Chapter VII: Of faults against academic discipline and means of checking them (6)

[5] "In order to curb these so bold and inhuman actions, it was necessary that the squadrons should sail from Manila; for if they should be permanently stationed at Samboangan the expenses would be insupportable in so barren a region. If this establishment had been fixed in Yloylo, a fertile and abundant land, and sufficiently near to the Moros, the consumption of provisions on the voyages would have been more endurable; while at the same time there might remain in Samboangan a regular garrison of thirty-five men, and it would be a landing-place sufficient for our vessels when on a cruise, which from that port could go more quickly for any emergency. Moreover, in Samboangan there is not an adequate number of boats, nor is there in Yloylo--enormous sums being spent on the walls [of those forts] alone, without their being able to hinder the passage of the Moros, or prevent their infesting the provinces." (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 184, 185.)

[6] This account does not agree with the historical sketch given by N. M. Saleeby in his Studies in Moro History, Law, and Religion (Manila, 1905) pp. 57-59; but this is not surprising, as Concepción probably had but inaccurate and second-hand information regarding the rulers of Joló and Mindanao. According to Saleeby, Manamir, a great-grandson of Dipatwan Qudrat (the Corralat of the Spanish writers), was declared sultan after the death of his father Barahaman; but the government was usurped by his uncle Kuda, and civil war followed, which must have lasted more than thirty years. Kuda was finally murdered by some Sulus whom he had invited to aid him against Manamir, who therefore obtained the ascendency for a time. But the Sulus fomented discord between Manamir and his brother Anwar, which brought on even worse hostilities and murders, weakening both sides. Manamir was assassinated by his nephew Malinug, and his sons Pakir Mawlana and Pakaru-d-Din were obliged to leave Magindanao, and retired to Tamontaka; and the larger part of the towns of Magindanao and Slangan were destroyed by fire. Sultan Anwar died at Batawa and Malinug assumed the sultanate after his father's death, and kept up the fight. "After a tedious, desultory war, Malinug fled up the Pulangi to Bwayan. Pakir Mawlana then got possession of all the lands about Magindanao, and peace was made soon after. Malinug died a natural death, and some time later his two sons visited Pakir Mawlana." This account is cited from Capt. Thomas Forrest's Voyage to New Guinea and the Moluccas (London, 1779), a voyage made in 1774-76; Forrest obtained his information directly from Pakir Mawlana himself. That ruler, however, could not have been the one mentioned in the text; Mawlana is apparently an official or a hereditary title.

From Forrest's original account (pp. 201-206) we take the following items in regard to the above events: "The following short account of the history of Magindano, is drawn from original records, in the possession of Fakymolano, elder brother to Paharadine the present Sultan, and father to Kybad Zachariel, the present Rajah Moodo; they are wrote in the Magindano tongue, and Arabic character. I took it down from Fakymolano's own mouth, who dictated in Malay.

"Before the arrival of Serif Alli, the first Mahometan prince who came from Mecca to Magindano, the latter had kings of her own. For the towns of Magindano, Selangan, Catibtuan, and Semayanan had, or assumed, the right of taking from the banks of the Dano, that portion of earth, on which the sovereigns were to be consecrated. The towns of Malampyan and Lusuden, are said to have been the first who joined Serif Alli: the other four soon acceded. Serif married a daughter of the last king of the royal line, and on this marriage founded his title to the crown. About the time that Kabansuan son of Serif Alli reigned, a person named Budiman, was Pangaran (a title much used in Sumatra, and inferior to Sultan or Rajah) of Sooloo. Budiman had a grandson, who became his successor; his name was Bonsoo, and he was related to the family that governed at Borneo: which family came also from Mecca, and the head of it was brother to Serif Alli. Bonsoo had two children; a daughter, Potely, by a wife; and a son, Bakliol, by a sandle or concubine. Bakliol, the bastard, robbed his sister Potely (a name which signifies princess) of her right, threw off his dependence on Magindano, and assumed the title of Sultan, his fathers having been only Pangarans of Sooloo. [Potely's daughter, Panianamby, married Kudarat (the Corralat of Spanish writers), who was succeeded by his son Tidoly; the latter had two sons, Abdaraman and Kuddy. Abdaraman was succeeded by his son Seid Moffat]; but, being an infant, Kuddy his uncle usurped the government, and went to Semoy, carrying with him the effects of the deceased Sultan. Thence he invited the Sooloos to support him against the lawful heir. [They, however, treacherously slew Kuddy, and plundered his camp, seizing therein many pieces of heavy cannon. Seid Moffat's party then obtained control, but the country was torn by dissensions and civil war. Finally, Seid Moffat was assassinated by his nephew Molenu, but left two sons, Fakymolano and Paharadine; they were obliged to leave Magindano, which town and Selangan were nearly destroyed by fire, and the country was laid waste. After several years of petty war, Molenu was driven up the Palangy to Boyan.] Fakymolano then got possession of all the lands about Magindano, and peace was made soon after, about thirty years ago. Molenu died a natural death, leaving by concubines, two sons, Topang and Uku, also a natural daughter Myong. Fakymolano had about this time given up the Sultanship to his younger brother Paharadine, on condition that Kybad Zachariel, his own son, should be elected Rajah Moodo. Topang and Uku, for some time after the peace, visited Fakymolano and his son; but afterwards, on Paharadine's marriage with Myong, their sister, they grew shy, as the Sultan took them greatly into his favour. Topang had from his father large possessions, which made him formidable to Rajah Moodo; he was also closely connected with the Sooloos, and had married Gulaludines, daughter of Bantillan, once Sultan of Sooloo. By this time Rajah Moodo had got himself well fortified at Coto-Intang, which is within musket shot of the Sultan's palace, and within cannon shot of the strong wooden castle of Topang; both of which lie on the south side of the Pelangy. The Sultan Paharadine has no children by his consort Myong; but had by a concubine, a son named Chartow, now arrived at maturity. Whether Myong, who is said to have entirely governed the Sultan, favoured Chartow, or her elder brother Topang, is uncertain; but she was believed the cause of the coolness that prevailed between the Sultan and Rajah Moodo; who, though duly elected, and acknowledged lawful successor, yet, when I came to Magindano, in May, 1775, had not visited his uncle for above a year. Fakymolano, Rajah Moodo's father, lived at that time, just without the gate of his son's fort." Some of the allusions in this account need explanation, which is partly obtained elsewhere in Forrest's pages. "The town, that goes properly by the name of Magindano, consists at present, of scarce more than twenty houses. They stand close to, and just above where a little creek, about eighteen foot broad, runs perpendicular into the Pelangy, from a small lake about one mile distant, and about half a mile in circumference. This small lake is called the Dano; the creek I have just mentioned, is the Rawass (or river) Magindano; and from the banks of the lake or Dano, a little earth is taken, upon which the Raiah Moodo (that is young king) must stand when he is consecrated Sultan. The Rajah Moodo is elected by the states, and succeeds the Sultan; similar to the king of the Romans succeeding the emperors of Germany. A Watamama (that is, male child) is also elected, who becomes Rajah Moodo, when Rajah Moodo becomes Sultan." "The town of Selangan may be said to make one town with Magindano, as communicating with it by several bridges over the Rawass; it extends about one mile down the south side of the Pelangy, forming a decent street for one-half of the distance. In the lower part the town extends about half a mile, in several irregular streets; where many Chinese reside. In the town of Selangan altogether, may be about two hundred houses; below the Sultan's palace, about twenty yards, is a brick and mortar foundation remaining of a Spanish chapel." The spelling of proper names in Forrest's remarks is more or less phonetic and Anglicized; the reader may compare them with the accurate spelling furnished above by Dr. Saleeby. In VOL. XLI of this series (pp. 280, 281) will be seen a map of the valley of the Pulangui River, with the towns on its banks and its tributaries; the original is in the British Museum, and is evidently the basis for two maps which Forrest published in his Voyage (at p. 200). (Cf. these, and the map of the Rio Grande in U. S. Gazetteer, p. 662.) The date given in VOL. XLI was furnished at the Museum as approximately correct; but Mawlana's map was given to Forrest in 1775, and the latter says (p. 186) that it was deposited in the British Museum. The sultan of Mindanao ceded to the English, at Forrest's request, the island of Bunwoot, now called Bonga; it forms the shelter to Polloc harbor. The town of Mindanao or Magindano was at or near the site of the present Cotabato--"population, 3,000. The Chinese control the commerce of the place." (U. S. Gazetteer, p. 475.) Forrest says (p. 185): "The Chinese settled at Magindano are not permitted to trade higher [up the river] than Boyan; the Mindanoers being jealous of their superior abilities in trade."

[7] The pay of native auxiliaries from Bohol was (in 1733) reckoned at a monthly wage for each man of "thirty gantas of rice, four silver reals, a span [mano] of tobacco, and one chinanta of salt." (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, x, p. 311.)

"The Indian's largest unit of weight is a chinanta, which they divide into 10 cates of the province, which are 20 of standard weight [de romana]; the cate contains 8 taels of the province, which are 16 of standard weight." (Encina and Bermejo's Arte Cebuano, Tambobong, 1894, p. 159.)

[8] The governor sent orders to the alcaldes-mayor that "all the rancherías or visitas close to the coast should be compulsorily united, either to the larger villages or to each other, so that even the smallest village should exceed, if possible, five hundred tributes--in consequence of which measure all should fortify themselves, as the lay of the land should permit.... All these measures were at that time admirable, and would have been thoroughly effective if the inclusion of the smaller villages in the larger ones, or their consolidation, had been carried out more energetically by those whose duty it was. For this undertaking, and to stir up the negligent and careless, the armadas were more necessary than for opposing and restraining the Moros; they gave but little attention to the latter, and still less to the former, and everything was left in the same necessity, and the same condition, [as before]." (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 364, 368.)

[9] A royal order of November 19, 1815, provided for charity schools in the convents of friars and nuns, for primary education, to give instruction in the Christian doctrine, in good morals, and in the first letters to the children of the poor, from the age of ten to twelve. (Barrantes, Instrucción primaria, p. 77.)

[10] Vicente Barrantes, from whom these extracts are taken, was for some years secretary to the governor-general at Manila. See Report of Commissioner of Education, 1902, ii, p. 2219.

[11] Fred W. Atkinson, formerly general superintendent of public instruction in the Philippines, says: "The early work of the Jesuits in training the Filipinos was commendable, and along right lines in furnishing a common school education. It would have been productive of permanently good results if this order had not been supplanted by the local padres, under whose direction the common branches suffered through lack of attention." See Report of Commissioner of Education, 1900-1901, ii, p. 1317.

[12] July 27, 1863, several copies of the plan of public instruction approved for the island of Cuba on the fifteenth of the same month were sent by royal order to the governor of the Philippines, with the object of having the proper measure drawn up, and the advisable plan proposed to the ministry, in regard to the application of said plan to those islands. By decree of October 6, Echagüe created a board of reform of the plan of studies, in order to meet the requirements of the preceding royal order. See Montero y Vidal, iii, p. 403.

[13] See a summary of Barrantes's book in Report of Commissioner of Education, 1902, ii, pp. 2219-2224.

[14] "Before this date public schools were hardly known in the Philippines, and instruction was confined solely to the children of parents able to pay for it." See Census of Philippines, iii, p. 576.

[15] In the decree of the superior government, of May 7, 1871, occurs the following interesting description of conditions of the schools in the Philippines: "There are at present an infinite number of villages without schools; there are entire provinces without edifices where schools can be located; there are also many schools, or rather all the schools of the archipelago, with the exception of a few in the capital, which do not possess the material equipment for education and teaching; the children have to sit on the ground, and remain there for hours and hours, packed together as if they were not what they are; books are not given to them; they have no writing desks; they are not given pens, ink, or books. Those schools do not merit the name of such; they are not schools, sad it is to say so: they are pernicious collections of children, where since they do not gain anything morally or intellectually, they lose much, and most of all in their good physical development; in fine those schools are an expense, and show no result." The same decree states the need of economic and administrative reforms in the Philippines, and the need of "roads, canals, ports, postal communications, both inside and outside the archipelago, telegraphs, professional institutions of superior instruction, an active life without fetters for industry, trade, and agriculture;" but all this must be for the greatest use of the greatest number, and all monopoly must be avoided. "To obtain it human means offer no other mean more energetic, more prompt, and powerful, than the creation and organization of the village school, and its supervision, and its location and erection in the most healthful and convenient place, clean, neat, and modestly furnished, so that it may attract the glances of all," and may thus be of the greatest good. See Grifol y Aliaga, pp. 218, 219.

[16] The parish priests of the Philippines were called "reverend" or "devout" according as they were regulars or native seculars. See Barrantes's Instrucción primaria, p. 10.

[17] See the titles of these orders from 1863 to 1894, post.

[18] The Spanish government evinced a great interest "in giving the Filipinos a primary education commensurate with the standing of a civilized nation; but the intentions of the government were frustrated by ... the religious orders." The "great error of the Spanish nation" consisted "in placing in the hands of a few institutions [the religious orders] the future of her colonies in the extreme east, institutions which did not exist in their native country, and which sought only the private interests of the corporation or order to which they belonged. This entire plan of public instruction lived in the minds of the Spanish legislators, but was never put into practice." Tomás G. del Rosario, in Census of Philippines, iii, p. 582.

[19] By 1894 there were 2,143 public schools in the Philippines, and 173 sets of provisions regulating them, or tending to the intellectual development of the people. These laws were only superficial. See Tomás G. del Rosario, Census of Philippines, iii, p. 593.

[20] The central treasury of ways and means (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 3, note 2) having been suppressed, the expenses of this institution are at present [1894] defrayed as a charge on chapter 1, art. 1. of the budget of the local funds of the central treasury. In the budget of 1893-94, the appropriation of 10,450 pesos was set aside in the following manner:

pesos

1 director, 800 6 professors, each 600 pesos, 4,800 1 drawing teacher, 600 1 vocal music teacher, 480 1 gymnastic teacher, 400 3 assistants, each 400 pesos, 1,200 15 resident pupils, each 120 pesos, for only three months, 450 Wages of the attendants and servants of the school, 600 For office expenses, conservation, and innovation of furniture, and other effects, 1,120 ------ Total, 10,450

[21] The last classification made of the schools of this archipelago was that approved by superior decree, February 27, 1893, which was published in the Manila Gaceta, May 10 following. (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 4, note 5.)

[22] "What contributed greatly, also, to the general backwardness of primary instruction was the small salary paid teachers, as it was impossible for them to live on what was paid them.... The small salary paralyzed any good will and ambition to work." T. G. del Rosario in Census of Philippines, iii, p. 595. See also, ante, p. 80, note 20.

[23] Commonly called directorcillos (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 5, note 2).

[24] The principalia was formed of those natives who have occupied petty government posts in the islands. See VOL. XVII, p. 331.

[25] It is to be understood that the office of superior civil governor is equivalent to the present office of governor general (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 6, note 3).

[26] This superior commission, appointed by superior decree of March 15, 1864, was suppressed by another decree of the superior civil government, February 23, 1871, in accordance with order no. 1183, of the ministry of the colonies, of December 5, 1870, by which was created the ad interim Superior Board of Public Instruction (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 6, note 4).

[27] Now judge of first instance (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 6, note 5).

[28] Now manager or subdelegate of the public treasury.

[29] See Wm. B. Freer's Philippine Experiences of an American Teacher, chapter viii, pp. 97-109, for an account of methods used in normal instruction after American occupation.

[30] Those pupils styled throughout this translation "regular" or in Spanish de numero, are those appointed directly by the government, the "de numero" (of the number) indicating that a certain number were thus appointed. The supernumerary (literally, "above the number") resident pupils are all others.

[31] The clothing recommended by a sub-commission of the superior commission of primary instruction, November 24, 1864, (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 20), for regular and supernumerary resident pupils of the Manila normal school, was as follows:

Estimated price
pesos fuertes centavos

2 pairs of white pantaloons, 3 0
2 pairs of colored pantaloons, 3 0
2 white jackets, 2 0
1 coat of black alpaca, 2 50
2 black ribbons for the neck, 0 25
1 black cap, with the initials E. N. in silver,
according to model, 2 0
2 pairs of shoes, 2 0
1 pair of chinelas [i.e., heelless slipper], 0 50
10 white shirts, 10 0
2 colored shirts, 1 50
12 pocket handkerchiefs, 1 0
12 pairs of socks, 1 0
4 pairs of underdrawers, 1 25
1 mat, 0 50
1 pillow, 0 75
4 pillow-cases, 0 75
4 sheets, 6 0
2 bed covers, 2 0
Clothesbrush, comb, scissors, etc., 1 0
---------
Total 40 0

[32] i.e., All-Souls' day.

[33] The three days preceding Lent.

[34] The United States government continued this school, and gave it the support ($8,880, Mexican) formerly furnished by the Spanish government. See Report of Philippine Commission, 1900, i, p. 36.

[35] May 21, 1840, Governor Lardizábal communicated to the Audiencia a royal order of October 4, 1839, in regard to the necessary conditions to be observed for the introduction and circulation of books in the islands, the previous designation of those deserving censure, given by his Majesty's fiscal, a censor being later appointed by the government, and another by the archbishop, the fiscal again reviewing the qualification and the censure; and if "it should result that there was sufficient grounds to prohibit the circulation of any work, because it contains principles, maxims, and doctrines contrary to the rights of the legitimate throne, or to the religion of the State, the book is not only to be taken back, but shipped back immediately." In case of dispute between the two censors, the fiscal was to decide (royal order, November 19, 1840). See Montero y Vidal, iii, pp. 29, 30.

[36] The important circular of the superior civil government of August 30, 1867 (concerning school attendance), treats of the manner of exercise of the supervision of the schools by the parish priests and provincial chiefs. Various other acts of legislation refer to the same matter. (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 118, note 1.)

[37] The first two books mentioned are: the Catecismo de la doctrina cristiana, by Gaspar Astete, which has passed through many Spanish editions; and the Catéchisme historique, by Claude Fleury, which has passed through many different editions in many languages. José Francisco de Iturzaeta has published several works on educational subjects.

[38] James A. LeRoy (Philippine Life, p. 203) says of the textbooks used in the Philippines: "After 1863, and up to the American conquest, the catechism remained the chief feature of daily work in the primary schools, often relegating all else to an insignificant place--much depending upon the preparation, at best a scanty one, of the teacher. A badly printed little 150 page textbook, prescribed by the government for the schools, was reader, writer, speller, arithmetic, geography, history of Spain and the world (Spain overshadowing), Spanish grammar (quite commonly not taught, because the teacher knew little or nothing of it), and handbook of religious and moral precepts (many pages). This book, moreover, shows how pitifully inadequate was the Filipino child's schooling at the very best; for often not even this textbook was employed, perhaps because the teacher was not prepared to use it."

[39] The Philippine school report for 1892, entitled "Report of the children's schools for both sexes, at present in these islands, classified in accordance with the orders of his Excellency, the governor-general, in his decree of July 29, 1892," gives the following data. The schools are classified by grades, i.e., into schools of entrada, ascenso, and finishing schools of the second and first rank; and the order in charge of each village or province is also given. We condense from this report (a manuscript belonging to Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.), the number of schools in the various provinces, and the order or orders in charge of the same.

Augustinians

Province No. of Schools

Abra, 28
Antique, 57
Bontoc, 8
Ilocos Norte, 30
Lepanto, 20
Quiangan, 2
Tiagan, 9
Union, 35

Augustinians and Franciscans

Bulacan, 68

Augustinians and seculars

Cebú, 120
Capiz, 65
Ilocos Sur, 61
Iloilo, 95
Pampanga, 54

Augustinians, Franciscans, and seculars

Batangas, 46
Nueva Ecija, 49

Augustinians and Dominicans

Tarlac, 34

Augustinians and all other orders

Manila, 84
Franciscans
Albay, 88
Burias, 4
Camarines Norte, 20
Camarines Sur, 68
Isla del Corregidor, 3
Infanta, 4

Franciscans and Dominicans

Bataan, 36
Nueva Vizcaya, 16

Franciscans and Recollects

Misamis, 74
Leite, 89
Principe, 5
Samar, 76
Surigao, 59
Tayabas, 45

Recollects

Bohol, 94
Cavite, 50
Cottabato, 6
Calamianes, 10
Isla de Negros, occidental, 56
Isla de Negros, oriental, 34
Isabela de Basilan (?) 2
Masbate and Ticao, 23
Mindoro, 44
Paragua, 6
Romblon, 33
Zambales, 48

Recollects and Capuchins

Carolinas, orientales, 4
Carolinas, occidentales, 3

Recollects and Dominicans

Morong, 30

Recollects and seculars

Zamboanga, 15

Dominicans

Cagayan, 39
Islas Batanes, 14
Isabela de Luzón, 33
Laguna, 56
Pangasinan, 62

Jesuits

Davao, 11
Dapitan, 12

Capuchins

Marianas, 4

[40] LeRoy, ut supra, pp. 203-204, says: "The advance in primary instruction from 1863 to 1896 was altogether notable, though the figures revealing it are largely superficial, after all, in their significance. The number of school buildings increased in the villages from seven hundred to twenty-one hundred, but the number of pupils did not reach two hundred thousand, in all probability, as against one hundred and thirty-five thousand in 1866."

[41] Notwithstanding this admirable prescription, Tomás G. del Rosario, writing in Census of Philippines, iii, p. 595, says concerning the sanitary qualities of the Philippine schools: "The necessary sanitation was not observed in the schools, either to preserve the health of the children or for personal cleanliness, an important purpose of every educational system. Many of the schools were in the filthiest condition. They had no water-closets nor play-grounds, and no instruction was given in physical culture or in social matters."

[42] According to article 25 of the penal code in force in these islands, corporal punishments, in addition to that of death, are perpetual chains, perpetual imprisonment, perpetual exile, perpetual banishment, temporal chains, temporal exile, temporal banishment, imprisonment at hard labor, lesser imprisonment, confinement, absolute perpetual and temporal disqualification, and absolute and special perpetual and temporal disqualification for any public charge, right of active or passive suffrage, profession, or trade. (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 123, note 2.)

[43] The provisions (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 123, note 3) in force in regard to the salaries of teachers and assistants is that of the superior decree of July 29, 1892, which prescribes the following monthly salaries:

Boys' schools Pesos

Término schoolteachers of the first grade, 40
Término schoolteachers of the second grade, 30
Ascenso schoolteachers, 22
Entrada schoolteachers, 17
Assistants of the first class, 13
Assistants of the second class, 8

Girls' schools

Término schoolteachers, 26
Ascenso schoolteachers, 20
Entrada schoolteachers, 15
Assistants of the first class, 12
Assistants of the second class, 8

[44] The superior decree of August 11, 1892, conceded annual allowances to men and women teachers who had taught for fifteen years, and had a good record. By the decree of July 20, 1894, traveling expenses were advanced to them. (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 124, note 3.)

[45] The post of assistants of the first class belongs only to boys' término schools of the first and second class, and in those of girls to término and ascenso schools. Schools of other grades belong to assistants of the second class. Substitute assistants, namely, those who have no certificate, are entitled only to the monthly pay of four pesos. (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 124, note 4.)

[46] Article 4 of the superior decree of May 7, 1871, rules that the teaching in the schools for adults shall last eight months per year, and be given at night, employing two hours every Monday, Thursday, and Saturday of each week. For the increased work, an amount of pay equal to what they received during the day was assigned to the teachers. This decree, as is evident, took away the dominical character given to the adult schools by these regulations of December 20, 1863. Notwithstanding the benefit of the increase of a fourth part of the pay to which teachers are entitled for the adult schools, very few such schools exist. In the budgets in force now, the figures for the payment of salaries for the teaching of adults only reach the sum of 573 pesos distributed among the provinces of Abra, Cebú, and Pampanga, in the proportion of 318, 210, and 45 pesos, respectively. (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 126, note 1.)

[47] This Superior Council of Primary Instruction was suppressed by decree of the superior government, February 23, 1871, in accordance with order no. 1183, of the ministry of the colonies, December 5, 1870, by which was created the ad interim Superior Board of Public Instruction, in the manner prescribed by this article and article 15 of the royal decree of August 16, 1876, approved by royal order, June 5 of the following year. (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 126, note 2.)

[48] Article 12, of the royal decree of May 19, 1893, relative to the municipal regulation of the villages of Luzón and Visayas, prescribes among the duties of the municipal captain that of "supervisor of the offices, schools, and municipal services." On account of this some have doubted whether the supervision of the schools was taken away from the parish priests to give it to the municipal captains. That doubt has been resolved by paragraph 4 of the provisional regulations of the said royal decree approved by decree of the general government December 9, 1893, for in said paragraph it is stated clearly and distinctly: "Without prejudice to the supervision in instruction which belongs to the parish priest, according to the regulations of 1863, whose powers are not altered in any way, the municipal tribunal shall constantly exercise a watch over primary instruction, etc." In our opinion, the above-mentioned doubt has no call for existence, since the above-mentioned article 12 of the royal decree of May 19, 1893, refers, as one can see by its own words, to the municipal schools, and those which are established in the villages of the archipelago cannot have that character attributed to them, since their expenses are not met by the municipal tribunals, nor does the appointment of the staff belong to them, but both are in charge of the central management. We believe, consequently, that the municipal captains have not even the secondary or supplementary supervision over the present schools of the archipelago, which is given them by paragraph 4 of the provisional regulations of December 9, 1893. (Grifol y Aliaga, pp. 126, 127, note 5.)

[49] José de Calasanz, or as he is sometimes called, Joseph de Calasanzio, was born at Peralta, Cataluña, in 1556, and became a well-known ecclesiastic. On the occasion of a visit to Rome in 1592, touched with compassion at the neglected condition of the poor children, he renounced his ecclesiastical honors in Spain and devoted himself to the work of teaching in Rome. There he founded the Congregation of the Piaristes, consisting of regular clerics, about 1,600, whose object was the charitable education of poor children. The congregation was approved in 1617 by Paul V, who permitted members to take the simple vows and adopt their own rules. In 1621 Gregory XV gave them the title of "Regular clerics of the poor, under the protection of the Mother of God, for charitable schools." The work soon spread to the rest of Italy, and to Germany and Poland. The mother house is at Rome. Its founder, who died in 1648, and was canonized in 1767, refused to accept the honors of bishop or cardinal. See Grande Encyclopédie.

[50] Article 9 of the decree of the General Division of Civil Administration, of February 4, 1889, prescribes that on Sunday after mass the boys shall assemble at the school for an hour, so that the religious or parish priest may give them the religious teaching that he deems advisable (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 131, note 1).

[51] In 1868, the studies for the normal school for female teachers were given in this school. The report on the education of girls presented by the friars at the exposition at Madrid in 1887 speaks as follows of it: "While strictly speaking there is no other normal school for female teachers than that of Nueva Cáceres, we believe, nevertheless, that this name can be given to the municipal school for girls of this capital, which is the only institution for young women supported from public funds--that is, from the funds of the municipality of Manila. It is true that schoolmistresses can, and actually do, graduate from any girls' school of this capital, and even from any private school, as, according to the law in force to secure this title, the passing of the regular examination is sufficient; but we believe that the only institution of this character in Manila which deserves the title of teachers' school is the municipal school, and we therefore include in the same chapter this school and that of Santa Isabel of Nueva Cáceres." See Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 615, 616.

[52] In the Madrid periodical Nuestro Tiempo of November 25, 1905 (pp. 317-331), is an article by Eduardo Sanz y Escartin, of the Royal Academy of Moral and Political Sciences, entitled "La instrucción pública en España" ("Public instruction in Spain"), which gives a good résumé of the condition and needs of education in Spain at present.

[53] The Gaceta de Manila is the continuation of the Boletín oficial de Filipinas, [Official Bulletin of Filipinas] which changed its name in accordance with a royal order of May 18, 1860. The first issue of the paper under the new name appeared Tuesday, February 26, 1861, and by a royal order of September 26 following, it was prescribed that all the villages of the archipelago should subscribe for the paper. By a decree issued in February 1861, it was declared that "all the official orders published in the Gaceta de Manila, whatever their origin, are to be regarded as official and authentic text." The Boletín was first issued in 1852, being the continuation of the Diario de Manila, first published at the end of 1848. See Montero y Vidal, iii, pp. 306, 307; and Politica de España en Filipinas, iii, pp. 94, 95.

[54] General Gándara paid special attention to primary education, and very important measures are due to him in the years 1867 and 1868. He was ably seconded by the secretary of the superior government, Vicente Barrantes. See Montero y Vidal, iii, p. 491.

[55] Of the girls' school of Nueva-Cáceres, Tomás G. del Rosario says (Census of Philippines, iii, p. 616): "This school was founded by the bishop of that diocese, Fray Francisco Gainza, who inaugurated the studies on April 13, 1868, as a primary school for girls. On June 18, 1871, the studies of the normal school for women were taught there, as they were in that of Manila, by a decree of the government of King Amadeo, of Savoy. On May 26, 1873, the government of the Spanish republic decreed that each of the towns of that ecclesiastical province should hereafter make allowance for a similar number of young girls desirous of obtaining the title of teacher. Up to 1887, 177 girls had obtained certificates as teachers from this educational institution. The sisters of charity are in charge of the institution and of the education of the girls. This educational institution combined the characteristics of a school of primary instruction, a college for the education of boarding pupils, and a school for teachers, or normal school."

[56] By decision of his Excellency the governor general, November 18, 1889, this article was revised to the effect that girls could enter the normal school for women teachers in Nueva Cáceres from the age of fourteen, although those with the teachers' certificate could not teach until they reached the age of twenty, according to the regulations. However, those older than sixteen and less than twenty who hold teachers' certificates may have the charge of schools, with the character of ad interim, so long as there are not other teachers with all the legal conditions required; and they are confirmed in these posts when they reach the age of twenty, according to the royal decree of November 24, 1893. (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 45, note 1.)

[57] This article (see. Grifol y Aliaga, p. 244) is as follows: "The issuing of teachers' certificates of primary instruction, both normal and substitutes, their appointments to discharge the duties of the public schools, prescribe promotions, licenses, and other things connected with these functionaries, are in charge of the director [general of Civil Administration]."

[58] Now the civil governor of Ambos Camarines (Grifol y Aliaga, p. 50, note 2).

[59] This article (Grifol y Aliaga, pp. 401, 402) is as follows: "On the receipt of this circular, you shall have a meeting called of the persons who shall compose that provincial commission, in accordance with the above-cited art. 15 [of the royal decree of December 20, 1863]. Therein shall be read the annexed regulations which shall be cited, and those of this circular; and that provincial supervisory commission shall be declared as installed."

[60] Of the position of woman in the Philippines and its cause, LeRoy says (Philippine Life, pp. 49, 50), although perhaps a trifle too strongly, as woman in the Philippines seems always to have enjoyed a certain amount of freedom, as compared to her sisters in other oriental countries: "The position of woman in the Philippines is not that typical of the Orient. If we may not say that the Philippines are not at all oriental in this respect, at any rate it is perfectly safe to say that in no other part of the Orient have women relatively so much freedom or do they play so large a part in the control of the family or in social and even industrial affairs. It is a common remark that Filipino women, both of the privileged and of the lower classes, are possessed of more character, and often too of more enterprise, than the men. There seems every reason for ascribing this relative improvement in the position of woman in the Philippines as compared with surrounding countries in the Orient to the influence of the Christian religion and the position which they have assumed under the teaching of the Church and the directorship of the friars."

[61] Prueba de curso: the examination which is held at the end of each scholastic year or term, in the months of May and June, or (if it could not be held at that time, or if the student fails to pass) in the month of September of the new term. It must be taken by every pupil in order that he may matriculate the following term.--Francisco Giner de los Rios, of Madrid, of the Free Institution of Teaching.

[62] Grado de revalida is the aggregate of exercises and examinations which must be taken by students (in spite of having been examined every year) on the completion of any course (for example that of elementary or superior schoolmaster or mistress), in order to obtain the certificate or diploma of their degree. There are many degrees: doctor, licentiate, bachelor, primary schoolmaster, etc.--Francisco Giner de los Rios.

[63] Inscripción: the entering of a student in the school register. This word is also used in general for any record of a name, person, or thing, in a list or register.--Francisco Giner de los Rios.

[64] Encerado: a square of oilskin, used as a slate or blackboard. See New Velázquez Dictionary.

[65] Cedulas de inscripción are the documents which are given to the students, certifying that they have been registered in the matriculation books.--Francisco Giner de los Rios.

[66] Literally, "Paper of payment to the State." This is a kind of stamped paper with its stamp authorized by the State, whose price varies according as the stamp represents the value of an impost which is collected in judicial and many other affairs. In the centers of State teaching, the fees which are to be paid by the students for their matriculation are not paid in money, but by presenting a special paper which is bought in certain shops.--Francisco Ginder de los Rios.

[67] Hoja de estudios: the document on which are entered the studies which a student has had, and in which he has been examined, with their official value.--Francisco Giner de los Rios.

[68] Cedula personal: an official document declaring the name, occupation, domicile, etc., of the bearer, and serving for identification. See New Velázquez Dictionary.

[69] Matrícula de honor: a reward obtained by the best students of each class, by virtue of the term examinations. By this reward they are registered free in the matriculation of the following year.--Francisco Giner de los Rios.

[70] St. Stanislas Kostka (or Kotska) was born of a noble Polish family in 1550. While pursuing his studies at Vienna (1563-66), in the Jesuit college, his predilection to the religious life was clearly manifest, but since the provincial would not receive him there without the consent of his parents, he ran away, and tried to gain admission to the Jesuit order in Dilingen, Germany. To avoid the pursuit of his parents he was sent to Rome, where he was received into the order by St. Francis Borja in 1567. Naturally of a delicate constitution, the extreme bodily mortifications which he practiced in his youthful enthusiasm undermined his health, and he died August 14, 1568, at the age of eighteen. See Baring Gould's Lives of the Saints (London, 1898), xiii, pp. 322-325.

[71] i.e., the decree of the government, ordering "let it be done."

[72] Governor Izquierdo [1871-73] paid considerable attention to primary education, in which he was aided by José Patricio Clemente, secretary of the superior government. See Montero y Vidal, iii, p. 621.

[73] The Ensayo de gramática Hispano-Tagala (Manila, 1878) by the Recollect, Fray Toribio Minguella de la Merced. Retana says of this book (Biblioteca filipina, p. 149): "In my opinion the method of this book is the most suitable for study by Spaniards, who do not haze any knowledge of Latin, studied after the ancient method." Minguella published in 1886, Methodo práctico para que los niños y niñas de las provincias Tagalas aprendan á hablar castellano (Practical method for boys and girls to learn to talk Castilian). This latter book received a reward in public contest.

[74] The author of this book is Castor Aguilera y Porta.

[75] Its author is Ramón Irureta Goyena.

[76] By Benito Francia.

[77] This law is dated Nov. 27, 1623, q.v., VOL. XX, pp. 260, 261.

[78] In 1867 the college of San Juan de Letran was declared a college of secondary education. See Montero y Vidal, iii, p. 485.

[79] This college was considered as the Institute of the university (note on MS.).

[80] The pupils of the schools directed by nuns are girls.

[81] Throughout the first portion of this document, by "pupils" must be understood "girls."

[82] See this decree in VOL. XLV, pp. 184-186, where it is dated June 20, 1686.

[83] Tomás G. del Rosario, cited often in these notes, says (Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 594, 595): "A decree of the general government, issued October 6, 1885, provided for a competition to be followed by prizes for the best grammars written in Visayan, Cebuano, Ilocano, Bícol, Pangasinán, and Pampango, there being one already in Tagálog. Naturally these grammars, which were written in different dialects and taught in the public schools, made it more difficult (and that was the object) for the Spanish language to become general. Matters reached such a stage that teachers were punished and threatened with deportation, and some were actually deported, for teaching Spanish."

Speaking on the same subject, LeRoy ("Friars in Philippines," in Political Science Quarterly, for December, 1903, p. 673) says: "In proclaiming the law of 1893 [the Maura law], Governor-general Blanco instructed the municipal councils to employ 'the most practical means for the diffusion of the Spanish language.' The common assertion that the friars did teach the natives Spanish is contradicted by these provisions and by the numerous decrees from 1585 on; those who frankly admit that they did not spread Spanish, and who hold that it is impracticable to make the natives accept either Spanish or English, have a fair argument to present."

[84] See this decree in VOL. XLV, pp. 184-186.

[85] This is given by Barrantes, Instrucción primaria, pp. 69-71.

[86] For this and following citations of the regulations, see ante.

[87] Speaking of the legislation of 1863, LeRoy (Philippine Life, pp. 202, 203) says: "Most significant of all, local school boards of a civil and lay character were ordered established, a feature of the decree which had not by any means been realized when the municipal reform of 1893 was decreed, and which that reform itself did not accomplish. Theoretically, the friars were left in supervision only of religious instruction in the public schools; practically, in four towns out of five, they managed everything about the schools to suit their own will, down almost to the last hours of Spanish rule."

[88] The Tagálog insurrection broke out prematurely through betrayal of the plot in August, 1896.

[89] Patricio de la Escosura, formerly minister and ambassador in Berlin, member of the Royal Spanish Academy, went to the Philippines about 1863, as royal commissary. His Memoria is important and worth consultation for the history of the islands. It has a prologue by Cañamaque. The first chapter on the teaching of Spanish argues that Spanish be taught the Filipinos. Chapter viii is on the creation of a school of physicians and surgeons. The various chapters of this book, although written as letters to the President of the Council of Ministers, in 1863, were not published until 1882. See Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca filipina.

[90] See VOL. XVII, p. 333. The Cuadrilleros occupied in a certain sense, the position occupied now by the constabulary.

[91] The author of this book was Manuel del Rio, who went to the Philippines in 1713, where he labored many years in various villages of Pangasinán. He was procurator-general of his order, definitor, and provincial; and was bishop-elect of Nueva Segovia at his death. A fuller title of his book is as follows: "Instrucciones morales y religiosas para el govierno, direccion, y acierto en la practica de nuestros ministerios. Que deben observar todos los religiosos de esta nuestra Provincia de el Santo Rossario de Philipinas del Orden de Predicadores." See Peréz and Güemes's Adiciones y continuacion (Manila, 1905), p. 114.

[92] The opening of the Suez Canal, as much probably as any other factor promulgated modern ideas in the Philippines, because of the vastly shorter route thus brought about between them and the mother country.

[93] The above citation is from Daniel Grifol y Aliaga's prologue to his book La instrucción primaria en Filipinas (note by Zamora, p. 235).

[94] Fray Hilarion Diez, O.S.A., who was consecrated archbishop of Manila, October 21, 1827. His death occurred May 7, 1829. See Ferrando's Historia, vi, pp. cliii, cliv.

[95] Zamora, speaking in his chapter ix of the intervention of the friar, and discussing in general the accusations against the religious orders, says (pp. 408-452): "The Spaniards in admiration of the sanity of life, of the austerity and purity of the morals of the religious; thankful for their good offices as intermediaries among themselves in their disputes, and among the Indians during rebellions; convinced of the efficacy of their word, and of their intervention in all things; of the necessity of their active and diligent coöperation for the conservation and consolidation of the colony: began to respect, venerate, and recognize in them spontaneously, a certain right to intervene in their affairs, to settle their differences, submit to their judgment their quarrels, and respect their decisions with more submission and conformity than would proceed from the legitimately constituted authority. The governors themselves could not leave the religious out of account in all that they undertook." The Indian learned to distinguish, says Zamora, between the peaceful and helpful friar, who sought only his welfare, and the often brutal and harsh encomendero. "Not otherwise was the origin of the prestige of the religious among Indians and Spaniards;" and the lapse of time furthered it. The governors made use of the friars as ambassadors, counsellors, and in other capacities connected with the government. "The religious were the ones who formed the villages and made a record of their parishioners on the tribute and citizen list." As the friars were the only ones who understood the native dialects and the natives were ignorant of Spanish, the authorities were forced to work through the former, and consequently, the friars had the right of "visé" of the tribute and citizen lists. They became the presiding officers of all local boards, and so had all the power. In the provinces the dwelling of the parish priest was open to strangers who lodged there as in a hotel. The envy and maliciousness of certain people, however, conspired to take away the power of the parish priest, a reform that was rather agreeable than otherwise to him, as it left him more time for his ministry; but he deplored it as it seemed to threaten the country at no distant future. "The vigilant, noble, and disinterested intervention of the parish priests in all matters was the chief and necessary wheel of the gubernatorial, administrative, and judicial mechanism, in their multiple and complicated attributes and duties. That was exercised with regularity, until, in the last years of Spanish dominion in that country, the impelling force restrained the impulse." The fruit of the "reform" was the contempt of the natives for the Spaniards. "If the religious orders were the cause for the loss of these islands, they were so unconsciously and ignorantly, or consciously and maliciously." Zamora argues that they were not in any way the cause for the loss of the country. "The religious communities knew that the ruin of the country was their own ruin, the end of the Spanish domination, the end even of their existence in Filipinas." "On three bases rested the Spanish domination in Filipinas with its institutions and organisations: religion; the prestige of the parish-priest regulars; and the superiority of race in so great accord with Spanish nobility." To freemasonry was due the destruction of the high ideal of religion, and also the idea of the superiority of race; and to freemasonry is due, then, the loss of the colony. The friars have not committed the abuses with which they have been credited, and were not the cause of the revolution. They were always the upholders of Spanish sovereignty, and protected the natives.

[96] The municipal reform of 1893, the "Maura law," in conferring a considerable degree of local autonomy on Philippine towns, made the newly created municipal councils also school boards. It was a further step in taking from the padre the power to "visé" and supervise everything done, small and great, in a town. In promulgating the law, Governor-general Blanco (popular with the Filipinos for his liberal measures) took pains to explain that the priest's school-inspecting powers, so far as religious teaching went, were to be the same as ever. As a matter of fact, this reform of Minister Maura, sent forth amid much accompaniment of proclamas in Spain and the islands, was virtually made a dead-letter under succeeding governors. Its non-enforcement, except in a few towns, was one of the complaints of the insurgents in 1896. See LeRoy "Friars in the Philippines," in Political Science Quarterly for December, 1903, pp. 672, 673.

[97] Victor S. Clark (Bulletin of the Bureau of Labor, no. 58, May, 1905; Labor Conditions in the Philippines), says (p. 854): "Practically all the Christian population of Mindanao spoke Spanish in 1883, which indicates that the statistics probably did not cover the remoter Jesuit mission stations among the Moros. In that year about 21 per cent of the total population reported for the islands could read, but less than 5-1/2 per cent could speak Spanish. In other words, 75 per cent of the persons able to read could do so only in the Malay dialects."

[98] Estadismo, chapter xiv (Retana's ed.; note by Zamora).

[99] Zúñiga (Estadismo, Retana's ed., i, pp. 299, 300), says of the natives of Tondo province: "The language of these Indians is somewhat corrupted, because a great number of Spanish words have been introduced. That is the only benefit which they have derived from living near Manila, since there are very few who know Spanish. In the suburbs themselves, as well as in Binondo and Santa Cruz, the Tagálog language is spoken. The Spaniards cast the blame on the religious for the Indians not knowing the Spanish language. But let them examine the villages of the seculars, and they will find whether they know more than those of the regular curacies. We cannot succeed in getting them to learn the doctrine, and it is wished that we teach them the Spanish language. There are some Spaniards who believe that we are opposed to them learning it, but this calumny was clearly destroyed in the time of Señor Anda, when it was ordered that no one could become a gobernadorcillo unless he knew Spanish; and it was necessary in almost all the villages to take the servants of the fathers. Now even, if there is any Indian who knows Spanish in the villages, it is because he has served some religious or some Spaniard in Manila. I know very well the method of introducing the Spanish language into Filipinas; but since I know that my plan will not be observed, I shall say only that hitherto, certain absurd means which would not have been used among barbarians, have been taken."

[100] Estadismo, appendix A (note by Zamora). This citation is from vol. ii, pp. 59*, *60.

[101] The issue of June 5, 1891 (note by Zamora).

[102] An expression used in ridicule, like the English folderols. It might be translated "utter nonsense."