November 2. It brings more authentic news of the conversion of the king of China, than what I wrote by the ships. The fathers say of him that he is earnestly considering becoming and living as a Christian. Word is also received that the fathers of the province of Macan, which is the same province as that of Japon, formed a congregation; and that, because they have strong hopes of the opening of the door for the conversion of that kingdom, in which the faith has been so severely persecuted, they have elected two procurators to go to Europa by two different ways--Father Antonio Cardin, in the first place, who goes by way of Goa; and Father Reymundo de Gouca, who is about to come to Manila in order to go by way of Mexico.

At midnight on November 10, so fierce a gale of wind came from the south that it broke five of the moorings of the flagship "San Luis," which was about to set sail to Terrenate, having been already laden and with its artillery aboard. The wind carried away its shrouds, and grounded it in the sand near Palanaque, but in such a manner that it could be floated off after five days. The wind also drove the second galley ashore, but without doing it any damage.

At dawn on the morning of the eleventh, the ship from India, which was the last to go to Macan, anchored in the bay. It lost most of its masts by the fierceness of the storm, and the others were disabled. That storm struck them after they had already anchored. Had it struck them outside, all think that no one would have escaped, to judge from the way in which the ship is disabled.

News arrived on the night of November 20 that the second patache, which was going to Octong to get a cargo of rice for Terrenate, was driven ashore some leguas from here by the gale of wind above mentioned, but that all the crew were saved.

Early on the night of November 21, the two galleons, "San Luis" as flagship and "San Juan" as almiranta, left for Terrenate. The commander-in-chief is Don Pedro de Almonte, and the admiral Don Alonso de Alcocer, although with the title of governor of the almiranta galleon. The commander of the flagship as far as Sanboangan is Don Pedro Fernandez del Rio, who is captain and sargento-mayor for the voyage.

A despatch [-boat] arrived from Sanboangan on the last of November, which carried some Joloan captives. It happened in this wise. The king of Jolo, desiring to recover his hill, and to fortify himself anew with the arms that the Spaniards had there, set a snare for them with this bit of treachery. He caused an Indian (who was a clever leader of the fishermen), called Cahapitan, and his men to become very friendly with the Spaniards and to sell them fish--a thing that our men, not knowing his intentions, valued very highly, because of the privation that they were suffering. After some days he came with a message from the king, to the effect that he wished to submit and to pay tribute, and that he was sending Indians to be registered. In the meantime the fathers [30] were warned by a certain Capot, a Christian, who had escaped, that the king was beyond all question plotting treason, and they advised the commander of those forts of it. He replied that the fathers were entertaining fears, and that no attention was to be paid to it. He allowed Cahapitan, as well as those who were to be registered, to enter the fort with as much security as if they were in Old Castilla. Eight hundred Indians having registered, a day was assigned for many more to come. The Moros chose that day for the execution of their treachery. Cahapitan arrived, with the word that he was bringing three hundred more, who should be allowed to enter with him in order to be registered. By that time there were already about two thousand Moros in ambush, while others were in ships on the sea, in order that they might, on seeing the signal, do their part--namely, kill the Spaniards, and seize the fort. And that would have happened just as they wished, if God in His ineffable providence had not obstructed it; for, at the time agreed upon, the commandant caught a high fever, and accordingly answer was sent them to return on another day, as he would not register them [that day]. The Moros urged strongly that they be registered, and their urging caused suspicion. Accordingly, a resolute answer was sent that he would not register them until next day. Seeing themselves frustrated in their principal intent, they went to the stone-quarry, where the force of twenty-three galley negroes and some Sangleys were getting stone, being guarded by only five Spaniards. Alleging peace, they landed; and, attacking them, killed two Spaniards, three negroes, and one Sangley, and wounded two Spaniards, who, with the other one that was unhurt, escaped; and they captured the others--to the number of thirty-eight persons, counting dead and captured. The commandant, having learned of the treachery through those who escaped, sent a despatch to Sanboangan asking for help. It was God's pleasure (and that was another of His wonderful providences), that the commander Don Pedro de Almonte should have determined of his own accord to visit Jolo with a small fleet, which he had difficulty in collecting. He was met at sea by the despatch-boat. He made haste and arrived at so opportune a time that he met Cahapitan and all his men. Cahapitan, hiding his treason, went to meet him with a white flag. The commander Don Pedro received him cordially, but told him that he should follow him to the fort, in order to be well assured that he was free from guilt. He followed the commander very securely with thirty-six persons; for he had so deceived the commandant at Jolo that he was persuaded that Cahapitan was guiltless, and thus he assured the commander Don Pedro. That deceit was brought about by his having entrusted to Cahapitan a quantity of goods in order to trade them for drugs of the country. Yet the commander, Don Pedro, although he freed Cahapitan and two old men at the persuasion of the commandant, in order that they might carry a letter to the king of Jolo (for the commandant petitioned the commander, saying that he would advise that, and the traitor [i.e., Cahapitan] desirous of performing another act of treachery, facilitated it), detained all the other men. Cahapitan went straight to a place where he had three negroes and two Sangleys, who had fallen to his share as the principal author of the deed. He ordered them to be killed, and his men killed four more of them; but one, a Sangley, attacked him, and killed him with his own dagger. The Sangley came all bloody to the fort, and disclosed the whole evil plot. Thereupon the commandant awoke as from a profound slumber, in which his self-interest had buried him. Afterward he confessed that he had done wrong in not believing the fathers; thereupon the commander, Don Pedro de Almonte, sent his boats under Captain Gaspar de Morales, to overrun the island. In that raid much harm was done to the enemy, to the profit of their allies, who secured rich pillage. Almost all the people escaped; but those people who were captured, together with those of Cahapitan, were made slaves. They numbered in all fifty, besides three who were killed. That punishment made them tremble, and many have concluded to settle quietly and to give hostages. All the above I have taken, in summary, from a very long letter of Father Alexandro Lopez, who took part in the whole affair; and was in the fleet that went round the island.

At Christmas came news that the Chinese pirates were pillaging these neighboring coasts. A fleet was sent to attack them, under command of Captain Maroto, which returned on the second of January, 1639. The report he gives is, that some Chinese of the Parian of Manila fled in a champan. They attacked another champan on the sea beyond Mariveles, pillaged it, and sent it to the bottom. They attacked another anchored in a port, and pillaged and burned it. After that they put out to sea, in order to cross over to China. Our men brought in the Chinese who had escaped from both champans.

Later, at the beginning of January, news came that the same men were pillaging, although in more remote districts where they had captured some boats and killed many Spaniards and Indians, who were sailing quite unsuspicious of danger. Consequently, a few champans under command of Don Pedro Bermudez were again sent against them.

January 15, General Don Geronimo de Sumonte took possession of [the post of] castellan and other offices at this port.

On January 18, news was received that the fleet of our champans encountered the pirates in the entrance of Mindoro, eight in number. They were pursuing a boat of the Augustinian fathers. The Spaniards attacked the pirate's flagship, a champan, which, after our men had damaged it considerably, escaped, with one other vessel. The rest were either sunk entirely, or driven ashore with the loss of all their men. Of those driven ashore, some Chinese were captured alive, and they were executed by various rigorous modes of punishment. [31] Our men did not follow the two other champans, as it was already night. The latter returned toward the coasts of this island of Manila, where other of our boats were sailing, and committed some depredations.

January 27, a violent north wind sunk a boatload of Joloan captives who were fleeing from Manila, six of whom were captured.

February 24, an advice-boat arrived from Macan with news that the Portuguese had done a thriving business in the fairs of Japon, but that the Japanese were very particular that no priests should go there. Accordingly they came to request that the fathers in these islands wait patiently, and that no priests go there until God gives a better opportunity.

March 4, the father provincial arrived from the visit to Pintados. Two days previous they had been attacked by two champans of Chinese pirates--who were beaten off, however, because our vessel had sufficient defense. Later however, they saw that the pirates were pursuing another champan, and that of the father provincial hastened to aid the latter, with which aid that vessel escaped safely--which, had he not aided it, would infallibly have been captured.

March 20, came tidings that large pieces of planking, masts, and the ribs of a vessel which had suffered shipwreck had been found on the coast of Paracali, opposite Manila. From appearances, it is thought that it is the almiranta "San Ambrosio," which sailed for Mexico from these islands last August, quod Deus avertat ["which may God forbid"].

In the middle of March, the ship from India set out for Goa. It was the one which had come from Goa, and after setting out for Macan had returned disabled to put in at this port. The cho from Macan returned to its city by November. The four fathers of the Society who belong to that province are going. Don Pedro Bermudez sailed once more, with three champans, to attack the Chinese pirates who were harassing the coasts of this island, and had committed depredations. They attacked the flagship champan, which was a large vessel; they killed sixty Sangleys in it, and seized and sent to Manila the others. These men have disclosed extensive treacheries that the Chinese were plotting in order to stir up the country. The authorities have been making arrests and investigations, and they are still doing so; and in the middle of April they hanged six of the Sangleys. They declared that they were building two champans on the Pangasinan coast, of the heaviest planking, and suitable for fighting. The Spaniards went for these vessels, and brought them to Manila with the carpenters who were working on them. God had great pity for these islands.

On April 18 came the flagship and patache of the Terrenate relief ships; they say that the almiranta was driven to leeward of them near Macasar. The soldiers remained with the commander Don Pedro de Almonte, in order to make an expedition in Mindanao, together with other squadrons of ships that have sailed from Caragan and Bisayas. From Xolo they write that the inhabitants have attempted to plan other acts of treason like the past. The leaders have either been killed or are in the galleys. Father Melchor de Vera writes of the Moros near Sanboangan that some of them are being baptized, and that there are hopes of a great conversion.

On May 30 arrived the almiranta from Terrenate. They have suffered many hardships, especially of thirst, which was so great that some of them even drank salt water. They bring as news from Mindanao that our men are building a fort at La Zavanilla, in the country of Corralat; and that he, as well as Moncay, has retreated. Manaquior is daily becoming more friendly. With the ships of Terrenate came one hundred and fifty Siaos and fifty Terrenatan Christians, to take part in this war. They were already about to enter the lands of the enemy. The commander, Don Pedro de Almonte, also sent a portion of a fleet to coast about the island of Xolo; for a report was current that Dato Ache was getting ready to go out to pillage. To Mindanao had already come one hundred and twenty valiant Caragas, who had always accompanied Corralat from the time when they killed the priests in their land, [32] and to whom Don Sebastian had sent a pardon.

News of a new revolt came from Nueva Segobia. The natives killed seventeen persons, counting soldiers and their wives. They did not wish to kill the father who instructed them, as he was a mild-mannered man. Don Marcos Zapata went to attack them, and killed thirty and captured thirty others. The rest retreated to the mountains.

It is learned from a ship from Macan, that the second patache, in which were two of the recently-ordained fathers, and which sailed from here in November, has not arrived at that city. During the last few days the report has been current that both it and the vessel from India (which sailed again from here in March) have been pounded to pieces on the shoals of Paragua, and that great bits of wreckage have been washed up at Calamianes, whence they write this. These losses will be a great calamity.

News came on May 23 that, our men having arrived overland at the lake of Malanao, [33] in the island of Mindanao, two thousand five hundred armed Indians were waiting for them in battle array. They could not sustain the discharge of our firearms, and retired to the lake. Our men had carried six boats in pieces, to fit them together and navigate in them. When the Malanaos saw them on the water, they gave themselves up as lost. Some five thousand of them fled, while more than one thousand remained and offered homage and tribute to the king our sovereign. They were all registered, and began immediately to render allegiance. They admitted ministers of the gospel, and gave hostages and security in everything. Doubtless those who fled and hid will soon appear and submit.

The fathers write from Jolo that Dato Ache has been entirely unable to do anything since the occurrence at Lami, in which he was buried. [34] It is added that since these things are so, all the Joloans are perishing from famine. They will never humiliate themselves or give signs of surrendering. In some raids that have been made, the Spaniards have killed and captured some of their chiefs. Among them was a pirate who captured the beneficed priest Francisco Vazquez, and refused to give him up for less than two thousand pesos. Now he is paying it in the galleys, where he has been put at the oar.

Father Alexandro Lopez writes from Jolo that the commandant of that island [i.e., Xines Ros] begged pardon in public from God and the fathers for the insults that he had uttered, and for the injuries that he had done them; and that he was building the church for them with much fervor, before his successor should arrive.

A champan arrived here on May 30, with fifty arrobas of nails which had been taken from the wreckage of the ship which, as I said, had run aground on the coast of Paracali. Those whose opinion is most accurate in that matter have examined it, and believe that it is all from the almiranta "San Ambrosio." On that account the profound sadness that was general in April and May has ceased; for it had been reported that indubitable signs were found that the flagship had been wrecked.

On June 17 arrived a despatch from Sanboangan. The news brought by it will be told by a letter from Father Pedro Gutierrez. "On setting out for Terrenate, the commander, Don Pedro de Almonte, left an order that, when the boats of the volunteers arrived at Samboangan, they were to skirt the coast of Jolo. Six caracoas did that, as well as six other boats from Basilan, under command of Adjutant Cristoval de las Heras, and manned by some Spaniards. Inside of a fortnight, they coasted about the island of Jolo and came to another small islet near by. They burned many boats, killed some Joloans, and brought back a goodly number of captives, without having lost any of our men. They did not delay longer because a fixed time had been assigned to them. The said commander Don Pedro came back from Terrenate on the sixth of March. As the almiranta had not arrived, he despatched Sargento-mayor Don Pedro del Rio to La Zabanilla with most of the fleet, so that he might fortify himself in La Sabanilla and reduce a village of Caragas who had formerly come to Corralat, when fleeing from the Spaniards. Thereupon, as soon as the said sargento-mayor arrived at La Zabanilla, he began to build the fort, which was finished in good shape, and he reduced the Caragas; and, when the general arrived, he was already holding them in La Zabanilla. As the almiranta did not arrive, the commander Don Pedro came with the rest of the fleet. While he was in La Zabanilla, a despatch from Captain Don Francisco de Atensa was brought. It gave advices that he had arrived at the lake of Malanao, [35] having entered by the gulf of Pangi [i.e., Panguil] with the Spaniards whom he had in Caraga, as well as with Caragas and Butuanes; and having fought with those of the lake, the Moros fled, and immediately, on the next day, the chiefs began to come in to submit to the Spaniards. They all did that except one, named Mancaya. In order to accomplish that, the commander sent Sargento-mayor Don Pedro del Rio, with his company and about five hundred Indians. They all reached the lake where they found it unnecessary to stop, as Captain Don Francisco de Atensa had pacified all the inhabitants of the lake, and Mancaya; and they had given hostages and firearms, and had registered themselves to pay tribute to the number of one thousand tributes. They promised to receive fathers. Thus those villages of the lake were already reduced, and had also given up some Christian captives whom they had taken. The lake of Malanao is of a cold rather than a warm temperature, and the people have plenty of rice and native fruits. Between the lake of Malanao and La Zabanilla there are three chiefs who were related to Borongon; those chiefs proceeded to some very rough mountains near the lake. It is said that they have about three thousand warriors, who are devoted to Corralat; and as he was not a declared friend of the Spaniards, they gave us plenty to suffer on the return. For, as the road was in such shape that it was necessary to go single file, some of the Indians who accompanied the Spaniards were wounded. But although the enemy made several ambuscades, they could not inflict more damage, because of the care with which the march was made--until Holy Saturday, when it began to rain; when a great number of them attacked us from ambush and killed one Spaniard, who was without [fire: crossed out in MSS.] arms, as he was sick. They also killed four Indians, and wounded four others. It was our Lord's pleasure that, notwithstanding the rain, the arquebuses of the Spaniards, who were near, were not without effect. With that, no more damage was done us; the enemy fled, dropping about thirty shields in their flight, and they received some damage. The troops of Sargento-mayor Don Pedro del Rio arrived at La Zavanilla, where Captain Pedro Navarro had been left in command of the infantry, which was in the fort. The commander, Don Pedro de Almonte, had gone to Buayen with the rest of the fleet; and, having sent a message to Moncay, the latter answered that he would fight. In order to seize the posts of the enemy, the commander, Don Pedro, sent two boats to the mouth of a creek, by which reenforcements could be taken, so that they could not reach Moncay by that way; and also to a lake which was up the river of Buayen, which was not only an entrance to Buayen, but also where the enemy had their retreat in an excellent fortification. The best fortification was in a swamp. On that undertaking, the commander, Don Pedro, sent Captain Juan Lopez Lucero with his company, and our ally Manaquior and his men. That was all very necessary, because of the great number of men that the enemy had. They fought for three days, at the end of which, it was our Lord's pleasure to let our men dislodge the enemy with heavy loss. Of our men only one Spaniard was wounded and one or two of Manaquior's men were killed, and one or two others wounded. Our men burned all the houses and fortifications.

"At that same time the commander, Don Pedro de Rozas, marched from the Spanish fort to that of Moncay, which was very strong; for, besides being surrounded by swamps and water, and by a dike that had been made, and besides the fort (which was built long ago) of stone, there had been added ditches, terrepleins, and stockades with their bulwarks. Having reached it, our men planted two bulwarks upon fascines with which they could bombard the enemy's fort. At the end of three days, a white flag was displayed; and there was a cessation in the hostilities, for the time being. Moncay, having declared that he wished to become a friend, abandoned the fort that night, after setting fire to some of the houses. Next day our men finished burning what was left. Not a little wonder was caused, and thanks to our Lord, at seeing that so strong a fort had been gained with the loss there of one Spaniard and two wounded, one of whom died afterward; and four wounded Indians, of whom one died. Besides that, they burned many fortified houses, and destroyed palm-trees and sago plantations. Some days afterward, the commander sent Don Agustin de Cepada to reconnoiter the creeks. The latter came upon a well-fortified house, which he burned. He sent Sargento-mayor Pedro de la Mata to coast along the shores, and do all the damage possible to the enemy. He found a fortified hill also, and it was regarded as a miracle that it was taken without any loss of our men. It is thought that the chief man in the post was one who was in the bulwark; for as soon as he was laid low by a volley from the Spaniards, all the enemy fled, and the Spaniards burned all the fortifications and the neighboring houses.

"The commander, Don Pedro, also sent Captain Don Francisco del Castillo to an islet which was situated opposite the bar of Buayen. He captured some Lutaos, destroyed a great number of boats (and the same was done by Adjutant Don Albaro Galindo, who destroyed some boats); but found no people. He sent the chief Manaquior to discover whether there were any means of finding Moncay, and returned at the end of fourteen or fifteen days. As there was no way of being able to pursue Moncay, and as the season was advanced, and many were falling sick, and as he had to go to Jolo, the commander, Don Pedro Almonte, went with the rest of his fleet to La Zabanilla, after having planned that the Spaniards who remained in the fort of Buayen, and the men of Manaquior, should continue to pursue Moncay--all being under the order of Captain Juan Lopez Lucero, castellan and captain of the said post.

"The inhabitants of Basilan, who had gone to Jolo to do all the damage possible to the Joloans--in company with six Spaniards, under command of Alferez Juan de Ulloa--returned with seventy-seven captives and some of our Bisayans, who had been seized by the enemy. They destroyed about two hundred boats, counting large and small, first selecting for themselves fifteen of the best. They reported that a Lutao chief of Jolo, named Lohon, had taken to the fort of Jolo fifty other captives, with which, necessarily, the [forces of the] Joloans must be exhausted.

"The commander, Don Pedro de Almonte, coming from Buayen, reached the passage of the river of Sibuguei; and Datan, the chief of the river, registered eight hundred tributes, and handed over the arms and Bisayan slaves that he had there."

We received news here, on the twenty-fifth of June, that the sea of Camarines is continually floating ashore more fragments of the wrecked ship, which some think that they recognize as belonging to the flagship. Consequently, it has begun to be rumored again as more probable that, if only one ship has been wrecked, it is the flagship. But others are of the opinion that the wreckage shows unmistakable signs of the two ships, both flagship and almiranta. That casts a gloom over all the land. If that has happened (which may God not have permitted), it is thought that it will be impossible for these islands to recover in many years.

June 27, a destructive hurricane came down upon this port from the northwest, and veered about to almost all points of the compass. It overturned some houses, and did great damage in all the others and in the churches. It blew the tiles through the air as if they were bits of paper. The galleons along the shore were a great cause for anxiety; and the commander, Don Geronimo de Sumonte, and Captain Pedro Munoz hastened to them quickly, with the prominent men of this port, all of whom worked valiantly. That was very necessary; for the galleon "San Juan Baptista," although held by eleven cables, came dragging upon "La Concepcion," which was being made ready to sail to Mexico. They would infallibly have been dashed to pieces, had they not been attended to so carefully and diligently. Of the other smaller craft, some have been wrecked; and some men were drowned. It was God's pleasure to allow the wind's fury to last only four hours. Had it blown with the same violence during all the twenty-four hours while it lasted, no ship would have escaped, and not a house or church would have been left standing. Two hundred houses were overthrown in the village of the Indians. But what caused most fear to those natives (and the old men say that they have never seen such a thing, or heard it told by their ancestors), is that the hurricane carried into the air the small boats that they use, which are called bancas and resemble canoes. It is said that they were blown about like paper, and that when they fell again they were broken to pieces. The hurricane blew with the same violence in all the surrounding villages, and caused the same damage; it blew down one hundred and seventy houses in Palanaque.

Since July 7 there have been very severe storms of wind and rain. On the nineteenth the passage boat [36] was wrecked in the bay and it is said that eighteen persons were drowned. Many illnesses have occurred during that time, in which a great number of people of all nations have perished. Because of this, and because many have been persuaded that the two ships of the past year have been wrecked--not only because of the signs that the sea has thrown up, but because news of their arrival is so belated--there is a universal gloom and sorrow over all the country, such as it has never had before. May God in His mercy console the land.

On July 19, a letter was received from the alcalde-mayor of Nueva Segovia, which states that two English galleons had anchored in a port of that coast, and that they are coming to this port of Cavite to trade; if the weather permits them to reach this place, their intentions will be known.

In the afternoon of July 24, six of the men who had sailed in the flagship of last year, which was wrecked September 20, 1638, by the fury of a tempest in the Ladrones Islands--on an island thirty-five leguas away from the islands where our ships generally land on the voyage--arrived here. Besides those who were drowned, many were killed by lance-thrusts from the natives. Those who escaped went from island to island to those of Uan and Harpana, [37] where they have been well treated. The reason alleged for that was, that the Spaniards are good men, and leave them iron when they pass there. From the island of Uan the natives despatched six Spaniards and two Indians in two boats, furnishing them with food from what they had. They commended themselves to God, crossed the open stretch of more than three hundred leguas, which they did in but one fortnight--a wonderful thing, if one will but consider those small boats which are of much less burden and steadiness than pirogues and canoes, and even smaller than they. They arrived almost dead with hunger, thirst, and lack of sleep. Our fathers of the Society of Jesus received them in Palapag, and cared for them for several days; after that they recovered, and immediately set out in a champan with a good supply of food. The Indians of Uan sent those Spaniards, so that they could give the news and send a boat for the other twenty-two Spaniards who are there alive, with some Indians and negroes, and carry them iron, etc.

As soon as the tidings were told in this port of Cavite, the sobs and cries were so many that all were stunned, for there is no one who has not lost a son, a father, a brother, a brother-in-law, a father-in-law, a son-in-law, or a husband. The loss has been one of the greatest that has ever visited these islands, because of the loss of men and the poverty of the islands. [38]

Good news is received of the almiranta, for they say that they saw it but shortly before they were wrecked, sailing on a good tack; and that it was a swift sailer, and seaworthy. Consequently it is thought that it has arrived at Nueva Espana. May God grant that it has so happened.

LETTERS FROM CORCUERA TO THE HOLY MISERICORDIA

Gentlemen of the financial board of holy Misericordia: Although we must always have recourse to God in our troubles, the necessity for so doing that offers itself to me at present, in the expedition that I shall commence on the day of our Lady of the Conception, is very urgent; and obliges me to avail myself not only of the regular and ecclesiastical communities, where we are all friends, but also of that holy house. [39] Therefore, I beg your Graces, with all the persuasion in my power, that you cause God to be petitioned with all earnestness in your holy Confraternity of La Misericordia and in your residence, to give me favor and good success in this expedition; for, besides its being for the common service of God and of the king our sovereign, I shall, in so far as pertains to me, if it be the will of His Divine Majesty that I return with life, demonstrate my thanks and favor to that holy house, as far as may be possible to me. And in order that this petition may carry some merit, I send to that house one hundred pesos in alms, as an aid in the many alms that it distributes among the poor. I would be very glad were I more wealthy, in order that my affection and good-will might be seen. May our Lord preserve your Graces as I desire. The palace, December 4, 637.

Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera

To the purveyor and deputies of the financial board of the holy Misericordia: Of the hostages brought from Jolo by General Don Pedro Almonte, twenty-odd Moros with their servants live here, and the others are going [back] with the conditions for the peace that they have made and the tribute which they are to pay. I have thought it best to petition your Graces to be pleased to receive two of those chiefs in the house of the holy Misericordia, in order that they may be instructed in the Christian doctrine, and be gradually converted and become Christians. This is a work that is befitting to that house, until the time when all the other inhabitants of Jolo become quiet and are reduced to obedience. Two or three will be assigned in the same manner to the orders. If any needs arise with the lapse of time, I beg your Graces to have me advised, so that I may have them supplied; and also to entrust the instruction of those chiefs to a careful person. May our Lord preserve your Graces as I desire. The palace, October 26, 1639. [40]

Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera

THE UNIVERSITY OF SANTO TOMAS

Letter to the Spanish ambassador at Roma

The King. To the illustrious Marques de Castel Rodrigo, my cousin, member of my Council, and ambassador in Roma: the bearer, Fray Mateo de Villa, of the Order of Preachers, procurator of the province of Santo Rosario of the Filipinas Islands in my Western Yndias, has informed me that his province has a college called Santo Tomas in the city of Manila, of which I am the patron, where there are thirty secular collegiates; that for some years past that college has been a university through royal permission; that bulls have been conceded twice for its conservation; and that grammar, rhetoric, the arts, and moral and scholastic theology are studied there, with especial profit to the children of that community. He petitions me to issue a royal decree authorizing the said college to become a university, with the same qualifications and [right of] perpetuity as the others of his order in the convents of Santo Tomas in Avila and Santiago at Pamplona, in these same kingdoms. The matter having been examined by the members of my royal Council of the Yndias, in consideration that the city of Manila of the Filipinas Islands is more than three thousand leguas from the nearest universities--namely, those of Lima and Megico--and that the said university suffers some restriction, I have considered it fitting to lend my royal consent for this case; and this concession shall continue, for the present. Consequently, if in the future there should be a disposition to found a separate university, it may be done, as in the cities of Lima and Megico, so that it may be a general university, in order that students may be graduated from it in all branches, and that its degrees may be recognized everywhere. Accordingly, I charge and order you in my name, and in virtue of the letter of credit that I am writing, to supplicate his Holiness to be pleased to concede a bull, so that the said college may be a university with the same qualifications and [right of] perpetuity as those of Avila, Santiago, Lima, and Megico; for there is not a university of that rank in those islands and provinces, and this is therefore expedient for my service and the general welfare of those regions. You shall give the matter the care that I expect from you, so that the said bull may be immediately drawn up; and therein you will render me a service. Madrid, November nine, 1639.

I the King

By order of the king our sovereign:

Don Graviel de Ocana y Alarcon

Signed by the members of the Council.

[Endorsed: "Duplicate. College of Santo Tomas of Manila. To the ambassador at Roma, ordering him to petition his Holiness to concede a brief so that the college of Santo Tomas of Manila of the Order of Preachers may become a university."]

LETTER FROM FELIPE IV TO URBAN VIII

Most Holy Father:

I am writing to my ambassador, in that court, the marques de Castel Rodrigo, to petition your Holiness in my name to concede a bull, so that a college of the Order of Preachers in the city of Manila of the Philipinas Islands, in my Western Yndias, may become a university, with the qualifications and [right of] perpetuity of the others which that order possesses in Avila and Pamplona in these my kingdoms, as well as those of Lima and Megico; and so that, if there be a disposition to found a separate university in the city of Manila, it may be done, because there is a distance of three thousand leguas to the other nearest universities, which are Lima and Megico. I petition your Holiness to grant him audience, and to give entire credit to what he shall say about this matter and propose in my name; and that you order his affair to be despatched with all promptness and with entire fulfilment [of the petition]. Thereby I shall receive a special favor from your Holiness, whose very holy person may our Lord preserve, and may He increase your life for the good and prosperous government of His universal Church. Madrid, November nine, 1639.

[Endorsed: "College of Santo Tomas of Manila. To his Holiness, petitioning him to concede a brief so that the college of Santo Tomas of Manila of the Order of Preachers may become a university. Duplicate."]

ROYAL ORDERS AND DECREES, 1639

MISSIONS IN MINDANAO

The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein: a letter of August 21, 637, has been examined in my royal Council of the Indias, in which you advise me that you have stationed ministers of the gospel in the islands of Mindanao and Bacilan--not only for the instruction of the infidels who are in those islands, but for administering the holy sacraments to the Castilian soldiers whom you leave there--and that you have assigned them such stipends as you considered necessary. I approve what you have done in this matter. Moreover, to provide for future increase [in the number of infidels converted], the necessary mission stations [doctrinas] will have to be established; but in this you must avoid unnecessary expense, and, conformably to my royal patronage, confer regarding such establishments with such persons as you should consult. I trust in you that you will carry out my intentions. [Madrid, February 3, 1639.]

I the King

By command of his Majesty:

Don Gabriel de Ocana y Alarcon

IN BEHALF OF GRAU Y MONFALCON

The King. To the council, magistracy, and municipal body of the city of Manila in the Philipinas Islands: Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon has reported to me that in the past year, one thousand six hundred and thirty, you appointed him as your procurator-general; and that during all that time he has attended to your business affairs, with the utmost intelligence, personal attention, friendly interest, and promptness (as is generally known). He states that you assigned him a salary of a thousand pesos a year, paid in that city, which was to come here, invested, at his account and risk; but that, even when it arrives in safety, he can realize very little from it that remains free from the costs. He regards a thousand pesos as a very small salary for his continual occupation [in your affairs], and on this account claims that it be increased. Moreover, besides the many negotiations that he has despatched, he has been occupied nearly two years in preparing and composing the printed memorials which he has presented, and which have been examined in my royal Council of the Indias; and has given them much labor and solicitude, since they embrace so many, so diverse, and so important considerations for the conservation of those islands and their commerce, in order that they may be presented clearly and distinctly. He has furnished from his own funds all the money that has been spent for these books, and has never received one real on account of that expense. This sum amounts to much more in times so straitened as these, and should be highly esteemed. It would be a great disappointment to him if, after he had proceeded in all matters with the greatest tact and discretion possible (as is proved by the many negotiations which he has concluded for the benefit of that city), the powers which he has held from the city should be revoked--as usually happens, and as has been done with others, his predecessors, solely through interested motives and for the personal ends of some of the governors who go to that country. They, being well-affectioned to the correspondents whom they leave here, urge that city to entrust its affairs to those persons--for which no opportunity should be given, since that advice is influenced by various motives and considerations. To obviate this, and because it is not right that some other person should secure that for which he has toiled and incurred expense with so much zeal and solicitude, he has entreated me that I would be pleased to command you not to revoke, without legitimate cause, the powers that you have given him; and that you shall, before enforcing such revocation, state what reasons you have for doing so. The matter has been examined in the said my Council, where have been and are very evident the personal care, interest, and solicitude with which he has been and is attending to your affairs aforesaid--as also you will have understood by my decrees of the ninth of October in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-six, and the twenty-first of October in six hundred and thirty-seven, to which I refer you for all this; together with what you wrote me in regard to this in a letter of the fourteenth of June, six hundred and thirty-six. In that letter you express your satisfaction with the promptness and care with which he furthers your affairs, and ask me to confirm the salary which you assign him of the said thousand pesos a year, from the funds belonging to that city. I have thought it best to issue the present, by which I approve and confirm the salary which you have assigned to the said Don Juan Grau as your procurator-general, in order that it may be paid to him from the day when it was voted to him. And it is my will that this salary be not revoked, either now or at any time, while he shall attend to your affairs at this my court, unless there be legitimate and sufficient cause for doing so; also that the said my Council be first notified of such cause, so that, having considered it in their sessions, they may declare whether or not it is legitimate; and the said salary shall always be paid to him, until some other decision be made. I also command my governor and captain-general of those Philipinas Islands, both him who now is and those who shall hereafter be in that office, and the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia which resides there, and yourselves, that you all observe and execute, and cause to be observed and executed, exactly and inviolably, the commands contained in this my decree, without contravening or exceeding its tenor and form in any manner; for such is my will. [Madrid, March 29, 1639.]

I the King

By command of the king our sovereign:

Don Gabriel de Ocana y Alarcon

RESTRAINING THE AUGUSTINIANS