Chapter IIII: Of my stay in Manila (1)

1. Don Diego Faxardo Chacon was governor of the islands. That gentleman had great gifts for government, for he had a horror of money and of women. One day father Fray Andres Gomez, a religious of my order, took him a bit of the lignum crucis [i.e., wood of the cross] set in gold. He valued it highly, but refused to receive the relic until the gold was taken away. He was very retiring, and gave ear to no one save Manuel Estacio de Venegas. The latter grew so haughty by reason of the favoritism and power that he possessed, that he dominated everything as a despot. He was feared by all people, no less than was Nero in his time; but well did he rue it afterward. Don Diego Faxardo had kept Don Sebastian de Corcuera a prisoner already for five years. Strange reversal of fortune that! Don Sebastian was the most feared, and the most haughty and absolute governor that has ever been in those islands. In his time happened that exile of the archbishop which caused so much comment among all those nations. He undertook the Jolo war, in which the nobility of Manila were destroyed. The island of Hermosa was lost by his neglect and carelessness in sending reënforcements, as was stated by all people there. He amassed untold wealth. He was sent a prisoner to Nueva España, and then to Madrid, where it is said that he negotiated advantageously. They were expecting in Manila different news from that which arrived, of the condition of his affairs. I know well that they have written that he was a very disinterested man, but the author does not prove the statement further than by saying so. I read in a document that Don Sebastian de Corcuera purged himself of that charge by saying that he had amassed his wealth with the pay given him by his Majesty. But another document presents the following argument. First, that governors cannot trade and traffic with the pay given them by his Majesty. Second, that it is impossible to gain with his pay what he spent in the monstrance which was recently taken to his Majesty; what was lost in the ship wrecked at the Ladrones, and what was burned at Acapulco; and the money that he possessed in Mexico, with the large sums taken from him in Burgos. Nor can it be inferred that he was a good governor, because he acted as a good Christian after he left the islands. Nor does there follow any other inconvenience from making known the truth with good zeal than the fact that those who do not wish to know it are not pleased to hear it. While Estacio de Venegas was a citizen of Manila, he was liked by all; but, when he became the favorite, he was hated. It makes a great difference whether one is in the position or not, in order that he may govern himself according to his natural disposition. Don Sebastian was the one who instituted the vandalas (this is a name given by the natives, and signifies repartimiento), which have destroyed all the Indians. In order that one may understand what they are, I will explain them here in a few words. I assume, at the start, that it is a great piece of ignorance to attribute this repartimiento to Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara, or to make him its author. When that gentleman assumed the government, the Indians must have been paying the vandalas for fourteen or more years; then how could he have originated them? For, in the term of that gentleman, Pampanga rose in insurrection in order not to pay that tax. Someone, or several people, new to the country, must have invented what was afterward declared with the mouth. It is true that that insurrection caused Don Sabiniano to give the Indians a great sum of pesos on account of what was owing to them, as I was told afterward; but that was to pay [their just due], which has nothing to do with saying that he invented that imposition. In fine, after the Indian has paid his tribute, helped in the cutting of wood, and rendered personal services (which are numerous), levies on the provinces are made each year. For example, Pampanga is assessed twenty-four thousand fanegas of rice at the price of two or two and one-half reals per fanega, as it is for his Majesty; and it is placed on credit until such time as God pleases. [169] That quota [of rice] is apportioned among the Indians of that province, and is collected with great rigor, and with many deceits which the officials [170] who exact it practice. [This levy] costs him to whom three fanegas are allotted at least one-half fanega more than he gives in his measure; and him who gives six, one fanega more, and so on. This is what is called vandala, and this is what they [i.e., the Spaniards] have paid for so many years--whence it follows that the Indians leave the islands, as I shall relate in another part, and that they refuse to sow their fields, as I myself have heard. It is an evident fact that if once in a while that assessment were to be levied on the account of the tribute, or if they were exempted from personal services, the Indians would be very happy and satisfied. But how can this continue all the years? and how can there be money in the treasury to pay the employees, officials, and leaders, and to meet other expenses, when there is never any money to pay for what is bought from the Indians? If the Indians die on account of this and other things, of what use will that country be, and what will the Spaniards do there?

3 [i.e., 2]. The greatest hardship that we religious endure in the villages of the Indians is the sight of their sufferings, and the effort to seek means and methods to console them. It happens (as it happened in my time) that the rice-crop in a village was ruined (this is a quite usual occurrence, because of the rats which eat it, and at other times for the lack of water, and at others because the sea rises and overflows their fields) so that it was impossible to pay even the tribute. That was explained to the alcalde-mayor, and a petition was presented to the governor. But nothing had any effect, and the Indians had to purchase the rice at four reals per fanega, and gave it to his Majesty on credit that would never be paid, at two and one-half reals [per fanega]. Surely, the paternal compassion of our most Catholic kings would not permit such things if they had any knowledge of them. It would be better for the Indians that the governors should support them, and that they should work during the whole year for the tribute and vandalas, than that they should be treated as they are today. It is a great misfortune that the Tartar protects so well the Chinese, his vassals, while our people try to escape from caring for the vassals of our king and sovereign, although his will has been so often declared and charged upon them. It is no wonder that those islands are so exhausted, although it is a land which in every way is exceedingly good, abundant, and fertile.

[3]. If I were to mention special cases I would never finish. In my time I know well that an alcalde-mayor of Ilocos squeezed fourteen thousand pesos from his district in two years. In how good condition must the Indians and their land have remained! It would be well for those who write and have written from there to speak clearly and specifically of things and persons, and not in general and in loose terms, thus giving opportunity to blame the innocent or to clear the guilty. That ought to be a special end or desire. Everyone knows how disinterestedly our province lives and has lived in that land, and that it has never allowed the slightest income as dues of the Indians whom it administers. It has never received them, but has always been satisfied with the alms which both the Spaniards and the natives of the country freely give. In that way have they maintained themselves, while with the alms given them by his Majesty (may God preserve him) they have clothed themselves, and nothing has been wanting. It is necessary to declare who does it, in order not to injure all....

4. One year a certain governor wrote against Ours of Pangasinan (he was at one time affectioned to Ours and at another averse, for so wags the world) that they had burned some forests whence wood had to be obtained for the shipbuilding, etc. What effects would such a letter cause if seen in the Council of the Indias, and one written by a governor? If one wished to burn the hundredth part of one single forest with the help of ten thousand Indians, he could not do it in a whole year; to whomever has seen the forests of Philipinas this remark is not only true but most true, and the proofs are more than evident. The effect produced by the Negrillos who live in the interior of those and other forests, although they are numerous and make fires daily, is never noticed or heard of. In the island of Mindoro, where I made two journeys, I saw with my own eyes what the Indians do there. They have no lands for sowing. In order to get rice they set fire to a bit of forest. After days of labor in it they continue to fell and cut down the small trees together with the branches; then they again set fire to it and burn it all. They set fires at the foot of the large trees, until gradually the thick ones are consumed. As the trees are so hard-wooded, it is necessary to take a week and even longer to arrange and feed the fire. After an Indian has worked from morning to night for two months, he manages to clear an obrada [171] of land. Then how could a vicar and a few Indians burn whole forests? If this were not so, I would not write it; but, since the case is quite forgotten, I will refrain [from enlarging on] it--except that, for others that may happen, it is advisable to know this one, so that no one may inconsiderately believe what is in reality incredible. Don Sebastian Cavallero de Medina, while fiscal for his Majesty in Manila, in order to show his zeal or to gain reputation, wrote about the excessive fees which the religious collected from the Indians. People here would believe that such an offense was common to all. He ought to have made known what was in it, and not place the innocent in danger of being declared guilty by not explaining the fault of some persons.

5. A week after our arrival we were divided among various provinces in order to learn the languages, and be able to minister to the Indians. I remained in the province of Manila, where I learned the Tagálog language in company with others without much difficulty. If the grammar or other handbook were studied in Europa with the earnestness with which we study languages there, any person would become learned in a very brief time. Within five months we were all confessing and preaching, and in one year we were very capable in both, and in discussing the affairs of the Indians with them. During that time, besides the occupations of the choir and church, we diverted ourselves with no other thing. All that time we spent in humbling ourselves to the elements and rudiments of extraordinary languages, for the maintenance and advantage of those souls. If the temperature were not so unlike that of our own country, we could have done twice as much. In order to relieve ourselves from the excessive heat, we made use of baths and of the fruits, which are very delicious; but, as time went on, we experienced sickness. The Indians always seemed fine fellows to me. They are not changeable and rough like those whom we saw in Mexico, but tractable and urbane and of especial intelligence and fine ability. Among them are some famous writers, painters, and sculptors. They are very adaptable for any mechanical work, and, above all, docile and very submissive to the priests. In regard to understanding the precepts of our holy faith, they can rival many here and surpass others. They possess fine books in their language, which have been printed by the religious. They are fond of reading in these, and to our labor and their docility is this fact owing. The Indian women are very devout and composed, and frequent the sacraments with great fervor. There is no feast, great or small, at which there are not a large number of confessions and communions. I said often that the fervor of the old [Christians] of Castilla had passed to the Indians (both men and women) of Manila.

Often the Indians celebrate the feasts well. Rarely is one of them found who does not dance beautifully. Consequently, they have dancing and music in the processions; they play the harp and guitar excellently. His Majesty furnishes eight singers in every church. They have certain privileges, as they are busied in the divine office. They sing excellently, and, as there are always candidates, the number is always in excess. But only the eight who are assigned enjoy the privileges conceded. The adornment of the churches is quite sufficient, and is neat and tasteful. Since there are plenty of roses, other flowers, and fragrant herbs throughout the year, these things go far to furnish suitable adornment for the churches.

6. The Indians are much given to the use of the bow and arrow, especially the Indians called Cambales and those who live in the mountains. Their offensive and defensive weapons consist of such arms. I heard the old priests tell of many acts of skill in the use of them, which I was unable to believe until I had the opportunity to see it thoroughly for myself. People should not be so ready to believe whatever they hear, nor yet so obstinate as I have been at times. One day I came across a band of Indians from the mountain, among whom were four of seven or eight years of age or thereabout. I took an orange (a fruit of which there is an infinite supply there) and threw it up into the air as high as possible. Then said I, "There, my lads, shoot me that orange." Instantly all four shot it in the air, and it fell in bits. Another new religious and myself stood stupefied, while the old one who had told us about it laughed at us. I saw that with my own eyes in the small village called Abucanamataas. This is a sufficient proof that they are good archers.

7. During my stay in the islands, I attended to whatever obedience ordered me. I ministered to the Indians, lectured in our college and university of Santo Thomas, and preached--although I was always in poor health, for during two years the [climate of the] country affected me terribly. During that time some remarkable things happened; but I shall relate only a few of them, in order not to be too prolix. The master-of-camp, Don Lorenço Laso--a fine and valiant soldier, and a giant in presence and stature--was governor of Terrenate. He was not liked by Manuel Estacio. He was accused of some traffic with the Dutch (pure nonsense that); his arrest was ordered, and he died on shipboard somewhat suddenly. His death was imputed to Estacio, and the latter was charged with it; I do not know how he cleared himself. Don Lorenço's death was felt keenly, and was suspicious. He was well liked by all the community, and so feared and respected by the Chinese infidels that he alone, with sword and shield, in the insurrection that occurred during the term of Corcuera, held back a mob of Chinese on the bridge, who were entering by that way, as did Horatius Cocles on a similar occasion. Admiral Sebastian Lopez, a Portuguese and a most brave soldier, was living in Manila; he had performed wonders in the victories that we gained over the Dutch. He died very suddenly, and apparently by poison. His death was also imputed to Manuel Estacio, as were many other deeds that were current here.

8. As the Dutch had committed depredations in that land in preceding years, and raided the districts of Batan (which are administered by religious of my order), and, because of our lack rather than their own valor, had taken possession of the churches, the government determined to demolish these. The principal mistake consisted in having allowed [the destruction of] those buildings already erected and finished; for they could be of no use to the enemy, since they had no seaport nor anchorage for their ships within one legua, nor yet a safe way by land if they had tried to journey that way. Our cowardice allowed the enemy to enter, and determined the ruin of those buildings, in which the natives suffered great hardship; for not only did they work, but all the timber (which was considerable, excellent, and their own) was taken from them, without giving them a single maravedi for it. Even of the stone Manuel Estacio made gifts. If the materials, since they were theirs, had been left to the Indians, so that they could have made use of them, they could have destroyed the churches and had more than enough money and time for their sowing and ordinary work. Many hardships came upon the poor wretches because of that; the least was that the enemy took some of them captives, as well as two of our religious, who were able ministers in the Tagálog speech.

When Don Lorenço Laso died, Don Lorenco de Ayala became master-of-camp. He had been castellan of the fort of Santiago. He was a very amiable gentleman, and there was no one in Manila who did not love him dearly. Doña Ana Tellez, his wife, was a saintly woman; and the couple were known as "the good married pair." Each of them was more than seventy years old. Estacio was not satisfied at that, for the proud fellow could not endure to have anyone ascend higher than himself. He heaped troubles upon Don Lorenço and the good old man ended his days to the general sorrow of all who knew him. The staff of office then passed to Don Pedro de Almonte. For some time past that gentleman had been exiled from Manila; he was not of Estacio's following, and consequently, it was feared that he would be cheated out of the office. But since the governor already had his eyes on Estacio because the latter had done a bad turn to Don Juan de Saraos, he summoned Don Pedro and gave him the command, as well as the habit of Santiago which went with it. The community was overjoyed at that, while Estacio was very sorrowful, and somewhat anxious about his fortune; for since he had been so exalted, and that with no small acts of violence, he could fear that a fall would follow his steps.... On the day of the Holy Cross in September, a quiet rumor spread through the city that he was arrested. All the people kept mute and did not dare to move their lips; for, if it were not true, he who uttered a single word would pay well for it. The news was confirmed, and it was ascertained that he had been imprisoned in the fort of Santiago. The city breathed and was relieved from so heavy a cross that had rested on it for so many years. He commenced on that day to take what God sent him; cum in honore esset non intellexit. [172] He did not understand or know how to retain his power. [173] Much of his property was seized, but he had hidden a vast quantity both in Manila and in Mexico. He suffered and endured, and finally died, after some years, in a dungeon. He would better have contented himself with his first fortune as merchant and citizen of Manila, in which every one liked him. He is the man who said he could stop the mouth of any governor who might succeed Don Diego with one or two hundred thousand pesos of eight. He deceived himself basely.

10. On Corpus Christi day of 53, a not small disaster happened to me, namely, that a bolt of lightning fell on the house of Batan, where I was then stationed. The Lord saved me and the other religious and the men of the convent. One week later another fell and fired off two muskets belonging to the house, killing a negro and an Indian who had gone out hunting. That disaster caused me a great fear; until then I confess that I had had little or no fear of thunder, but since then I have feared it so much that I could not fear it more. A little while after that, on the eve of St. Barnabas, when we were taking our collegiates of Santo Thomas to their vacations, as we were crossing the river the wind blew with great violence, so that the boat overturned and we all fell into the water. The waves were running so high that, as we firmly grasped the planks of the small champan, for it was overturned, it dragged us forward as if we were chaff. Our danger was great; and accordingly I was careful to absolve all, although with great hardship and tribulation. I had no one to absolve me, and almost no feeling or warning to lift my heart to God. The people who were looking at us, without being able to help us, were innumerable. It was God's pleasure that they should launch some canoes; and, although these were also overturned, they saved us. I was in the greatest danger, because of the weight of my habit. Two negroes who came up to me were they who, next to God, saved my life. We all returned to the wharf; our clothing and other things were lost. But the flask of wine for the mass, with only a little of its contents lost, was washed ashore, where it was recovered. Our Lord was pleased to deliver me, by His mercy, from all those accidents.

11. At that time word reached us of a grievous misfortune which had happened in Cagayan to one of my mission named Fray Luis Gutierrez, a native of Almagro, and a most excellent religious. On the day of the purification of our Lady in that year, he had said two masses in different villages. There was another village three leguas away. For the consolation of those Indians, and so that they might not be left without the mass on so solemn a day, he determined to go thither to say the third, and went by boat through a creek, which was most dangerous because of the crocodiles. In a certain place it was seen that one appeared disturbed. The Indians of the boat aroused themselves and tried to force the craft forward and to make a loud noise with voices and oars. But nothing availed them, for with two cruel blows of its tail against the boat the crocodile overturned it completely, so that they were all thrown into the water. The Indians, being lighter and unhampered by clothing, were able to reach land easily. The poor religious, weighted down by his habit and little used to swimming, was left to be overtaken by that fierce and bloodthirsty animal. It seized him, and the poor man was buried in its fierce entrails....

13. At times I saw most cruel and terrifying crocodiles--especially one morning when, going down to say mass at a village, I was descending the river to the sea. The Indians began to cry out "Crocodile, crocodile!" I looked about me in every direction, but could see none. They pointed it out to me with the finger, but even then I could not be sure that it was one. It was a fact that I did really see it, but, since it was so large and horrible, I could not persuade myself that it was a crocodile, or that there was so large a crocodile in the world as the mass that they pointed out to me. We approached nearer, and I finally saw and distinguished it most clearly. It was sleeping on a sandy islet near the mouth of the river. It seemed to be as large as the mainmast of a ship, and I had before imagined that mass to be some huge tree carried there by the current of that great river. I saw others afterward, although they were not equal to that one in size. Their aspect is most horrible, for they have four eyes, two above and two below. There are a countless number of them in the lake of Bai. During the dry season the larger cattle are pastured near there, for that place abounds in fine pastures. When the bulls and horses are feeding, and as they wander about in their grazing, the crocodile comes out of the water and carries off one today and another tomorrow with as great ease as the cat carries off a rat.

14. A short time before my arrival in the islands, a very peculiar thing happened. Some Indians had been married, and, as they were about to eat, the bride was desirous of going down to the river to wash her feet, as they are in the habit of doing every day and every hour. The house stood partly over the river, as is their custom. While she was washing, a crocodile attacked her and carried her off. At her cries and the noise, some of the people ran out and saw the poor girl in the teeth of the crocodile, which was making off with its prey. The bridegroom, who beheld with his own eyes such a spectacle, blind with love and aroused by anger, with dagger in hand (but more rashly than prudently) threw himself into the water, and followed the beast that was carrying off his beloved prize. He overtook it and fought with it; he recovered his wife and returned triumphantly with the spoil in his arms, but she was already dead and lifeless. The bridegroom came back a widower, and sad and mournful, and with tears was that wedding ended. That was a notable and very memorable occurrence. Many Indians have escaped from those monsters. It has been learned by experience that they are very sensitive in the eyes. Consequently, those who do not lose their presence of mind attack them in that part, on which occasions the crocodile flees as best it can in order to escape. It is said by all the people of that land that when the female lays its eggs, it always goes to some place where there is a current of water near by. The young animals having been hatched go down into the water, where their mother is waiting for them with open mouth. As many as she can catch she eats, but all that escape her, by one side or the other, remain free and alive. This they say is the reason why not all the rivers are full of those animals, although there are many rivers where they abound. I shall return to the crocodiles on another occasion.

[The chapter closes with the account of the baptism of an infant who had been abandoned and thrown into the sea by its mother.]

(To be concluded.)

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

The sources of the documents in this volume are as follows:

1. Events in Filipinas.--From the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), ii, pp. 643-692.

2. Dominicans in the Philippines.--From Baltasar de Santa Cruz's Historia del Sant. Rosario (Zaragoça, 1693), pp. 44 et seq.; from a copy in the possession of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago.

3. Augustinians in the Philippines.--From Casimiro Diaz's Conquistas (Manila, 1890), pp. 444 et seq.; from a copy in the possession of James A. Robertson.

4. The Philippines about 1650.--From Navarrete's Tratados historicos (Madrid, 1676), pp. 299-332; from a copy in the Library of Congress.

NOTES

[1] While in Mexico on his way to Filipinas, Salcedo personally raised the sum of 100,000 pesos, and spent it in procuring soldiers for the islands--paid and voluntary enlistments, not convicts. "And in order that the officials at Mexico might not hinder or obstruct the despatch of the situado (which that year amounted to 220,000 pesos), he agreed with them that they could deduct in their own favor 30,000 pesos, which they were to invest in merchandise in Manila and China, and remit to the persons who drew up the document, ... to which Governor Salcedo had to accede, since in no other way could he have obtained the succor [for the islands]." (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 494, 495.)

[2] A dignity among the Franciscan friars, inferior to that of provincial (Dominguez's Diccionario national).

[3] He came to Manila in 1666, as auditor. Although in Mexico he had received two years' pay, he reached the islands so poor that he had no money for paying the first third of his media anata; at this, Salcedo pitied him, and compounded his debt with the royal officials. Bonifaz then proceeded to scheme and intrigue for his own selfish ends, occasioning much scandal and commotion in Manila. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 512-516.)

[4] When Salcedo was arrested, all his property was seized, and the commissary of the Inquisition took possession of all his papers--including letters, royal decrees, and official documents--books of accounts, and papers in lawsuits against various citizens. These last the commissary, induced by gifts and bribes, surrendered to the persons concerned without keeping any record of such suits. The commissary gave many jewels and other valuable articles seized from Salcedo to his relatives and friends, especially to the usurper Bonifaz. The latter appointed Diego de Palencia, one of the conspirators, as alcalde-mayor of the Sangleys and their Parián, "which is the most profitable office that can be bestowed in these islands," and royal depositary--in virtue of which latter office a considerable part of Salcedo's wealth was placed in his hands, part of it being placed in the royal treasury. Later, the commissary secured possession of most of what Palencia held; and the usurper spent most of what had been placed in the treasury for paying the soldiery and securing the friendship of the citizens. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 578, 579.)

It is possible that the author of this document is Francisco de Figueroa, who was alcalde-mayor of Tondo in 1660 (Diaz's Conquistas, p. 575).

[5] Rosales was a lawyer, whom the usurper released from jail, where he was placed for crimes deserving death, and made an alcalde. He was one of Bonifaz's most unscrupulous advisers and abettors. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, p. 605.)

[6] The tyrant, fearful of attempts to deprive him of his usurped authority, not only maintained a guard of bowmen--making his son, ten or twelve years old, their captain--but stationed in his house two companies of musketeers from the royal troops, each of a hundred men, all being paid from the royal treasury, "something which no proprietary governor had ever done." Besides this, he sent an escort of twelve soldiers every day with his son to the school where he was learning to read and write. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, p. 580.)

[7] All the military forces, both soldiers and officers, sided with the usurper Bonifaz, except the commandant of Fort Santiago, Lorenzo de Orella y Ugalde. Later, Bonifaz changed nearly all the important military offices, conferring them on his favorites and supporters. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 556, 557, 563.)

[8] In Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 619-625, is a copy of the document by which Mansilla ceded (October 14, 1668) his right of seniority to Coloma--followed by a notary's attested statement that this cession was made effective. On pp. 627-641 may be found the proceedings of the Audiencia thereon, in its sessions at the Jesuit college, and its decree issued to the loyal citizens.

[9] This amounted to 400,000 pesos, although 500,000 were needed for the expenses of the islands (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 611, 617).

[10] Within less than six months the usurper drew from the royal treasury 8,000 pesos as salary, and 9,000 in gold ingots from Salcedo's sequestered property. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, p. 612.)

[11] "It is also suspected that, with the information and account that the father commissary will send to the tribunal of Mexico, they will seize there the great wealth which the said governor had during late years sent to his correspondents, which, according to common report, exceeds 200,000 pesos; and this consignment of funds entirely refutes the suspicion that the said governor might intend or attempt to flee to Holland by way of Batavia, as the father commissary and his accomplices in the governor's imprisonment have tried (although without reason) to induce people to believe, [as a pretext] for his arrest." (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 586, 587.)

[12] The royal officials of that time are accused of plundering and defrauding the royal treasury--especially the treasurer, José Manuel de la Vega, who drew from it 40,000 pesos, which he used in trading at Batavia, making no return to the treasury--and altering entries in the books, to cover their steps. These acts, however, were notorious to the public, and the auditors and fiscal attempted to secure redress; but the usurper Bonifaz (who aided the plundering officials) availed himself of legal quibbles and public calumnies against the auditors and fiscal to shut off proceedings by them. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 573-575, 591.

[13] The name sarasa is applied by Blanco to a shrub, Justicia ecbolium, also called morado; he does not mention it as of use in medicine, although he ascribes such properties to other species of the same genus. The Official Handbook of the Philippines (Manila, 1903), pp. 395, 399, says that sarasa is the Tagálog appellation of the Visayan pasao (Graptophyllum hortense); its leaves are used "in topicals for the maintenance of fonticulus [a small artificial ulcer]." If this be intended in the text, piezas may be translated "packages;" but sarasas (evidently some product of Siam) here may have some other meaning.

[14] Apparently referring to the technical use of this word (VOL. XI, p. 43), the legal office of relator being transferred to the ecclesiastical court.

[15] Mansilla's release was ordered by Coloma; and on Christmas eve the superiors of the religious orders and the dean of the cathedral went to demand it from Bonifaz. This excited the tyrant's fears, and he determined to banish the imprisoned auditor. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 601, 602.)

[16] The above-cited document in Ventura del Arco MSS. states (p. 601) that this post was held by Francisco de Figueroa.

[17] Mansilla was shipwrecked near Verde Island (between Luzón and Mindoro), to which he escaped in a half-dead condition; on January 27 news of this was received at Manila, and champans were immediately sent to convey him to Iloilo, where he was kept in prison under guards. He managed to escape from this durance a few months later, and found refuge in a Jesuit church there. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 602, 603, 613.)

[18] The commissary was accused of ill-treating Salcedo while in prison--even going so far as to refuse him permission to draw up a will, to confess, and to receive the sacraments, although Salcedo was very ill, and his physician reported that he was in danger of death; and during at least a part of his imprisonment he was kept in fetters, and fastened to a chain. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, p. 590.)

[19] On St. Lucia's day, December 13, the usurper and the commissary of the Inquisition arrested more than twenty persons of high standing, who had disapproved of his illegal acts and had adhered to the Audiencia. These men were fettered and placed in dungeons, and their goods confiscated. They were proclaimed as traitors, and their relatives and friends were regarded as suspects. Many other arrests and acts of oppression were prevented by Coloma's interference. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 594-600.)

[20] i.e., "Thus I will, thus I command."

[21] Apparently a sentence left incomplete by the writer after some interruption of his task.

[22] Not only Pamplona, but Palencia and several others who entered the governor's room used insulting and opprobrious language to him, and even ill-treated him. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, p. 531.)

[23] The Order of St. Augustine, to which the commissary belonged, laid claim to more than 100,000 pesos, which they said was due them from Salcedo; if they gave him that money, it was that he might overlook their lawless acts, and give them what they desired. Those friars availed themselves of Salcedo whenever they chose to disobey their provincials and other superiors; and in their chapter-meetings their proceedings were controlled by his wishes and commands. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, pp. 584, 585.)

[24] The burning of the Parián in the insurrection of 1630-40 rendered it necessary to build a new one; this was placed at La Estacada (so called because the site was stockaded for this purpose), farther from the gates of Manila, but within range of the guns of Fort Santiago. Notwithstanding the inconveniences attendant on this measure, and the risk of demoralizing the Indian converts, the government refused to locate the Chinese elsewhere; but they remained there only two years. One night when they were worshiping their ancestors, a house accidentally caught fire; as a result the entire Parián was burned, with great quantities of goods belonging to the citizens of Manila, who had placed these there on sale. A great part of Binondo was also destroyed by this fire. (Diaz's Conquistas, pp. 456, 457.)

[25] Accounts of Corcuera's residencia may be found in Domingo F. de Navarrete's Tratados historicos (Madrid, 1676), trat. 6, ch. 4; Murillo Velarde's Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 136 b-138; la Concepción's Hist. de Philipinas, vi, pp. 188-195; Ferrando's Hist. de los PP. Dominicos, ii, pp. 450-453; and Montero y Vidal's Hist. de Filipinas, i, pp. 265-267.

[26] Referring to the institution founded by Corcuera, styled San Felipe, of which more detailed information will be given in a subsequent volume.

[27] "In the acts of the said congregation [of 1650, held at Nueva Segovia] is also mentioned a decree by the most reverend Marinis, which expressly annulled the mandate of the most reverend Turco, providing that the vicariates which possess votes in the chapter-sessions shall last only two years. This law of the province has suffered some modifications, according to the circumstances of the times. Since the intermediate sessions or congregations were suppressed, the office of vicar lasts four years--or, more correctly, the vicar is removable at the pleasure of the superior of the order, because the reason of his irremovability, which was the vote in the chapter, no longer exists. From this modification, however, must be excepted the rector of the college of Santo Tomás and the vicar of Cavite, who still enjoy that right." (Ferrando's Hist. de los PP. Dominicos, ii, p. 608.)

[28] These generals of the Dominican order were, respectively. Fray Tomás Turco and Fray Juan Bautista de Marinis.

[29] Alluding to Carlos Clemente Gant, who had been provincial during 1637-41.

[30] A town in Nicaragua, on the Pacific coast.

[31] Twenty-seven, according to the list in Reseña biográfica.

[32] The term "jubilee" is adopted by the Catholic church from the Jewish, and proclaims from time to time a "year of remission" from the penal consequences of sin--a plenary indulgence granted to those who repent and perform certain pious works. (See Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, p. 488.)

[33] See sketches of the lives of all these friars in Reseña biográfica, i, pp. 455-478.

[34] i.e., "Let each one abound in his own understanding."

[35] Thus in the text; but the list counts but thirty-six names, including the four who remained in Mexico. See biographical sketches of all in Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 1-17.

[36] Referring to Fray Vittorio Ricci, the Dominican missionary who carried to Manila the message of Kue-sing, the Chinese corsair.

[37] Salcedo is commended for having despatched the Acapulco galleons so promptly, and so well equipped, that during his term of office they made the voyage every year, without being driven back by storms or compelled to winter at Acapulco; and the voyage to that port--formerly eight or nine months, often with shipwreck and great loss of life and property--was reduced to four or five months. (Ventura del Arco MSS., ii, p. 507.)

[38] That is, of the posts filled in the islands by religious, in which they act as parish priests; the presentation of these lists to the royal patron practically reduces the aforesaid religious to employees of the government, and subjects them to episcopal visitation--a procedure which the orders always strenuously opposed. This subject is fully discussed by Santa Theresa, ante.

[39] Biographical sketches of all these may be found in Reseña biográfica, ii,pp. 17-100.

[40] A port and village on the northern coast of Sámar--that is, south of the Embocadero.

[41] Alluding to the process of canonization for the Japanese martyrs, then before the proper authorities at Rome. For description of this process, see Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, pp. 113, 114.

[42] Spanish, jura publicada. Felipe IV had died on September 17, 1665; and he was succeeded by the infant Cárlos II, who reigned (under the regency of his mother, Mariana of Austria, until his fifteenth year) until the end of the seventeenth century.

[43] Spanish, amantisimo por extremo. Dominguez says (Diccionario nacional) that amantisimo is used, in mystical and erotic language, in the sense of muy amado ("greatly beloved"); our text here implies that Poblete was very dear, on account of his purity, to God and the Virgin Mary.

[44] The palm was a symbol of victory and triumph--in religious language, especially of triumph over the infernal powers; and, by extension, of virginity.

[45] i.e., the third part of the Dominican history, written by father Fray Vicente de Salazar, O.P. (Manila, 1742), and treating of events from 1661 to 1690.

[46] Juan de Trezo (so called by Pérez) was a native of Extremadura, and became prior of the convents of Santo Niño de Cebú (1620) and of Otón (1623). He ministered in the villages of Taal (1631), Sala (1633), Taguig (1635), and Malolos (1636); and was definitor (1638), president of the capitular province (1641), and minister of Otón and Caruyan (1644-45). He died in 1650. See Pérez's Catálogo, p. 91.

[47] Pedro Mejia was a native of La Mancha, and professed in the convent of Valladolid. He became prior of Guadalupe in 1621 and was later definitor and visitor. He was also minister of Narvacan in 1611, and of the Tagálog villages of Calumpit, Bauan and Guiguinto until his death in 1659. See Pérez's Catálogo, pp. 94, 95.

[48] Diego Tamayo was a native of La Mancha, and professed in Andalucia. He was subprior of the convent of Manila in 1635, procurator-general in 1636, minister of Bacolor in 1638, prior of Manila in 1647, and definitor in 1650. Pérez says that he was again incorporated with his province in 1682. See Pérez's Catálogo, p. 109.

[49] Cristóbal Enríquez, a native of Cáceres, was minister in the villages of Dumalag (1620) and San Pedro (Antique; 1627)--being later transferred to the province of Tagálos, where he ministered in Batangas, Tanaoan, and Baoan (1635, 1639, 1645, and 1648), passing thence to Tambobong, Sala, Bigaá, and lastly to Malolos (1650). He acted as definitor, assistant counselor (discreto) of the province, and commissary-procurator in Madrid; and died in Trujillo in 1659. See Pérez's Catálogo, p. 94.

[50] Manuel Estacio Venegas had been regidor of Manila, and became later master-of-camp (see Pastells's Colin, pp. 487, 493). He became the favorite of Governor Diego Fajardo y Chacón, who allowed him to exercise great power, in which he proved himself to be an arbitrary and cruel man. Finally the eyes of the governor were opened to his character; and he was arrested September 16, 1651, and died in prison. See Montero y Vidal's Hist. de Filipinas, i, pp. 266, 290, 291. See also Concepción's Hist. de Philipinas, vi, pp. 195, 297-301, where a dark picture is drawn of Venegas's venality.

[51] Buzeta and Bravo say (Diccionario, ii, p. 219) that this edifice was reconstructed about 1690, being greatly enlarged.

[52] Spanish, Guerrero--a play upon his name, which signifies "warrior."

[53] Alonso de Lara was subprior of the convent of Manila in 1638, prior of the convent of Guadalupe in 1641, definitor of the province in 1643, procurator-general in 1648, and minister of Guagua in 1650. He died in 1651. See Pérez's Catálogo, p. 109.

[54] Cristóbal de León was a native of Galicia, and went to the Philippines in 1628. He was minister of Tagudín (1635 and 1638), Narvacán and Batác (1642), and Laoag (1647). From the last village he went to the villages of Bay (1650, 1659), Taal (1654), Tondo (1656, 1665), and Bulacán (1662). He was definitor and procurator-general in 1641, and died in Manila in 1668. See Pérez's Catálogo, p. 109.

[55] Alonso Quijano, a native of Corral de Almaguér in La Mancha, was an excellent linguist in the Bisayan, and served in the missions of Dunangas (1632), Jaro (1633), Laglag (1635), and Panay (1638). He was definitor in 1644, provincial in 1656, prior of the convent of Guadalupe in 1659-62, and provincial again in 1665. His death occurred in 1667. See Pérez's Catálogo, p. 108.

[56] Diego de Ochoa was a son of the convent of San Felipe el Real in Madrid, and lecturer on sacred theology in his province. After going to the Philippines he became minister of the villages of México (1638), Macabebe (1641), and Betis (1644), being also visitor for some time. He died in the year 1648. See Pérez's Catálogo, p.113.

[57] A reference perhaps to the grandson of Emanuel Philibert, duke of Savoy (who died August 30, 1580)--who bore the same name, and the titles chevalier of Malta, grand prior of Castile and León, prince of Oneille, viceroy of Sicily, and commander of sea-forces for the king of Spain, whose nephew he was. His death occurred in 1624 at the age of thirty-six. Moreri mentions no duke of Savoy by this name in that period. See Moreri's Dictionnaire.

[58] The Dominicans resolved in a council called by their provincial September 11, 1644, not to bring any charges against Corcuera, but to pardon the affronts he had given them. "The friars hated Corcuera for his partiality to the Jesuits." See Montero y Vidal's Hist. de Filipinas, i, pp. 265, 266. Cf. Ferrando's Hist. de los PP. Dominicos, ii, pp. 451, 452.

[59] Luis de Amezquita studied Greek under the Jesuits. He was admitted to the Augustinian convent of San Felipe el Real where he took his vows in 1641. Arriving at the Philippines in 1645, he labored in the Tagálog villages of Bauan (1650), Tiaong (1654), Tanauan (1656), Batangas (1659-65), Caruyan and Sala(1662), and again in Tanauan (1666). He died at Manila June 26, 1667, at the age of forty-five, leaving several writings, including a catechism in the native language, sermons, and certain commentaries. The catechism has been printed. See Pérez's Catálogo, pp. 119, 120.

[60] Jerónimo Paredes was a native of Castilla and professed in the convent of Pamplona. He was prior of Ternate (1621-25), at the cession of that island to the Portuguese Augustinians. On returning to Manila he labored in Pampanga, in the villages of Pórac (1629), Apálit (1632), Macabebe (1633), Guagua (1635), Aráyat (1638), and México (1645). He presided at the provincial chapter of 1651, and had before been visitor, prior of Santo Niño (1644), and definitor (1647). His death in 1651 was universally bewailed. See Pérez's Catálogo, p. 93.

[61] Andrés de Fuentes, a religious of the province of Castilla, was a notable orator, and the zealous minister of Calumpit in 1632. He was procurator-general in 1635, minister of Barbarán in 1636, and preacher-general in 1638. This last year he went to Malate, but afterward ministered in San Pablo de los Montes (1641), Taal (1644), Tondo (1645), Lipa (1650), and again in Malate (1653). His death occurred in 1653. See Pérez's Catálogo, p. 106.

[62] Pedro Valenzuela was a native of Castilla la Vieja, where he professed. After going to the Philippines he was assigned to the villages of Bangui (1624), Santa Cruz (1627 and 1632), Narvacán (1630), Purao (1636), and Dingras (1641). He was elected definitor in 1647, and was appointed visitor of the Ilocan provinces by Diego Ordás, meeting his death at the hands of the Zambals while attending to the duties of the visitation. See Pérez's Catálogo, p. 100.

[63] Gaspar López, a native of Castilla, an eminent orator, and a missionary in Tambobong (1630), Pórac(1633), Sesmoan (1635), Santor (1638), Apálit (1639), Gapán (1641), México (1644), Macabebe (1645), and Bacolór (1653), was definitor in 1644-47, and died at Bacolór (1655). See Pérez's Catálogo, pp. 106, 107.

[64] Tomás de Villanueva was a native of Villanueva de los Infantes and professed in the Burgos convent. Having been assigned to the Bisayas Islands, he labored in Carcar (1627), Baong (1632), Tigbauan (1633-35), Jaro (1636), Barbarán (1638, 1641, 1659, 1662), Panay (1644, 1656), and Mambúsao (1671), and Candon and Dingras in Ilocos (1650-53). He died in 1674 so poor that his burial expenses were defrayed by his parishioners. He was visitor and master of novitiates in 1647, and prior of Guadalupe in 1657. See Pérez's Catálogo, p. 95.

[65] Martin García professed in the convent of Arenas in 1629 and arrived in the Philippines June 29, 1635. He became preacher and confessor in Manila whence he went to Santa Cruz in Ilocos in 1641. In 1647 he was appointed procurator-general, but without assuming that office, sailed for Spain May 18, 1647, with appointment as commissary-procurator. His death occurred in Madrid in 1649. See Pérez's Catálogo, p. 110.

[66] Juan de Borja, a native of Osuna, professed in that city. He became fluent in the Bisayan tongue, and labored in the missions of Mambúsao (1640, 1659), Barbarán (1644, 1656), Otón (1645), and Batan (1653); being prior of the convent of Santo Niño (1657), definitor (1659), president of the chapter (1662), and prior of the convent of Guadalupe (1665). In 1665 he commissioned the founding of the Augustinian hospice for the Philippines in Mexico, known as Santo Tomás de Villanueva, of which he was superior until his death in 1683. He wrote a religious treatise in the Bisayan language, while many of his letters were preserved by the order. See Pérez's Catálogo, p. 112.

The hospice was actually founded in 1667, under the advocacy of the Santo Limosnero of Valencia [i.e., "the charitable saint of Valencia"--alluding to St. Thomas of Villanueva; he was bishop of Valencia, and died in 1555]; it was used by the Augustinians until it was confiscated by the Mexicans at the time of their revolution, in 1818. See Pérez, ut supra, note.

[67] See VOL. XXXVI, note 33. See also Revue des deux Mondes for 1869, vol. 81, article "L'Archipel des Philippines" (pp. 932-964), by Edmond Plauchut. On pp. 937-939, is described an incident illustrating the "unsubduable passion for liberty" of the Negritos. An infant of three was once captured by the Spaniards, who was about to be buried alive by his mother as she was impeded in her flight by reason of her child. This Negrito, being taken to Manila, was adopted by an American and baptized Pedrito. In due time the young savage was taken to Europe and America by his adopted father, and learned to speak Spanish, French, and English, returning after two years of travel. About two years after his return, Pedrito disappeared, and joined his own wandering tribesmen. He was seen later by a Prussian naturalist, a relative of the famous Humboldt, who ascended the mountain of Marivélez, and who talked with the "reclaimed" Negrito. This occurred in 1860.

[68] The master-of-camp, Manuel Estacio Venegas (see ante, note 50), who was a relative of the Recollect friar Juan de San Antonio. See Montero y Vidal's Hist. de Filipinas, i, p. 265.

[69] José Millán de Poblete was a Mexican, and went to Manila with his uncle, the archbishop of that name. He was head chaplain of the troops in Filipinas, an advocate for prisoners in the Inquisition, and finally bishop of Nueva Segovia in 1671, dying on June 25, 1674, in his diocese. (Pardo de Tavera, Biblioteca filipina, p. 268.)

[70] Lucas Aguilar was a missionary in Ilocos, to the villages of Purao (1620), Sinait (1621, 1626, 1644), Dingras (1624, 1638), Bauang (1633), Bantáy (1641), and Narvacán (1647). He was appointed definitor in 1650, and retired to the Manila convent, where he died in 1654. See Pérez's Catálogo, p. 95.