Chapter I: Preface (1)

Most of this volume is occupied with accounts of the Dominican and Augustinian missions in the islands during the period 1641-70; they are enabled to maintain fairly flourishing activities by the aid of new reënforcements. These chronicles also contain, as usual, much interesting secular information; the most important occurrences in the secular affairs of the islands are the rise and fall of Governor Fajardo's favorite Venegas, and the arrest of Governor Diego Salcedo by the Inquisition (at the instance of Auditor Bonifaz, who then usurps the government). The latter incident is related in detail by a Spanish officer imprisoned by the usurper.

A document of especial human interest is a letter (January 15, 1669) written from the dungeons of Fort Santiago in Manila, by an unnamed officer imprisoned therein by the usurping auditor Bonifaz. He relates in full the arrest (1668) of Governor Diego de Salcedo by the commissary of the Inquisition, the usurpation of the government of the islands by Bonifaz, and the imprisonment of himself and other loyalists on suspicion of attempting to rescue the governor from durance. The attitude of the writer is unusual, for at the outset he announces his gratitude and loyalty to his patron, Salcedo's predecessor, Manrique de Lara, then under charges--from which he was later acquitted--in his residencia; and he speaks of Salcedo without any blame or resentment, although the governor had deprived him of his military command. This document is freely annotated from another contemporary account, long and diffuse; the two cast much light on political and religious affairs in Manila at the time, especially on the possibilities for evil embodied in the Inquisition.

Extracts from Santa Cruz's Historia (Zaragoça, 1693) cover the history of the Dominican order in the Philippines for 1641-69. Fray Francisco de Paula is elected provincial in 1641, at which time the order has barely enough religious to fill its actual ministries--a lack which is afterward supplied as an answer to prayer. The location of the Parián is changed, in 1640; and the entire quarter is destroyed by fire, two years later. In 1644 Diego de Fajardo comes to the islands as governor--under whom they "tasted all sorts of government." The chief events of his term of office are recounted, and the more important transactions of the Dominican chapter-sessions of 1647 and 1650. In the former year dies the aged provincial, Fray Domingo Gonçalez; he is succeeded by Fray Carlos Gant. In 1648 a patache reaches the islands in safety, although it has to be burned, immediately after unlading, to save it from the Dutch; but those enemies thereupon leave the islands, which they have not since infested. This vessel also brings a reënforcement of thirty Dominican religious, which greatly encourages the missionaries; and various ecclesiastical favors and concessions. Santa Cruz recounts the more important acts of the provincial chapter-session of 1650, and furnishes biographical sketches of many Dominican missionaries in the islands. He then proceeds to relate the arrest and death of Fajardo's quondam favorite Venegas.

In 1652 Fray Pedro de Ledo becomes provincial; at this same chapter-session is formally announced the erection of Santo Tomás college into a university; and the mission of Ituy is more fully organized. The savage mountaineers of that region are well described by our author; their conversion is a difficult matter. In 1653 distinguished personages arrive at Manila, including Governor Manrique de Lara and Archbishop Poblete. The Dominican chapter enact that every lecturer in their university must know at least one of the native languages. In 1654 attempt is made, but fruitlessly, to send a mission to Japan; finally, five missionaries succeed in reaching China, where they labor zealously to convert the heathen. The provincial chosen in 1656 is Fray Jacinto Gali, but he dies soon afterward, while visiting Cagayán; his place is taken by Fray Lucas Montanero. On August 20, 1658, occurs an earthquake, itself more severe than that of 1645, but its succeeding shocks being lighter. The Dominican convent is badly injured, and the friars with difficulty find lodgings. A large reënforcement of missionaries arrives in this same year. At the chapter-session of 1659, the Dominicans refuse to permit their missionaries in China to accept offering of lands, fearing that the Chinese may regard them as actuated by selfish motives. At that of 1661, Fray Felipe Pardo (afterward famous as commissary of the Inquisition and as archbishop of Manila) is elected provincial. Two years later, arrangements are made for printing a ritual for use by the missionaries of the order. In the same year (1663) Salcedo arrives at Manila as governor; his career is briefly reviewed. The provincial elected in 1665 is Fray Juan de los Angeles; and in the following year thirty-nine more Dominicans join their brethren in Filipinas. The ship which brings them is detained by bad weather on the coast of Sámar, where a Jesuit missionary shows them all most generous hospitality, refusing any compensation. A letter from the head of the Dominican order to Morales is reproduced. In 1667 Archbishop Poblete dies at Manila, after fourteen years' service. In that year the intermediary chapter-session is held, at which measures are taken to restrain the members of the order from unauthorized interference with, or censure of, the civil government. Two more Dominicans arrive from Mexico in 1668, and the remarkable escape of one of them, with several other Spaniards, from death by shipwreck is related. Several friars proceed, amid great difficulties, to the Chinese missions. The Dominicans are laboring among the Zambales, many of whom become Christians and settle in mission villages; and they hope that they may soon do the same for the heathen Irrayas.

An account of the Augustinian friars in the Philippines for 1641-70 is furnished by Casimiro Diaz in his Conquistas. At the chapter-session of 1641, Fray Gerónimo de Medrano is elected provincial. Soon afterward, Archbishop Guerrero dies; a sketch of his life and character is presented by Diaz. Three years later, Medrano is succeeded by Fray Alonso Carvajal; and Diego Fajardo comes as governor of the islands, his personal and official character being outlined by our writer. The threats of the Dutch, and their conquest of Hermosa, fill the Spaniards with great anxiety. Unfortunately, Fajardo is dominated by the influence of a favorite, Venegas, to which very ill results are attributed. The peace made with the Moros is only temporary; for when they see the Spaniards so harried by the Dutch they again infest the Visayas. The Acapulco galleons arrive safely, although the Dutch ships lie in wait for them. One of them carries the new archbishop of Manila, who dies just before reaching the islands. In 1647 the Augustinians choose Fray Diego de Ordás as their provincial. Soon afterward, they decide to establish in Mexico a hospice for their religious who must halt there on their journey from Spain to the Philippines. In this same year the Dutch finally cease to molest those islands; and in Jolo they are, although favored by the natives, unable to dislodge the Spaniards. They are also foiled in an attack on Zamboanga. An Augustinian friar is killed by the Negritos, of which people Diaz gives an interesting description; this murder is afterward avenged by Heaven, all concerned in it becoming lepers. Diaz mentions in forcible terms the unhappiness, suffering, and terror caused in Manila by the harsh measures of Fajardo's favorite. Another great misfortune is the loss of the galleon "Encarnación," which brings ruin to many citizens of Manila.

In 1650, Medrano is elected provincial of his order for the third time. With much difficulty, the Augustinians finally succeed in despatching a procurator to Spain to obtain a reënforcement of missionaries. Diaz relates the events of 1651-52, mainly including the harsh and illegal acts of Fajardo's favorite, Venegas, and the latter's downfall--this being brought about by the courage of the Augustinian provincial Medrano, who makes complaint of Venegas to the governor. In 1653, Fray Andrés de Verdugo is elected provincial; and the new governor, Manrique de Lara, arrives, with Archbishop Poblete, and bishops for all the three suffragan sees. Fajardo is sent to Spain, but dies on the voyage; his favorite Venegas dies in prison, and all his property is confiscated. The new governor and archbishop do all in their power to remedy the sad condition in which they find Manila. The latter, however, attempts to enforce the right of episcopal visitation of the friars in charge of parishes, whereupon those posts are abandoned by the religious orders. The matter is referred to the Audiencia, who enjoin the archbishop to suspend the visitation in such cases until the Council of the Indias can take action on the question; that Council did not support his claims. Diaz discusses quite fully the subject of such visitation, largely from the practical standpoint; he argues that the system in vogue in Nueva España cannot be properly applied in Filipinas, where conditions are so different. Poblete devotes his energies to rebuilding the cathedral, which had been ruined in the earthquake of 1645; but many obstacles hinder its completion, and it is not dedicated until 1671. In 1654 a reënforcement of Augustinian missionaries arrives, who are greatly needed in the province. Brief notices of these are presented; all of them are natives of Nueva España. Diaz relates the oppression of the natives in the building of ships for Manila, which has been the cause of several past insurrections; the loss of some galleons by shipwreck is considered by many a judgment from Heaven on the cruelties practiced on the natives in building those vessels. In 1656, Alonso Quijano is elected provincial; during his term, many members of his province die, and its burdens are very heavy. Ordás is again elected provincial in 1659. Diaz relates the great losses of the Philippine people during Manrique de Lara's term, mainly by shipwrecks, which bury men, money, and ships. Insurrections of the natives occur, which are quieted, but at much loss and cost. In 1662 Fray Alonso Coronel is elected provincial; especial attention is given by the Augustinians to their missions in northern Luzón. The galleon sent out that year reaches Acapulco in safety; this gives opportunity for the new governor Salcedo and an Augustinian mission, who have been waiting long in Mexico for a ship, to pass over to Filipinas. A Recollect mission also arrives in the same expedition. Compelled by storms to land on the coast of Cagayán, they all make their way overland to Manila, experiencing great hardships. Diaz presents brief notices of all the new missionaries of his order, and relates the more important events in the early years of Salcedo's term of office. Dissensions arise between the two new auditors, which later result in disaster to the whole community. Manrique de Lara is sent back to Spain, and exonerated from the charges made in his residencia. Salcedo accomplishes much in shipbuilding and the extension of commerce. Fray Alonso Quijano is reëlected provincial of the Augustinians in 1665; that chapter again refuses the governor's demand for lists of its priests who act as curas, the Dominicans also declining to furnish such information. In that same year the Augustinians begin a mission to the Apayaos, in charge of the fervent Fray Benito de Mena; he succeeds after many labors and hardships, in establishing three villages of these converts. Salcedo determines "to undertake some conquest that would result to the honor of God and extend the Spanish government;" the council that he summons for advice on this point agree (both military officers and superiors of religious orders) that the most promising enterprise of this sort is the conquest of the Igorot tribes in northern Luzón. Diaz gives a brief sketch of these peoples, and relates their conquest by a Spanish expedition (1668), and the subsequent conversion of many heathen there by Augustinian missionaries.

Salcedo causes a galleon to be built at Albay, the largest and best yet made in these islands. Diaz complains of the practice of sending criminals from Mexico to Filipinas. In 1667, the first mission to the Marianas Islands sets out; it is composed of Jesuits, under the leadership of Sanvitores, later famous for his martyrdom in those islands. The provincial elected by the Augustinians in 1668 is Fray Dionisio Suárez, characterized later by our writer as being "more angel than man." The number of missionaries in the order is far too small for its needs (a lack shared also by the other orders), and they are rejoiced when a reënforcement of seventeen religious arrive in that same year at Manila. Certain shipwrecked people from some remote and unknown island are driven at that time on the shores of Capul Island; and some Spaniards are drowned while trying to cross the Embocadero. Salcedo governs five years, incurring great enmities among prominent persons in the community, which end in his arrest by the Inquisition, and a harsh imprisonment until his death. Diaz, who often visited Salcedo while in durance, gives an interesting sketch of him, and praises his pious resignation and patience in affliction; but he carefully refrains from further comment on the events connected with Salcedo's arrest, or the persons engaged in it. Diaz mentions very briefly the assumption of gubernatorial authority by the auditor Bonifaz (whom he commends as discreet and disinterested), and some of his notable acts during his brief rule. At one time, he nearly loses his life by a musket-ball, whether fired intentionally or not is uncertain. Salcedo is twice embarked for Nueva España, but is driven back by storms on the first voyage, and dies while on the second. In 1669 arrives the new governor, Don Manuel de León. His government is praised, as establishing in the islands peace and plenty; commerce flourishes, and there are no wars or revolts. With León also arrive thirty-two new laborers for the Augustinian missions, a welcome addition to their forces. The usurper Bonifaz takes refuge in the Franciscan convent, where he remains until his death. The Council of the Indias pronounces sentence against him, and renders decision in favor of the auditor Coloma. In the spring of 1670 occurs a religious function which had been long in disuse, the publication in the cathedral of Manila of the edicts of the Inquisition; this is accompanied by processions and various ceremonies. The Augustinian province is enabled to conduct its labors much more satisfactorily, and with greater results, by the aid of its new missionaries.

A rambling, gossipy account of Manila and the Philippines in the middle of the seventeenth century, with much entertaining information regarding persons and events therein, is furnished by the Dominican friar Domingo F. Navarrete, in his Tratados historicos (Madrid, 1676); it is from relations of this sort, and on account of these characteristics, that the student gains additional and valuable side-lights on the history of any time or country. The Tratados is mainly devoted to the empire of China, where its author was a missionary during 1658-69; we present here (in both translation and synopsis) such part as relates to his stay in the Philippines (1648-53). Navarrete describes the journey thither, in picturesque and lively fashion. Acapulco has "an infernal climate." The missionaries are obliged to make the journey from Lampon to Manila by land, a trip full of hardship and danger; but they are delighted with the beauty of Pasig River, adorned with palaces, gardens, and villages. At the time, the islands are governed by Diego Fajardo, who "had great gifts for government, for he had a horror of money and of women." Navarrete censures Corcuera for many things, among them the impositions levied on the natives, which he describes in full; these occasion so much oppression and extortion that the Indians flee from the islands, or refuse to sow their fields. He mentions various instances of this oppression. In rambling and discursive fashion he relates the leading characteristics of the natives, the occupations of the missionaries, the changes in official circles, etc. This document will be concluded in VOL. XXXVIII.

The Editors
March, 1906.

MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS, 1669-1676

Events in Filipinas. [Unsigned; Francisco de Figueroa?]; January
15, 1669.
The Dominicans in the Philippines, 1641-69. Baltasar de Santa Cruz,
O.P.; 1676. [From his Historia.]
The Augustinians in the Philippines, 1641-70. Casimiro Diaz,
O.S.A.; 1718. [From his Conquistas.]
Manila and the Philippines about 1650 (to be concluded). Domingo
Fernandez Navarrete, O.P.; 1676. [From his Tratados historicos.]

Sources: The first of these documents is obtained from the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), ii, pp. 643-692. The second, from Santa Cruz's Historia del Sant. Rosario (Zaragoça, 1693), pp. 44 et seq.; from a copy in the possession of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago. The third, from Diaz's Conquistas (Manila, 1890), pp. 444 et seq.; from a copy in the possession of James A. Robertson. The fourth, from Navarrete's Tratados historicos (Madrid, 1676), pp. 299-332; from a copy in the Library of Congress; this document will be concluded in VOL. XXXVIII.

Translations: The first document is translated by Emma Helen Blair; the remainder, by James A. Robertson.

EVENTS IN FILIPINAS, 1668

Copy of a letter written by a citizen of Manila to another at the court in Madrid

It is notorious among all the people of these islands that Don Diego Salcedo, [1] as soon as he took possession of their government, deprived me of the command that I held as captain-general of the artillery therein--without any further reason than that I was a follower of Don Sabiniano Manrrique de Lara, his predecessor. The latter governed these islands with ability as his works show--bestowing honors with liberal hand on all the citizens of this state; and rewarding all whose standing and services deserved it, and even many more. How little gratitude he received for these favors may be learned from his own confession and statement. He suffered much in the residencia which he furnished of his government; although he deserved to leave it with laurels, he experienced intolerable severities inflicted by those whom he had most benefited. Don Diego was not content with depriving me of my command, but desired to inflict further injury upon me, and one which would result in more annoyance to Don Sabiniano Manrrique de Lara--to whom I owe what I am; and I have striven to repay, to some extent, by personal service the much that I owed him by attending to the business matters that came up in his residencia, and providing an outfit of stores for his voyage. In order, therefore, to remove me from Don Sabiniano's side, Don Diego commanded me to go with some infantry to protect the coast of the province of Tayabas; he said that he had news that the armed fleets of Borney and Mindanao were roaming about infesting the villages of the island of Mindoro, and that they comprised 170 vessels. His object, as above stated, was evident in the scanty equipment of men and supplies that was furnished to me. I remained there until Don Sabiniano entreated that I might be withdrawn [from that post], since the time of his embarkation for Nueva España was very near, and he desired to settle with me some matters relating to his outfit, as his Lordship could not do this with any one else. But my permission [to retire] came so late that when I arrived in this city Don Sabiniano was already at the port of Cavite to go on shipboard; and I had only five days in which to aid his Lordship, when the ship set sail. I bring forward all this in order to show that I am not governed by prejudice.

Now, stating the case, I declare that on October 9 of this present year at one o'clock at night the palace was entered by the father commissary of the Holy Office, Fray Jose Paternina, with the two alcaldes-in-ordinary, General Sebastian Rayo and Don Nicolas de Pamplona, Sargento-mayor Diego de Morales, and Captains Don Gonzalo Samaniego (a nephew of the commissary) and Don Juan de Vargas--both citizens who hold that office in this royal camp, each commanding a company; also Don Juan de Robles, and three or four others. Twenty other men remained in various offices of the palace, and eighteen or twenty friars of St. Francis all armed. These visitors seized Don Diego immediately placing on him a pair of fetters; he was in his shirt just as he was sleeping, and without giving him time to put on his white drawers they thrust his Lordship into a hammock, and carried him a prisoner to the convent of San Francisco. There they shut him within a cell with soldiers as guards to secure his person. The company who were on guard in the palace, on hearing the noise, were ready to spring to their arms; but the master-of-camp--who was Don Agustin de Zepeda, whom I have already mentioned, went to make the guard-room safe, and gave orders that no one should stir, because the Inquisition had been performing its duty.

By morning the news of this unheard-of occurrence had spread around; and by the time the city gates were opened the people were in amazement, which could only be understood by one who should know by experience the greatness and power of a governor of these islands. I was alcalde-mayor of the province of Tondo, and it gave me no little anxiety to notice the mutterings of the Indians who seemed to be rising out of a deep lethargy.

[As for the question] whether the Holy Office could act without the coöperation of the supreme authority here, since [the governor is] a personage who represents in these islands the royal person, there is not a learned person in the two religious orders of St. Dominic and the Society who will not answer it in the negative. And as the loyal vassal has no greater obligation than to obey the commands of his king and natural lord, and in regard to the faith, that which is taught by our mother the Roman Catholic Church, without [giving it] any other interpretation than that given by the holy doctors of the Church, I know not what to say, since I will not withdraw from this or retract one jot. The disputes which Don Diego, when he came from Nueva España to govern these islands, had with the father commissary Fray Jose Paternina over some differences and grievances were public and notorious; and those whom the father commissary carried with him [for this arrest] were nearly all enemies of Don Diego. It is not a rash assumption by those who are more inclined to reflect that this affair was thus hurried through more through passion than through virtuous zeal. I base my opinion on the following reasons, not to mention many others which I reserve for their proper time, as I have not leisure at present for writing more at length--submitting myself to the correction of the Holy Office; for I am, and am proud of being, a Christian Catholic and a descendant of the Catholic knights.

The first, as I said, was that the father commissary was at outs with his Lordship on account of disputes between them during the voyage. Moreover, the father commissary was poor and his provincial, father Fray Alonso Quijano, had not provided him with any post as prior in his order, and had not treated the commissary as the latter wished. Then too, the governor had given no office to Captain Don Gonzalo Samaniego, the commissary's nephew--whom his uncle the commissary so valued, and so endeavored to provide for; and, although the nephew was appointed a captain in this royal camp, he was not captain of any company on account of the scarcity of men, since the reënforcements sent by the viceroy of Nueva España to his Lordship were very limited.

The master-of-camp was a declared enemy, because a few months before Don Diego had arrested him and placed him in the castle of Santiago at the port of Cavite, and brought suit against him--from which he afterward came out free.

[The same is true of] General Sebastian Rayo for the following reason: that during the five years while Don Diego was governor Don Sebastian was twice arrested--once by order of Don Francisco Coloma, former judge of the residencia of Don Sabiniano, on account of matters pertaining to the said residencia; and because on Corpus Christi day, when it was celebrated this year, he refused to allow the captain of the guard, Don Juan de Ezquerra, to walk in the place belonging to the alcaldes. [General Sebastian Rayo], not wishing the captain of the guard to retire from his place accompanying the procession, turned toward his Lordship, and in a loud voice said to the [officials of] the city of Manila, "Only his Majesty and those who represent his royal person can settle this matter, and no one else can do so with proper zeal." His Lordship was displeased at the manner in which he spoke to him in so public a place, while walking in the group of the Audiencia with the honorable auditors, and regarded his speech as disrespectful. When the procession was ended, the governor ordered the general to be arrested and placed in the castle at the port of Cavite, bringing suit against him. During this interval, the said General Rayo was at the point of death; for he was in distress from the dampness of that locality and the disease of beri-beri from which he suffered. At his petition the governor removed the general to the city, so that he might stay in his house as a prisoner, until the conclusion of his suit; but the imprisonment of his Lordship occurred before that time.

Captain Don Nicolas de Pamplona, the second alcalde, also bore a grudge against his Lordship--partly on account of the said imprisonment of the master-of-camp, Don Agustin de Cepeda, his brother-in-law; and partly because his Lordship had imprisoned him also, because complaint had been made to his Lordship by father Fray Pedro Bautista, former provincial of the Order of St. Francis, that the said captain while alcalde-mayor of the province of Bulacan had levied a repartimiento of Indians to cut timber for building his house in the city.

Sargento-mayor Diego de Morales was also resentful because his Lordship sent him to the province of Cagayan for military service, and it is not long since he was recalled thence.

The provincial of St. Francis, Fray Francisco Solier, was a man of very little discretion although virtuous; and the [Franciscan] guardian, Fray Mateo de la Asuncion (who was quite uneducated) came two years ago with a shipment of forty religious of his order. The other fathers, his subordinates, did not conceal their anger against his Lordship for having commanded them to take out of the ship that sailed this year for Nueva España the custodio [2] whom they were sending thither; they did not consider the grants that his Lordship had made to their order--at one time giving them 5,000 pesos by means of which they were able to complete their church, which had a representation of Paradise. They talked so indiscreetly about the governor that many persons were afraid to hear them. Similar things could be said of the rest who were present at the seizure of his Lordship.

Having arrested the governor, that very night the father commissary wrote a letter to the auditors, who had met in a session of Audiencia, informing them of the imprisonment of the governor and demanding that they open his Majesty's decrees, in order to carry out the royal will--since his Majesty commands that in an emergency when there is lack of a governor, either through death or for other reasonable cause, the royal Audiencia shall govern in civil affairs, and the senior auditor in military matters. Don Francisco Coloma undertook to assume the military government as the senior auditor in the court; but this was opposed by Don Francisco Mansilla, who claimed that he was the senior because he took the oath one week before Señor Coloma did so. He said that although afterward he allowed Señor Coloma to take precedence, it was through his fear of the governor, Don Diego de Salcedo--because the latter came from España on very intimate terms with Señor Coloma, and his Lordship desired Señor Coloma to take precedence and never surrender his rank as senior.

Señor Coloma alleged the fact that he was in possession, and other arguments, and nothing was settled; and as the desire and the ambition to command were shared alike by all, the cunning of Don Juan Manuel de la Peña Bonifaz [3] was employed for his appointment as judge of the controversy. This he soon obtained, [the others] thinking that he would quickly settle the difficulty. He said that he had no notes of the acts which had been issued regarding this case, and, that he might come to a clearer understanding, these should be handed over to him; and stated that in a few days he would announce his decision regarding the difference in priority. All agreed to this; but immediately another and more important question arose--who was to hold the [disputed] authority in the interval while Don Juan Manuel was deciding the question of seniority? The latter, as one who was sagacious, finding himself now the umpire of the dispute, told Señor Coloma that his position would be aided by depositing the authority in his hands [i.e., Don Juan's]; and he said the same to Señor Mansilla. As each one of the claimants desired to propitiate Don Juan in behalf of his respective claims, both agreed that the authority should be deposited in his hands--not heeding the numberless difficulties that might result from this, as was actually the case. For, finding that he possessed the military command, he began his schemes that very morning--paying compliments to the officers and displaying great kindness to the soldiers, pitying them for their many privations. Then, taking the money of Governor Don Diego de Salcedo which had been seized, [4] on that very day, the night after Don Diego's arrest, Don Juan ordered the signal to be given for calling the soldiers together, and paid the infantry their arrears of wages. All, delighted with the money then received and the greater amounts that they expected afterward, rendered thanks to the possessor, or rather usurper of the new post of command; for it has ever been that novelty is applauded by the common crowd.

The two claimants continued their efforts to assert their rights; but, without hearing them or waiting for anything more, the new commander issued an act after consulting two advocates, the licentiates Don Eugenio Gutierrez de Mendoza and Don Juan de Rosales, [5] without consulting or even noticing the fiscal of his Majesty, whom by right this matter concerned--for as the parties had a year or two before referred the decision regarding this seniority to the royal Council, his Majesty [alone] could not settle this point; and accordingly until the royal and supreme Council should render their decision, the [disputed] authority must remain ad interim in his gift. Don Juan ordered Tomas de Palenzuela y Zurbaran, a notary-public and his confidant, to proceed to notify the parties and the fiscal. Señor Coloma, for reasons and motives of his own, consented to the act; Señor Mansilla replied that he had arguments to bring forward, and the same reply was given on the part of the treasury.

During this interval the self-appointed governor made every effort to transfer his sway to the palace; and by the advice and opinion on this damnable intention given by his two confidants--Don Francisco de Figueroa, a crafty man of a perverse disposition; in conjunction with the turbulent nature of his second confidant, the notary Zurbaran--he, chosen by himself, commanded the companies of the soldiery to march, and with a squadron of horse took possession [of the palace]. The people were amazed, not knowing what to do at sight of so monstrous an act; and he who was most ambitious was most silent at seeing the new and hasty introduction of the auditor Don Juan Manuel [into the government]--astonished that this man (although he was the most recent of the auditors, and his Majesty commands that in case of the governor's death or other emergency, the senior auditor should direct military affairs), although excluded by the said decree, could usurp the government by the power which he had in a few hours obtained. From that time the minds of some persons were continually inflamed with anger, although it was dissimulated on account of the distrust which very properly prevailed toward him; but I will leave this for a later account.

Don Juan Manuel continued his rule apparently in peace, although many persons were greatly irritated at his conduct; but, as conscience pricked him, he lived in fear and with more anxiety than was necessary, for the companies of soldiers were all stationed near the palace where he now lived as the superior who had gained entrance therein. [6]

A very few days later, the gentlemen of the royal Audiencia with the fiscal of his Majesty went at day-break to take refuge in the house of the Society of Jesus in this city--availing themselves of the sacred house for the greater peace and quiet of the community. There, seating themselves in a suitable apartment, they held a session [of the Audiencia]; and for this purpose had made arrangements to carry with them the small seal which the chancellor, Don Tomas de Castro, had procured. From that place the Audiencia summoned the city [council], who immediately went thither in obedience to this call--the two alcaldes and the regidors--as also did the sargento-mayor and master-of-camp of the garrison. This being learned by the usurper--because not all went, as would doubtless happen--he immediately commanded that the soldiers be assembled; and he issued a proclamation that all under penalty of death and being considered traitors to his Majesty, should resort to the palace where he was, and not to the house of the Society of Jesus where the auditors were. This was promptly obeyed, because Don Juan was found to be the commander of the troops. Herein the people did not sin through evil intentions, for they are very loyal to his Majesty, but through ignorance, not knowing whom they ought to obey, or what was most to his Majesty's service; and as they heard proclamations summoning them all to the palace, under penalty of incurring treason to the king, they quickly obeyed.

The usurper being hindered by warlike preparations, the gentlemen [of the Audiencia] occupied themselves in issuing orders addressed to all persons of high standing and to the military officers, [7] that they should immediately, under penalty of being considered traitors to his Majesty, proceed to the house of the Society of Jesus. When the usurper learned this, he forestalled their intentions by sending a large body of infantry, who completely surrounded the college on the outside--with the strictest orders that they should not allow any person to enter it of any class whatever, nor would he even allow their ordinary provisions to be carried in--using sophistical arguments to assure the common people that no one was required by obedience to go there, for the meeting of the auditors was of no account since they did not hold it in the accustomed place and hall.

In order to prevent disturbances, the auditors desiring peace and general tranquillity issued a royal decree in order that the usurper might become obedient [to their authority]. Therein they stated that as Don Francisco de Montemayor y Mansilla had surrendered the right of seniority that he claimed, the authority of captain-general had in the name of his Majesty been handed over, and its possession given to Don Francisco Coloma for the government of military affairs, in fulfilment of the royal will. [8] The delivery of this royal decree into the hands of the usurper was entrusted to the zeal of the Society of Jesus, which always has been steadfast in the royal service; for no layman dared do this, seeing him so carried away by the desire to rule and in possession of the military force. Some of those fathers went to the palace (Father Geronimo de Ortega, lecturer in theology, bearing the decree) and gave themselves into the power of the usurper--who, ignorant of their mission, at once received them; he answered the fathers with insolence, using offensive language toward them.

The speaker [i.e., father Ortega] explained to him that the colleges of the Society always stood and would stand with open doors to receive the king our sovereign, for its members are his loyal vassals; for that reason the religious while awaiting the decision of the usurper, patiently endured not only the epithets cast at them by the ignorant rabble, calling them "traitors" and "rebels," but also the language of even Fray Francisco Solier who spoke to them very rudely. There were also other annoyances which I must omit, and which should be imputed to Fray Francisco and his guardian and to the commissary of the Holy Office; for although each one of these ought to have been attending to his duty, ambition kept them all three at the palace, which they did not leave for a moment.

The usurper, carefully seeking arguments for a reply to the auditors in order to justify his purpose--and on one side being stimulated by conscience to the blind obedience which he ought, as a vassal of his Majesty, to give to the royal decree; and on the other, being dominated by self-love and the ambition to gain power and riches, which distracted his mind--tried to obtain from some of his mercenary confidants those arguments which were best suited to his desires, as among those who surrounded him there were not lacking some in whom depraved purposes had the ascendant. Don Juan preferred the advice of his special confidant, Don Francisco de Figueroa, who counseled the usurper to notify the people that the royal Audiencia which was at the house of the Society because the auditors had gone there to organize it, had sent to the palace to summon him under penalty of treason to his Majesty if he did not at once render obedience; that accordingly all should consider whether or not it was expedient for him to go. [He advised him], as is proper in a community, to go about but a little while waiting for those persons of highest station who form its head. Figueroa showed his cunning by notifying some of his intimates to reply (as they actually did) that it was not expedient for the usurper to go to the Society's house; but that the auditors should come to hold their sessions in their customary and proper place, the hall [of the Audiencia], and that then he was under obligations to obey [the summons]. Thereupon the rest agreed with this opinion of the first speaker; and, in order to justify his evil conduct and impute it to the people, he caused them all to assemble together--although some recognizing the mistake avoided this by going out without being noticed, being overlooked among those who were discussing the affair; and with the above decision they sent away the religious.

The usurper tried in various ways to break up the assembly of the auditors and the city officials, who were at the Society's house. The first was a plan to beguile with promises Captain Don Nicolas de Pamplona, one of the two alcaldes-in-ordinary, to induce him to leave the house; and this succeeded, on account of his lack of sense. For, carried away by those promises, he asked the auditors' permission to go to his house and visit his wife--who, as they informed him, was in the pains of childbirth--protesting that he would return; but as soon as he went out, he went to see the usurper, who ordered him not to go back under penalty of being a traitor to his Majesty--without heeding that Don Nicolas was an alcalde-in-ordinary and could not be subordinated to him, even if he were legitimately the military governor, but only to the auditors, who directed the civil government.

It was not so easy to persuade his companion, General Sebastian Rayo, who, as a man of ability in these matters, knew that the royal person resided in his court and not in the usurper. The latter, in order to trample on any opposition to his plans, committed the greatest iniquity than man's imagination can conceive; this was to avail himself of his intimate friend the commissary of the Holy Office, to take General Rayo under pretext of [a requisition from] the Inquisition from the Society's house. The commissary, carried away by his own personal aims and his ignorance and taking advantage of the peace and quiet prevailing among the people (which, he hinted, was [the result of] his own religious zeal), gave orders, as commissary of the holy tribunal, to Don Geronimo de Leiva, commissary in the province of Ylocos, and to Captain Don Luis de Monrroy, notary of the Holy Office, to go with their badges displayed and in behalf of the Inquisition. They summoned the said alcalde, Sebastian Rayo, who as a Catholic Christian immediately obeyed--much to his cost; for the usurper, annoyed that he had to employ the holy tribunal in order to secure the general, availed himself of the suit that Don Diego de Salcedo had brought against him, and kept him a long time prisoner in his house under the guard of soldiers.

The city council being thus broken up, the royal court still remained entire, which gave the usurper no little anxiety in plotting the means most suitable for securing the object of his longing. For this purpose he sent a message to the auditors that they must within a very limited time hold their sessions at the palace, under penalty of death if they did not obey, since they were causing disturbances and were violating the peace; and he declared that he would aim the artillery at the college of the fathers.

In these and other unheard-of evil acts the usurper and his counselors continued; and the auditors went on issuing writs to the more prominent citizens commanding that they should, under penalties of death and being considered traitors to his Majesty, render obedience to the auditors, since the royal person resided only in his court. These efforts were useless, for the guards posted by the usurper permitted no person to leave or enter the house; but the auditors spent two days and a night in these occupations without descending from their tribunal for a moment--with courage enough to render up their souls in the service of his Catholic Majesty.

The usurper was surprised to see his designs frustrated, and, knowing the great love that Don Francisco de Coloma had for his wife, made arrangements, availing himself of the cunning and subtlety of his counselor General Don Francisco de Figueroa, that the latter should go in company with General Francisco Garcia del Fresno in his name to talk with the wife of Señor Coloma, giving her to understand that if the auditors did not depart [from the Society's house] within the limit of three hours, he had already resolved to end the affair in blood. The unhappy lady, as soon as she heard this decision from the envoys, entered her sedan-chair and went to the Society's church; she sent some one to call her husband, and they remained alone in conversation. The result of this meeting was, that Don Francisco without being seen by any one entered his wife's chair, leaving her in the church, and went to his own house. Thus the wickedness of General Figueroa, the usurper's counselor, succeeded in breaking up the royal court, since the only persons remaining were Señor Mansilla and his Majesty's fiscal.

That the usurper might better take vengeance on Don Francisco de Mansilla y Montemayor, he assured him through the agency of the father vicar-provincial Fray Diego de San Roman, and the schoolmaster Fray Juan de Paz (who were shining lights in the Dominican order), that Señor de Mansilla and the fiscal could go with all safety to their own houses, and that he would do them no injury; consequently they began to feel relief from the extreme hardship that they had suffered. On the next day the auditors were unable on account of their fatigue to repair to the Audiencia; and immediately, on that same night, [the usurper] ordered the arrest of Don Francisco de Mansilla by the soldiers, placing him in the castle at the port of Cavite. He ordered the guards under severe penalties not to allow Señor Mansilla to speak to any person, and this lasted many days. At the entreaties of the superiors of the religious orders he was allowed to receive communion, but not to leave the castle--where I will leave him, in order to continue with other things that were happening.

The tyrant had obtained his greatest desire, and terrified [any who might oppose him] with the example of Señor Coloma. The usurper proceeded with his rule, rewarding most those who most deserved punishment for their enormous crimes. He appointed persons to offices giving the chief and best one, which was that of Calamianes, with the title of sargento-mayor of the fleet of Yloilo to Captain Don Gonzalo Samaniego, the only nephew of his best friend, the commissary of the Holy Office--who also recommended those who showed themselves most prominent in the arrest of Don Diego de Salcedo. This the tyrant readily and gladly followed, giving the charge of the Sangleys' Parian to Captain Diego de Palencia, and honoring with new appointments as admirals Captain Don Juan Robles y Cortes and Captain Don Juan de Vargas Machuca; and he rewarded not only the others who assisted in the said imprisonment, but those who most aided the usurper for their own private advantage.

As the usurper was supplied with a large quantity of money--that which he had seized from Don Diego, and the situado [9] which had just arrived from Nueva España--he undertook to be generous at the cost of his Majesty in order to conciliate others, issuing money-orders and making payments at his pleasure. Accordingly, the first business which he despatched was to issue a warrant to himself, not only for what the king owed him, but, as that was not sufficient for him, [he added] several thousands more on account of what would yet be due for his official services; [10] and for his son, a boy of eight or nine years, who held a military office--which, as it was needless, Don Diego would have abolished--he ordered the certification and payment of the entire amount. To satisfy those whose support was important to him and to justify himself to the people, he ordered that all the arrears [of pay] which the royal treasury was owing to the auditors be paid in full; and afterward [only] what he allowed was paid to them. Nor was anything paid to such persons as were not concerned with the arrest of Don Diego, or at least [approved] his detention in prison.

As so much property had been seized from Don Diego, [11] especially in jewels and gold, there was occasion for temptation to the most upright man when the inventories were made; and, after it was placed in the royal treasury, for cunning schemes to acquire many ducados with this wealth. [12] The first scheme, which was adroitly planned by the usurper's confidant General Figueroa, was that all the gold which had been seized should be sold--alleging the pretext that if it were kept for a later time it would depreciate in value, and his Majesty would incur great loss; for at this time, as the foreign ships were here which came to procure gold, it had [a greater] value. Without any one's understanding the matter, all the gold whether wrought or not was sold at auction to the said General Figueroa at the rate of fourteen pesos a tael (which is a weight of ten silver reals) for the wrought gold, and thirteen pesos a tael for the unwrought; but he had previously bargained with the foreigners to take all the gold, at seventeen pesos a tael for the wrought and fifteen for the unwrought. [This was done] so that the usurper might divide up the surplus with a profit of more than 14,000 pesos, the proceeds on the quantity of six thousand taels (counting wrought and unwrought) which was placed in the royal treasury. As I remonstrated that this baseness had been committed against God and the king, they were fearful and reopened the auction on the following day, saying that the usurper was unwilling that all the gold should be sold to one man only--as if it would be difficult for craft to arrange that the gold should be divided up among ten or twenty persons, all tending toward the same end, that of their selfishness and greed. Recognizing their object, I alleged that--granted that their intention is that all the gold should not be sold to one citizen only, for which reason the sale of the preceding day was annulled--after I asked the price of the gold, I desired to obtain 1,000 taels of the unwrought gold, offering on the spot fourteen pesos a tael for the said gold, and saying that, if I were allowed to carry away all the unwrought gold at that price, I would take it. They showed surprise and were annoyed at me, but finally concluded the sale at the said price of fourteen pesos. Only some 1,400 [taels] were sold, leaving the rest for other auctions; and it was not certain, [to judge] by those that afterward were held, whether all the remainder of the gold was sold at the same price of fourteen pesos; for some lots were knocked down at thirteen pesos.

For these and other evil acts Fortune supplied the usurper, for a notary with the man who has the worst reputation and most malicious designs of any in these islands, named Tomas de Palenzuela y Zurbaran, who is well known to everyone. The usurper prepares his documents and despatches with this man only, in whom he has great confidence and by whom due form is given to his unjust and illegal acts. Further, the fiscal of his Majesty has demanded by repeated letters, that [the gold] be not sold; but he has never answered these or numberless other letters which the said fiscal has written regarding the imprisonment of Don Francisco de Mansilla, and on various other matters which he has demanded (as he is continually doing). And as the fiscal was ill, the usurper appointed Licentiate Antonio Quijano, an advocate in this royal Audiencia, that he might be present, as he has been on behalf of the fiscal, at the auction sales which have been made of the goods of Don Diego.

The religious orders persisted in asking for the release of the auditor Don Francisco de Mansilla, as also did many influential persons; but they did not succeed. They caused the usurper, however, much sorrow at seeing that the auditor had so much popularity, while his own tyrannical disposition desired that all the citizens should countenance his iniquitous conduct in the unjust imprisonment of the auditor--which his own fears had accomplished, since the session of the royal Audiencia could not be held without Señor Mansilla; for no one was left except Señor Coloma, and he could not constitute the Audiencia alone and without another auditor. It is clear that his ambition craved adulation of his evil act, for tyranny always experiences profound fears and suspicions, which conscience stimulates.

To palliate his wicked conduct toward the innocence of Señor Mansilla, he schemed to bring suit against him for trafficking in barter and merchandise--although the poor gentleman never intended or even imagined engaging in that pursuit--bringing forward witnesses according to his own liking. Among those who were sworn was one who was the most malicious intimate of General Don Francisco de Figueroa; and he testified before the above-mentioned notary, Tomas de Palenzuela y Zurbaran, the declared enemy of the imprisoned auditor. It was a divine Providence that Señor Mansilla was not accused of an infamous crime, for that would have gone through very easily.

The usurper became tired of the said letters from the fiscal of his Majesty, who, sick as he was and is, in order not to fail in the obligations of his office, was continually at work at the evident risk of his health in requiring the information that was due him--although without any result; for, as I said, they now did not answer his letters, and their only care was to find some way of exiling him, declaring that he was a disturber of the peace. Indeed, I think that no long time will elapse without his being suspended from the exercise of the office that was conferred upon him by his Majesty; and the cause of that will be [the usurper's] wicked intentions.