Chapter II: Part 2

This Robert Ketenensis was called an Englishman by surname, as he was by birth: who after some time spent in the foundations of humanitie, and in the elements of good Artes in the Vniuersities of England, determined to trauaile to the partes beyond sea: and so trauailed through France, Italie, Dalmatia, and Greece, and came at last into Asia, where he liued in great danger of his life among the cruell Saracens, but yet learned perfectly the Arabian tongue. Afterwardes he returned by sea into Spaine, and there about the riuer Iberus, gaue him selfe wholy to the studie of Astrologie, with one Hermannus a Dalmatian, who had accompanied him in his long voyage. He flourished in the yeere 1143. Steuen being then king of England, and was buried at Pampilona.

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A voyage of certaine English men vnder the conduct of Lewes king of France
vnto the Holy land.

[Sidenote: 1147. Tempore regis Stephani.] Tantae expeditionis explicito apparatu vterque princeps iter arripuit, et exercitu separtito. Imperator enim Conradus praecedebat itinere aliquot dierum, cum Italorum, Germanorum, aliarumque gentium amplissimis copijs. Rex vero Lodouicus sequebatur Francorum, Flandrensium, Normannorum, Britonum, Anglorum, Burgundionum, Prouincialium, Aquitanorum, equestri simul et pedestri agmine comitatus. Gulielmus Neobrigensis, fol. 371.

The same in English.

Both the princes prouision being made for so great an expedition, they seuering their armies, entered on their iourney. For the Emperour Conradus went before, certaine dayes iourney, with very great power of Italians, Germans, and other countreys. And king Lewes followed after accompanied with a band of horsemen and footmen of French men, Fiemmings, Normans, Britons, Englishmen, Burgundions, men of Prouence, and Gascoins.

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The voyage of Iohn Lacy to Ieirusalem.

[Sidenote: 1173.] Anno Domini 1172 fundata fuit abbatia de Stanlaw per dominum; Iohannem Lacy Constabularium Cestriae et dominum de Halton, qui obijt in Terra sancta anno sequenti: qui fuit vicessimus annus regni regis Henrici secundi.

The same in English.

In the yere of our Lord 1172 was founded the abbey of Stanlaw by the lord Iohn Lacy Constable of Chester, and lord of Halton, who deceased in the Holy land the yere following: which was in the twentieth yere of king Henry the second.

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The voyage of William Mandeuile to Ierusalem.

[Sidenote: 1177.] William Mandeuile earle of Essex, with diuers English lords and knights, went to the Holy land in the 24 yere of Henry the second. Holinshed pag. 101.

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A great supply of money to the Holy land by Henry the 2.

The same yeere King Henry the second being at Waltham, assigned an aide to the maintenance of the Christian souldiers in the Holy lande, That is to wit, two and fortie thousand marks of siluer, and fiue hundred marks of golde. Matth. Paris and Holins. pag. 105.

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A letter written from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople, vnto Henrie
the second King of England, Anno Dom. 1177. wherein mention is made that
certaine of King Henries Noble men and subjects were present with the
sayd Emperour in a battell of his against the Soldan of Iconium. Recorded
by Roger Houeden, in Annalium parte posteriore, in regno Hen. 2. fol.
316, et 317.

Eodem anno Manuel Constantinopolitanus imperator, habito praelio campestri cum Soltano Iconij et illo devicto, in hac forma scripsit Domino regi Angliae.

Manuel in Christo deo Porphyrogenitus, diuinitus coronatus, sublimis, potens, excelsus, semper Augustus, et moderator Romanorum, Comnenus, Henrico nobilissimo regi Angliae, charissimo amico suo, salutem et omne bonum. Cum imperium nostrum necessarium reputet notificare tibi, vt dilecto amico suo, de omnibus quae sibi obueniunt; ideo et de his quae nunc acciderunt ei, opportunum iudicauit declarare tuae voluntati. Igitur a principio coronationis nostrae imperium nostrum aduersus dei inimicos Persas nostrum odium in corde nutriuit, dum cerneret illos in Christianos gloriari, eleuatique in nomen dei, et Christianorum dominari regionibus. Quo circa et alio quidem tempore indifferenter inuasit eos, et prout deus ei concessit, sic et fecit. Et quae ab ipso frequenter patrata sunt ad contritionem ipsorum et perditionem, imperium nostrum credit nobilitatem tuam non latere. Quoniam autem et nunc maximum exercitum contra eos ducere proposuit, et bellum contra omnem Persidem mouere, quia res cogebat. Et non vt voluit multum aliquem apparatum fecit, sicut ei visum est. Veruntamen prout tempus dabat et rerum status, potenter eos inuasit. Collegit ergo circa se imperium nostrum potentias suas: sed quia carpenta ducebat armorum, et machinarum, et aliorum instrumentorum conferentium ciuitatem expugnationibus, pondera portantia: idcirco nequaquam cum festinatione iter suum agere poterat. Amplius autem dum adhuc propriam regionem peragraret, antequam barbarorum aliquis aduersus nos militaret in bellis aduersarius, aegritudo difficillima fluxus ventris invasit nos, qui diffusus per agmina imperij nostri pertransibat, depopulando et interimendo multos, omni pugnatore grauior. Et hoc malum inualescens maxime nos contriuit. Ex quo vero fines Turcorum inuasimus, bella quidem primum frequentia concrepabant, et agmina Turcorum cum exercitibus imperij nostri vndique dimicabant. Sed Dei gratia ex toto a nostris in fugam vertebantur barbari. Post vero vbi ei qui illic adjacet angustiae loci, quae a Persis nominatur Cibrilcimam, propinquauimus, tot Persarum turmae peditum et equitum, quorum pleraeque ab interioribus partibus Persidis occurrerant in adiutorium contribulium suorum, exercitui nostro superuenerunt, quot pene nostrorum excederent numerum. Exercitu itaque imperii nostri propter viae omnino angustiam et difficultatem, vsque ad decem milliaria extenso; et cum neque qui praeibant possent postremos defendere, neque versa vice rursus postremi possent praeeuntes inuare, non mediocriter ab inuicem hos distare accidit. Sane primae cohortes permultum ab acie imperij nostri diuidebantur, postremarum oblitae, illas non praestolantes. Quoniam igitur Turcorum agmina ex iam factis praelijs cognouerant, non conforre sibi a fronte nobis repugnare, loci angustiam bonum subuentorem cum inuenissent, posteriora statuerunt inuadere agmina, quod et fecerunt. Arctissimo igitur vbique loco existente, instabant barbari vndique, a dextris et a sinistris, et aliunde dimicantes, et tela super nos quasi imbres descendentia interimebant viros et equos complures. Ad haec itaque imperium nostrum vbi malum superabundabat, reputans secum oportunum iudicabat retro expectare, atque illos qui illic erant adiuuare, expectando vtique contra infinita illa Persarum agmina bellum sustinuit. Quanta quidem, dum ab his circundaretur, patrauerit, non opus est ad tempus sermonibus pertexere, ab illis autem qui interfuerunt, forsitan discet de his tua nobilitas. Inter haec autem existente imperio nostro, et omne belli grauamen in tantum sustinente, postremae cohortes vniuersae Gnecorum et Latinorum, et reliquorum omnium generum conglobatae, quae iaciebantur ab inimicis tela non sustinentes, impactione vtuntur, et ita violenter ferebantur, dum ad adiacentem ibi collem quasi ad propugnaculum festinarent: sed precedentes impellunt nolentes. Multo autem eleuato paluere, ac perturbante oculos, et neminem permittente videre quae circa pedes erant, in praecipitium quod aderat profundissimae vallis alius super alium homines et equi sic incontinente portati corruerunt, quod alij alios conculcantes ab inuicem interemerunt non ex gregarijs tantum, sed ex clarissimis et intimis nostris consanguineis. Quis enim inhibere poterat tantae multitudinis importabilem impulsum? At vero imperium nostrum tot et tantis confertum barbaris saucians, sauciatumque, adeo vt non modicam in eos moueret perturbationem, obstupentes perseuerant iam ipsius, et non remittebatur, bene iuuante deo, campum obtinuit. Neque locum illum scandere aduersarios permisit, in quo dimicauit cum barbaris. Nec quidem equum suum illorum timore incitauit, celerius aliquando ponere vestigia. Sed congregando omnia agmina sua, et de morte eripiendo ea, collocauit circa se: et sic primes attigit, et ordinatim proficiscens ad exercitus suos accessit. Ex tunc igitur videns Soltanus, quod post tanta quae acciderant exercitibus nostris, imperium nostrum, sicut oportunum erat, rem huiusmodi dispensauit, vt ipsum rursum inuaderet: mittens supplicauit imperio nostro, et deprecatorijs vsus est sermonibus, et requisiuit pacem illius, promittens omnem imperij nostri adimplere voluntatem, et seruitium suum contra omnem hominem dare, et omnes qui in regno suo tenebantur captiuos absoluere, et esse ex toto voluntatis nostrae. Ibidem ergo per duos dies integros, in omni potestate morati sumtis, et cognito quod nihil poterat fieri contra ciuitatem Iconij, perditis testudinibus et machins bellicis, eo quod boues cecidissent a telis in modo pluuiae iactis, qui eas trahebant: Simul autem eo quod et vniuersa animalia nostra irruente in illa difficillima aegritudine laborabant, suscepit Soltani depraecationem et foedera et iuramenta peracta sub vexillis nostris, et pacem suam ei dedit. Inde ingressum imperium nostrum in regionem suam regreditur, tribulationem habens non mediocrem super his quos perdidit corisanguineis, maximas tamen Deo gratias agens, qui per suam bonitaiem et nunc Ipsum honorauit: Gratum autem habuimus, quod quosdam nobilitatis tuae principes accidit interesse nobiscum, qui narrabunt de omnibus quae acciderant, tuae voluntati seriem. Caeterum autem, licet contristati simus propter illos qui ceciderunt: oportunum tamen duximus, de omnibus quae; acciderant, declarare tibi, vt dilecto amico nostro, et vt permultum coniuncto imperio nostro, per puerorum nostrorum intimam consanguinitatem. Vale. Data mense Nouembris, indictione tertia.

The same in English.

In the yeere 1177, Manuel the emperour of Constantinople hauing fought a field with the Soldan of Iconium, and vanquished him, wrote vnto Henry the second king of England in maner following.

Manuel Comnenus in Christ the euerliuing God a faithful emperour, descended of the linage of Porphyrie, crowned by Gods grace, high, puissant, mighty, alwayes most souereign, and gouernour of the Romans; vnto Henry the most famous king of England, his most deare friend, greeting and all good successe. Whereas our imperiall highnesse thinketh it expedient to aduertise you our welbeloued friend of all our affaires: We thought it not amisse to signifie vnto your, royal Maiestie certaine exploits at this present atchieued by vs. From the beginning therefore of our inauguration our imperiall highnes hath mainteined most deadly feod and hostility against Gods enemies the Persians, seeing them so to triumph ouer Christians, to exalt themselues against the Name of God, and to vsurpe ouer Christian kingdomes. For which cause our imperial highnesse hath in some sort encountered them heretofore, and did as it pleased God to giue vs grace. And we suppose that your Maiestie is not ignorant, what our imperiall highnesse hath often performed for their ruine and subversion. For euen now, being vrged thereunto, we haue determined to leade a mighty army against them, and to wage warre against all Persia. And albeit our forces be not so great as we could wish they were, yet haue we according to the time, and the present state of things strongly inuaded them. Wherefore our Maiestie imperiall hath gathered our armies together: but because we had in our armie sundry carts laden with armour, engines and other instruments for the assault of cities, to an exceeding weight we could not make any great speed in our iourney. Moreouer while our imperiall highnesse was yet marching in our owne dominions, before any barbarous enemy had fought against vs: our people were visited with the most grieuous disease of the fluxe, which being dispersed in our troups destroyed and slew great numbers, more then the sword of the enemy would haue done, which mischiefe so preuailing, did woonderfully abate our forces. But after we had inuaded the Turkish frontiers, we had at the first very often and hot skirmishes, and the Turks came swarming to fight against our imperiall troups. Howbeit by Gods assistance those miscreants were altogether scattered and put to flight by our souldiers. But as we approched vnto that strait passage which is called by the Persians Cibrilcimam, so many bands of Persian footemen and horsemen (most whereof came from the innermost parts of Persia, to succour their Allies) encountred our army, as were almost superiour vnto vs in number. Wherefore the army of our Imperiall highnesse, by reason of the straightnesse and difficultie of the way, being stretched ten miles in length; and the first not being able to helpe the last, nor yet contrarywise the last to rescue the first, it came to passe that they were very farre distant asunder. And in very deed the foremost troupes were much separated from the guard of our imperiall person, who forgetting their fellowes behind, would not stay any whit for them. Because therefore the Turkish bands knew full well by their former conflicts that it was bootlesse for them to assaile the forefront of our battell, and perceiuing the narownesse of the place to be a great aduantage, they determined to set vpon our rereward, and did so. Wherefore our passage being very straight, and the infidels assayling vs upon the right hand and vpon the left, and on all sides, and discharging their weapons as thicke as hailestones against vs, slew diuers of our men and horses. Hereupon, the slaughter of our people still encreasing, our maiestie imperiall deemed it requisite to stay behind, and to succour our bands in the rereward, and so expecting them we sustained the fierce encounter of many thousand Persians. What exploits our Imperiall person atchieued in the same skirmish, I hold it needlesse at this time to recount: your maiestie may perhaps vnderstand more of this matter by them which were there present Howbeit our Imperiall highnesse being in the middest of this conflict, and enduring the fight with so great danger, all our hindermost troups, both Greekes, Latines, and other nations, retiring themselues close together, and not being able to suffer the violence of their enemies weapons, pressed on so hard, and were caried with such maine force, that hastening to ascend the next hill for their better safegard, they vrged on them which went before, whether they would or no. Wherevpon, much dust being raised, which stopped our eyes and vtterly depriued vs of sight, and our men and horses pressing so sore one vpon the necke of another, plunged themselues on the sudden into such a steepe and dangerous valley, that treading one vpon another, they quelled to death not onely a multitude of the common souldiours, but diuers most honourable personages, and some of our neere kinsmen. For who could restraine the irresistable throng of so huge a multitude? Howbeit our Imperiall highnesse being enuironed with such swarmes of Infidels, and giuing and receiuing wounds (insomuch that the miscreants were greatly dismaied at our constancie) we gaue not ouer, but by Gods assistance wonne the field. Neither did we permit the enemie to ascend vnto that place, from whence we skirmished with him. Neither yet spurred wee on our horse any faster for all their assaults. But marshalling air our troupes together, and deliuering them out of danger, we disposed them about our Imperial person; and so we ouertooke the foremost, and marched in good order with our whole army. Nowe the Soldan perceiuing that notwithstanding the great damages which we had sustained, our Imperial hignes prouided to giue him a fresh encounter, humbly submitting himselfe vnto vs, and vsing submissive speaches, made suite to haue peace at our hands, and promised to fulfill the pleasure of our maiestie Imperiall, to doe vs seruice against all commers, to release all our subiects which were captiues in his realme, and to rest wholy at our commaund. [Sidenote: The citie of Iconium intended to haue bene besieged.] Here therefore we remained two dayes with great authoritie; and considering that wee could attempt nought against the citie of Iconium, hauing lost all our warrelike engines, both for defence and for batterie, for that the oxen which drew them were slaine with the enemies weapons, falling as thicke as hailestones: and also for because all our beasts in a maner were most grieuously diseased; our maiestie Imperial accepted of the Soldans petition, league, and oath being made and taken vnder our ensignes, and granted our peace vnto him. Then returned we into our owne dominions, being greatly grieued for the losse of our deere kinsmen, and yeelding vnto God most humble thanks, who of his goodnesse had euen now giuen vs the victory. [Sidenote: Certaine noblemen of the king of England were with the Emperor in his battell against the Soldan of Iconium.] We are right glad likewise that some of your maiesties princes and nobles accompanied vs in this action, who are able to report vnto you all things which haue happened. And albeit we were exceedingly grieued for the losse of our people; yet thought it we expedient to signifie vnto you the successe of our affaires, as vnto our welbeloued friend, and one who is very neerely allied vnto our highnesse Imperial, by reason of the consanguitie of our children Farewell. Giuen in the moneth of Nouember, and vpon the tenth Indiction.

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The life and trauailes of Baldwinus Deuonius, sometime Archbishop of
Canterbury.

Baldwinus Deuonius, tenui loco Excestrire natus, vir ore facundus, exactus Philosophus, et de omne studiorum genus per illos dies aptissimus inueniebatur. Scholarum rector primum erat, tum postea Archidiaconus, eruditione ac sapientia in omni negotio celebris: fuit praeterea Cisterciensis Monachus, et Abbas Fordensis Coenobij, magnus suorum testimatione, ar vniuiersae eorum societati quasi Antesignanus: fuit deinde Wigorniensis praesul, fuit et mortuo demum Richardo Cantuariorum Archiepiscopus, ac totius Angliae Primas. Cui muneri Baldwinus sollicite inuigilans, egregium se pastorem exhibuit, dominicum semen, quantum patiebatur eius temporis, iniquitas, vbique locorum spargens. Richardus Anglorum rex, acceptis tunc regni insignijs, summo studio classem, ac omnia ad Hierosolymitanum bellum gerendum necessaria parauit. Secutus est illico regem in Syriam, et Palestinam vsque Baldwinus, vt esset in tam Sancto (vt ipse putabat) itinere laborum, dolorum, ac periculorum particeps. Praefuit Cantuariensi Ecclesiae fere 6 annis, et Richardum regem in Syriam secutus, anno Salutis nostrae 1190. Tyri vitam finiuit, vbi et sepultus est.

The same in English.

Baldwine a Deuonshire man borne in Exceter of mean parentage, was a very eloquent man, an exact Philosopher, and in those dayes very excellent in all kind of studies. He was first of all a Schoolemaster: afterwards he became an Archdeacon, very famous for his learning and wisedom in all his doings. He was also a Cistercian Monke and Abbot of Foord Monasterie, and the chiefe of all those that were of his order: he grew after this to be bishop of Worcester, and at last after the death of Archb. Richard he was promoted and made Archbishop of Canterbury, and Primate of all England. In the discharge of which place he being very vigilant, shewed, himself a worthy Pastor, sowing the seed of Gods word in euery place as farre foorth as the iniquitie of that time permitted. In his time king Richard with all indeauour prepared a Fleet and all things necessary for waging of warre against the Infidels at lerasalem, taking with him the standerd and ensignes of the kingdome. This Baldwme eftsoones folowed the king into Syria and Palestina, as one desirous to be partaker of his trauailes, paines, and perils in so holy a voyage. Hee was Archbishop of Canterburie almost sixe yeres: but hauing followed the king into Syria, in the yeere 1190. he died at Tyre, where he was also buried.

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An annotation concerning the trauailes of the sayd Baldwirie, taken out of
Giraldus Cambrensis, in his Itinerarium Cambrise, lib, a. Cap. 14. Fol
229.

Inter primos Thomae Becketi successor hic secundus, audita saluatoris et salutiferae Crucis iniuria nostris (proh dolor) diebus per Saladinum irrogata, cruce signatus, in eiusdem obsequijs, tarn remotis finibus quam propinquis, praedicationis officiunm viriliter assumpsit. Et postmodum iter accipiens, nauigioque fungens apud Marsiliam, transcurso tandem pelagi profundo, in portu Tyrensi incolumis applicuit: et inde ad exercitum nostrum obsidentem pariter et obsessum Aconem transiuit: vbi multos ex nostris inueniens, et fere cunctos principum defectu, in summa desolatlone iam positos, et desperatione, alios quidem longa expectatione fatigatos, alios fame et inopia grauiter afflictos, quosdam vero aeris, inclementia distemperatos, diem foeliciter in terra sacra clausurus extremum, singulos pro posse vinculo charitatis amplectens, sumptibus et impensis, verbis, et vitae mentis confirmauit.

The same in English.

This Baldwine being the second successor vnto Thomas Becket, after he had heard the wrong which was done to our Sauiour, and the signe of the Crosse by Saladin the Sultan of Egypt, taking vpon him the Lords Character, he couragiously perfourmed his office of preaching in the obedience thereof, as well in farre distant Countreis as at home. And afterwards taking his iourney and imbarking himselfe at Marseils, hauing at length passed the Leuant sea, he arriued safely in the Hauen of Tyrus, and from thence went ouer to Achon vnto our armie, besieging the Towne, and yet (as it were) besieged it selfe: where finding many of our Countreymen, and almost all men remaining in wonderfull pensiuenesse and despaire, through the withdrawing of the Princes, some of them tyred with long expectation, others grieuously afflicted with hunger and pouertie, and others distempered with the heate of the weather, being ready happily to ende his dayes in the Holy land, embracing euery one according to his abilitie in the bond of loue, he ayded them at his costes and charges, and strengthened them with his wordes and good examples of life.

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A note drawen out of a very ancient booke remaining in the hands of the
right worshipfull M. Thomas Tilney Esquire, touching Sir Frederike Tilney
his ancestor, knighted at Acon in the Holy land for his valour, by K.
Richard the first, as foloweth.

Pertinuit iste liber prius Frederico Tilney de Boston, in comitatu Lincolniae militi facto apud Acon in terra Iudeae anno Regis Richardi primi tertio. Vir erat iste magnae staturae et potens in corpore: qui cum partibus suis dormit apud Tirrington iuxta villam sui nominis Tilney in Mershland. Cuius altitudo in salua custodia permanet ibidem vsque in hunc diem. Et post eius obitum sexdecem militibus eius nominis Tilney haereditas illa successiue obuenit, quorum vnus post alium semper habitabat apud Boston praedictum; dum fratris senioris haereditas haeredi generali deuoluta est, quae nupta est Iohanni duci Norfolciae. Eorum miles vltimus fuit Philippus Tilney nuper de Shelleigh in Comitatu Suffolciae, pater et genitor Thomae Tilney de Hadleigh in Comitatu praedicto Armigeri, cut modo attinet iste liber. Anno aetatis suae 64, Anno Domini 1556.

The same in English.

This booke pertained in times past vnto Sir Frederick Tilney of Boston in the Countie of Lincolne, who was knighted at Acon in the land of Iurie, in the third yeere of the reigne of king Richard the first. This knight was of a tall stature, and strong of body, who resteth interred with his forefathers at Tirrington, neere vnto a towne in Marshland called by his owne name Tilney. The iust height of this knight is there kept in safe custody vntill this very day. Also, after this mans decease, the inheritance of his landes fell successively vnto sixteene sundry knights called all by the name of Tilney, who dwelt alwayes, one after another, at the towne of Boston aforesayd, vntill such time as the possessions of the elder brother fell vnto an heire general, which was maried vnto Iohn duke of Northfolke. The last knight of that name was sir Philip Tilney late of Shelleigh in the Countie of Suffolke, predecessor and father vnto Thomas Tilney of Hadleigh in the Countie aforesayd Esquire, vnto whom the said booke of late appertained. In the yeere of his age 64 and in the yeere of our Lord, 1556.

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The trauailes of one Richard surnaraed Canonicus.

Richardus Canonicus ad Trinitatis fanum Londini Regularis, ab ipsa pueritia, bonarum artium literas impense amauit, excoluit, ac didicit. Qui ex continuo labore atque exercitatione longa, talis tandem euasit orator, et Poeta, quales ea aetas rarissimos nutriebat. Ob id Richardo Anglorum tunc Regi charus, longam cum eo peregrinationem in Palaestinam ac Syriam, dum expugnaret Turcas, suscepit. Vnde in Angliam tum demum reuersus, omnia quae presens vidit in vrbibus, agris, ac militum castris, fideli narratione, tam carmine, quam prosa descripsit. Neque interim omisit eiusdem Regis mores, et formam, per omnia corporis lineamenta designare, addiditque praeclaro suo open hoc aptissimum pro titulo nomen, scilicet, Itinerarium Regis Richardi. Claruit anno redemptionis nostne 1200 sub Ioanne Anglorimi Rege.

The same in English.

Richard surnamed Canonicus an obseruant Frier of Trinitie Church in London, was in great loue with the studies of good Artes, and tooke paines in them and learned them. And at last by his continuall endeauour and long exercise therein, he grewe to bee such an Oratour and Poet, as fewe were in that age liuing, by reason whereof hee grew in fauour with Richard then King of England, and vndertooke that long voyage with him into Palestina and Syria against the Turkes. From whence being returned againe into England, hee faithfully described both in Verse and Prose all such things, as hee had seene in the Cities, fieldes and tentes of the souldiours, where hee was present, and omitted not to note the behauiour, forme, and proportion of body in the foresayd king, giving to his notable worke this most apt name for the title, The Iournall of King Richard. He flourished in the yeere of our Redemption 1200. vnder Iohn king of England.

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The large contribution to the succour of the Holy land, made by king Iohn
king of England, in the third yeere of his reigne 1201. Matth. Paris and
Holinsh. pag. 164.

At the same time also the Kings of France and England gaue large money towards the maintenance of the army which at this present went foorth vnder the leading of the earle of Flanders and other, to warre against the enemies of the Christian faith at the instance of pope Innocent. There was furthermore granted vnto them the fortieth part of all the reuenues belonging vnto ecclesiastical persons, towards the ayd of the Christians then being in the Holy and: and all such aswel of the nobility, as other of the weaker sort, which had taken vpon them the crosse, and secretly layed it downe were compelled eftsoones to receiue it now againe.

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The trauailes of Hubert Walter bishop of Sarisburie.

Hubertus Walterus Sarisburiensis Episcopus, vir probus, ingenioque ac pietate clarus, inter praecipuos vnus eorum erat, qui post Richardum regem expugnandorum Saracenorum gratia in Syriam proficiscebantur. Cum ex Palaestina rediens, audiret in Sicilia, quod idem Richardus in inimicorum manus incidisset, omisso itinere incoepto, ad eum cursim diuertebat: Quem et ille statim in Angliam misit, vt illic regij Senatus authoritate, indicto pro eius redemptione tributo pecuniam colligeret quod et industrius fecit ac regem liberauit. Inde Cantuariorum Archiepiscopus factus, post eius mortem Ioanni illius fratri ac successori paria fidelitatis officia praestitit. Longa enim oratione toti Anglorum nationi persuasit, quod vir prouidus, praestans, fortis, genere nobilissimus, et imperio dignissimus esset: quo salutatus a populo fuit, atque in regem coronatus. Composuit quaedam opuscula, et ex immenso animi dolore demum obijsse fertur, Anno salutis humanae 1205. cum sedisset annos 11. Menses octo, et dies sex. Quum vidisset ex intestinis odijs, omnia in transmarinis regionibus pessum ire, regnante Ioanne.

The same in English.

Hubert Walter bishop of Sarisburie, a vertuous man, and famous for his good wit and piety, was one of the chiefest of them that followed king Richard into Syria going against the Saracens. As he returned from Palaestina and came in his iourney into Sicilia, he there heard of the ill fortune of the king being fallen into his enemies handes, and thereupon leauing his iourney homewards, he went presently and in all haste to the place where the king was captiued, whom the king immediatly vpon his comming sent into England, that by the authority of the councell, a tribute might be collected for his redemption: which this Hubert performed with great diligence, and deliuered the king. After this he was made Archbishop of Canterburie, and after the death of King Richard he shewed the like dueties of fidelitie and trust to his brother Iohn that succeeded him. For by a long oration he perswaded the whole nation of the English men, that he was a very circumspect man, vertuous, valiant, borne of noble parentage, and most woorthy of the crowne. Whereupon he was so receiued of all the people and crowned king. He wrote certaine books, and died at the last with very great griefe of minde, in the yeere 1205, hauing beene archbishop the space of 11 yeres 8 moneths and sixe dayes, by reason of the ciuil discords abroad, whereby all things went topsie turuy, and in the reigne of king Iohn.

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The trauailes of Robert Curson.

Robertus Curson ex nobili quodam Anglorum ortus genere, disciplinis tum prophanis, tum sacris studiosus incubuit, idque (quantum ex coniecturis colligo) in celebratissima Oxonij Academia. Praestantissimis illic institutoribus vsus, ex summa circa ingenuas artes industria, et assiduo literarum labore, famam sibi inter suos celeberrimam comparauit. Ampliora deinde meditatus Parisiorum Lutetiam, atque Romam ipsam petijt, illic Theologus Doctor, hic vero Cardinalis effectus. Vnde vterque Matthaeus Parisius, ac Westmonasterius, hoc de ipso testimonium adferunt: hic libro 2. ille 8. suorum Chronicorum. Anno Domini 1218 (inquiunt) in captione Damiatae AEgypti vrbis, sub Ioanne Brenno Hierosolymorum rege, fuit cum Pelagio Albanensi Magister Robertus de Curson, Anglus, Clericus celeberrimus, genere nobilis, ac Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalis, etc. Bostonus Buriensis in sua Catalogo Cursonum aliquos libros composuisse narrat. Claruit anno superius numerato per praedictos testes in Anglia regnante Henrico tertio Ioannis regis filio: fuitque hic diebus Honorij tertij Romani pontificis in Angliam, Bostono teste, legatus.

The same in English.

Robert Curson descended of a noble family of England, vsed great diligence aswell in prophane as in diuine studies in the famous Vniuersitie of Oxford (as I coniecture.) He had there the best scholemasters that were to be gotten, and was most industrious, in the arts and continual exercises of learning: by meanes whereof he grew to be of great renowne where he liued. Afterward thinking of greater matters he went to Paris, and thence to Rome it selfe, and at Paris he proceeded doctor of Diuinity, at Rome he was made cardinall: whereupon both Matthew Paris and Matthew of Westminster produce this testimony of him, the one in his second booke, the other in his eight booke of Chronicles. In the yere of our Lord (say they) 1218, at the taking of Damiata a city of Egypt vnder Iohn Brenne king of Ierusalem, M. Robert Curson an English man, a most famous clearke of noble parentage, and cardinall of the church of Rome, was there with Pelagius Albanensis, &c. Boston of Burie in Suffolke in his catalogue reporteth, that he wrote diuers books. He flourished in the yeere aforesayd by the witnesses aforesayd. Henry the third sonne of king Iohn being then king of England: and by the further testimony of Boston, this Curson was legate into England in the dayes of Honorius the third, bishop of Rome.

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The voyage of Ranulph earle of Chester, of Saer Quincy earle of Winchester,
William de Albanie earle of Arundel, with diuers other noble men to the
Holy land, in the second yere of King Henry the third. Matth. Paris.
Holensh. pag. 202.

In the yeere 1218, Ranulph earle of Chester was sent into the Holy land by king Henry the third with a goodly company of souldiers and men of warre, to ayde the Christians there against the Infidels, which at the same time had besieged the city of Damiata in Egypt. In which enterprise the valiancy of the same earle after his comming thither was to his great praise most apparent There went with him in that iourney Saer de Quincy earle of Winchester, William de Albanie earle of Arundel, besides diuers barons, as the lord Robert fitz Walter, Iohn constable of Chester, William de Harecourt, and Oliuer fitz Roy sonne to the king of England, and diuers others.

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The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the Holy land.

This yere, being the sixt yere of Henry the third, deceased Henry de Bohun earle of Hereford, and Saer de Quincy earle of Winchester, in their journey which they made to the Holy land. Matth. Paris. Holensh. pag. 202. col. 2.

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The trauailes of Ranulph Glanuile earle of Chester.

Ranulphus Glanuile Cestriae Comes, vir nobilissimi generis, et vtroque iure eruditus, in albo illustrium virorum a me merito ponendus venit. Ita probe omnes adolescentiae suae annos legibus tum humanis tum diuinis consecrauit, vt non prius in hominem pet aetatem euaserit, quam nomen decusque ab insigni eruditione sibi comparauerit. Cum profecti essent Francorum Heroes Ptolemaidem, inito cum Ioanne Brenno Hierosolymorum rege concilio, Damiatam AEgypti vrbem obsidendam constituebant, anno salutis humanae 1218. Misit illuc Henricus rex, ab Honorio 3 Rom. Pontifice rogatus, cum magna armatorum manu Ranulphum, ad rem Christianum iuuandam. Cuius virtus, Polydoro teste, in eo bello miris omnium laudibus celebrata fuit. Quo confecto negotio, Ranulphus in patriam reuersus, scripsit, De legibus Angliae librum vnum. Fertur praeterea, et alia quaedam scripsisse, sed tempus edax rerum, ea nobis abstulit. Claruit anno a Seruatoris nostri natiuitate 1230 confectus senio, dum Henricus tertius sub Antichristi tyrannide in Anglia regnaret.

The same in English.

Ranulph Granuile earle of Chester, a man of a very noble house, and learned in both the Lawes, deserues of deutie to be here placed by me in the catalogue of woorthy and notable men. He applied so well all the yeeres of his youth to the study of humane and diuine Lawes, that he came not so soone to the age of a man, as he had purchased to himselfe by reason of his singular learning, renowme and honour. When the noble men of France went to Ptolomais, vpon the counsell of Iohn Brenne king of Ierusalem, they resolued to besiege Damiata a city of Egypt, in the yeere 1218. And then Henry the king vpon the motion of Honorius the third, bishop of Rome, sent thither this earle Ranulph with a great power of armed souldiers, to further the enterprise of the Christians: whose valure in that warre (by the testimonie of Polidor Virgil) was marueilously commended of all men. After the end of which businesse, he being returned into his countrey, wrote a booke of the lawes of England. It is also reported that he wrote other books, but time the destroyer of many memorials, hath taken them from vs. He flourished in the yeere after the natiuity of Christ 1230, being very aged, and in the reigne of K. Henry the third.

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The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus bishop, of Winchester, to Ierusalem in the
yere of grace 1231, and the 15 of Henry the third.

Anno gratis 1231, mense vero Iulio, Petrus Wintoniensis episcopus, completo in terra sancta iam fere per quinquennium magnifice peregrinationis voto, reuersus est in Angliam, Kalendis Augusti; et Wintoniam veniens, susceptus est cum processione solenni in sua ecclesia cathedrali.

The same in English.

In the yere of grace 1231, and in the moneth of Iuly, Peter bishop of Winchester hauing spent almost fiue whole yeres in fulfilling his vow of pilgrimage in the Holy land with great pompe, returned into England, about the Kalends of August, and coming unto Winchester was received with solemne procession into his cathedrall church.

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The honourable and prosperous voyage of Richard earle of Cornewall, brother
to king Henry the third, accompanied with William Longespee earle of
Sarisburie, and many other noble men into Syria.

In the 24 yere of king Henry the third, Richard earle of Cornwall the kings brother, with a navy of ships sailed into Syria, where in the warres against the Saracens he greatly advanced the part of the Christians. There went over with him the earle of Sarisburie, William Longspee, and William Basset, John Beauchampe, Geoffrey de Lucie, John Neuel, Geoffrey Beauchampe, Peter de Brense, and William Furniuall.

Simon Montfort earle of Leicester went ouer also the same time; but whereas the earle of Cornwall tooke the sea at Marseils, the earle of Leicester passed thorow Italy, and tooke shipping at Brindize in Apulia: and with him went these persons of name, Thomas de Furniual with his brother Gerard de Furniuall, Hugh Wake, Almerike de S. Aumond, Wiscard Ledet, Punchard de Dewin, and William de Dewin that were brethren, Gerald Pesmes, Fouke de Baugie, and Peter de Chauntenay.

Shortly after also Iohn earle of Albemarle, William Fortis, and Peter de Mallow a Poictouin, men for their valiancy greatly renowmed, went thither, leading with them a great number of Christian souldiors, Matth. Paris. Matth. West Holensh. pag. 225. col. 2.

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The voyage of William Longespee [Marginal note:--Or, Longsword.] Earle of
Sarisburie into Asia, in the yeere 1248, and in the 32 yeere of the
reigne of Henry the third, king of England.

Lewis the French king being recovered of his sicknesse which he fell into, in the yeere 1234, vowed thereupon for a free will sacrifice to God, that he (if the Councell of his realme would suffer him) would in his owne person visit the Holy land: which matter was opened and debated in the Parliament of France held in the yeere 1247. Where at length it was concluded, that the king according to his vow should take his journey into Asia, and the time thereof was also prefixed, which should be after the feast of S. John Baptist the next yeere ensuing.

At which time William Longespee a worthie warrior, with the bishop of Worcester and certaine other great men in the Realme of England (mooved with the example of the Frenchmen) prepared themselves likewise to the same journey.

It fell out in this enterprise, that about the beginning of October, the French king assaulted and tooke Damiata, being the principall fort or hold of the Saracens in all Egypt, Anno 1249, and having fortified the Citie with an able garrison left with the Duke of Burgundies he remooved his tents from thence to goe Eastward. In whose armie followed William Longespee, accompanied with a piked number of English warriors retaining unto him. But such was the disdaine of the Frenchmen against this William Longespee and the Englishmen that they could not abide them, but flouted them after an opprobrious maner with English tailes, insomuch that the French king himselfe had much adoe to keepe peace betweene them.

The originall cause of this grudge betweene them began thus. [Sidenote: A fort won by the Englishmen] There was not farre from Alexandria in Egypt a strong fort or castle replenished with great Ladies and rich treasure of the Saracens: which hold it chanced the sayd William Longespee with his company of English soldiers to get, more by politique dexteritie then by open force of armes, wherewith, he and his retinue were greatly enriched. When the Frenchmen had knowledge hereof (they not being made priuie hereto) began to conceive an heart burning against the English souldiers, and could not speake well of them after that.

[Sidenote: A rich bootie also gotten by the Englishmen.] It hapned againe not long after that the sayd William had intelligence of a company of rich merchants among the Saracens going to a certaine Faire about the parts of Alexandria, having their camels, asses and mules, richly loden with silkes, precious jewels, spices, gold and silver, with cart loades of other wares, beside victuall and other furniture, whereof the souldiers then stood in great need: he having secret knowledge hereof, gathered all the power of Englishmen unto him that he could, and so by night falling vpon the merchants, some he slew with their guides and conducters, some he tooke, some hee put to flight: the carts with the driuers, and with the oxen, camels, asses and mules, with the whole cariage and victuals he tooke and brought with him, losing in all the skirmish but one souldier and eight of his seruitors: of whom notwithstanding some he brought home wounded to be cured.

[Sidenote: The iniurie of the Frenchmen to our English.] This being knowen in the Campe, foorth came the Frenchmen which all this while loytered in their pauilions, and meeting this cariage by the way, tooke all the foresayd praie whole to themselues, rating the said William and the Englishmen for aduenturing and issuing out of the Campe without leaue or knowledge of their Generall, contrary to the discipline of warre. William said againe he had done nothing but he would answere to it, whose purpose was to haue the spoyle deuided to the behoofe of the whole armie.

[Sidenote: Will. Longspee iustly forsaketh the French king.] When this would not serue, hee being sore grieued in his minde so cowardly to be spoyled of that which he so aduenturously had trauailed for, went to the King to complaine: But when no reason nor complaint would serue by reason of the proude Earle of Artoys the Kings brother, which vpon spight and disdaine stood agaynst him, he bidding the King forewell sayd hee would serue him no longer: and so William de Longespee with the rest of his company breaking from the French hoste went to Achon. Vpon whose departure the earle of Artoys sayd, Now is the army of French men well rid of these tailed people, which words spoken in great despight were ill taken of many good men that heard them.

But not long after, when the keeper of Cayro & Babylonia, bearing a good mind to the Christian religion, and being offended also with the Souldan, promised to deliuer the same to the French king, instructing him what course was best for him to take to accomplish it, the king hereupon in all haste sent for William Longespee, promising him a full redress of all his iniuries before receiued: who at the kings request came to him againe, and so ioyned with the French power.

After this, it happened that the French king passing with his armie towardes Cayro aforesayd, came to the great riuer Nilus, on the further part whereof the Soldan had pitched himselfe to withstand his comming ouer: there was at this time a Saracen lately conuerted to Christ, seruing the earle Robert the French kings brother, who told him of the absence of the Soldan from his tents, and of a shallow foord in the riuer where they might easily passe ouer. Whereupon the sayd earle Robert and the Master of the Temple with a great power, esteemed to the third part of the army issued ouer the riuer, after whom followed W. Longspee with his band of English souldiers. These being ioyned together on the other side of the water, encountred the same day with the Saracens remaining in the tents and put them to the worst. Which victory being gotten, the French earle surprised with pride and triumph, as though hee had conquered the whole earth, would needs forward, diuiding himselfe from the maine hoste, thinking to winne the spurres alone. To whom certain sage men of the Temple, giuing him contrary counsell, aduised him not to do so, but rather to returne and take their whole company with them, and so should they be more sure against all deceits and dangers, which might be layed priuily for them. The maner of that people (they sayd) they better knew, and had more experience thereof then he: alledging moreouer their wearied bodies, their tired horses, their famished souldiers, and the insufficiency also of their number, which was not able to withstand the multitude of the enemies, especially at this present brunt, in which the aduersaries did well see the whole state of their dominion now to consist either in winning all or losing all.

Which when the proud earle did heare, being inflated with no lesse arrogancy then ignorance, with opprobrious taunts reuiled them, calling them cowardly dastards, and betrayers of the whole countrey, obiecting vnto them the common report of many, which sayd, that the land of the holy crosse might soone be woon to Christendome, were it not for rebellious Templaries, with the Hospitalaries, and their followers.

To these contumelious rebukes, when the master of the Temple answered againe for him and his fellowes, bidding him display his ensigne when he would, and where he durst, they were as ready to follow him, as he to goe before them. Then began William de Longespe the worthy knight to speake, desiring the earle to giue eare to those men of experience, who had better knowledge of those countreyes and people then he had, commending also their counsell to be discreet and wholesome, and so turning to the master of the Temple, began with gentle wordes to mittigate him likewise. The knight had not halfe ended his talke, when the Earle taking his wordes out of his mouth, began to fume and sweare, crying out of those cowardly Englishmen with tailes: What a pure armie (sayd he) should we haue here, if these tailes and tailed people were purged from it, with other like words of villany, and much disdaine: [Sidenote: The worthy answere of William Longspe to Earle Robert.] whereunto the English knight answering againe, well, Earle Robert (said he) wheresoeuer you dare set your foote, my step shall go as farre as yours, and (as I beleeue) we goe this day where you shall not dare to come neere the taile of my horse, as in deede in the euent it prooued true: for Earle Robert would needes set forward, weening to get all the glory to himselfe before the comming of the hoste, and first inuaded a litle village or castle, which was not farre off, called Mansor. The countrey Boores and Pagans in the villages, seeing the Christians comming, ranne out with such a maine cry and shout, that it came to the Soldans hearing, who was neerer then our men did thinke. In the meane time, the Christians inuading and entring into the munition [Footnote: Fortification.] incircumspectly, were pelted and pashed [Footnote: "That can be cut with any iron, or pashed with mighty stones." CHAPMAN _Iliad_, xiii., 297.] with stones by them which stood aboue, whereby a great number of our men were lost, and the armie sore maymed, and almost in despaire.

Then immediatly vpon the same, commeth the Soldan with all his maine power, which seeing the Christian armie to be deuided, and the brother separated from the brother, had that which he long wished for, and so inclosing them round about, that none should escape, had with them a cruell fight.

Then the earle beganne to repent him of his heady rashnes, but it was too late, who then seeing William the English knight doughtily fighting in the chiefe brunt of the enemies, cried vnto him most cowardly to flie, seeing God (saith he) doth fight against vs: To whom the Knight answering againe, God forbid (sayth he) that my fathers sonne should runne away from the face of a Saracene. [Sidenote: The cowardly flight of Earle Robert.] The Earle then turning his horse, fled away, thinking to auoid by the swiftnes of his horse, and so taking the riuer Thafnis, oppressed with harnesse, was there sunken and drowned.

Thus the Earle being gone, the Frenchmen began to dispaire and scatter. [Sidenote: The valiant ende of William Longespe.] Then William de Longespe bearing all the force of the enemies, stoode against them as long as he could, wounding and slaying many a Saracen, till at length his horse being killed, and his legges maymed, he could no longer stande, who yet notwithstanding as he was downe, mangled their feete and legges, and did the Saracens much sorrow, till at last after many blowes and wounds, being stoned of the Saracens, he yeelded his life. And after the death of him, the Saracens setting vpon the residue of the armie, whom they had compassed on euery side, deuoured and destroyed them all, insomuch that scarce one man remained aliue, sauing two Templaries, one Hospitaler, and one poore rascall souldier, which brought tidings hereof to the King.

And thus by the imprudent and foolish hardines of that French Earle, the Frenchmen were discomfited, and that valiant English Knight ouermatched, to the griefe of all Christian people, the glory of the Saracens, and the vtter destruction and ruine of the whole French armie, as afterwards it appeared.

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The Voyage of Prince Edward the sonne of king Henry the third into Asia, in
the yeere 1270.

About the yeere of our Lord, 1267. Octobonus the Popes Legate being in England, prince Edward the sonne of king Henry, and other Noble men of England tooke vpon them the crosse vpon S. Iohn Baptists day, by the sayd Legates hands at Northampton, to the reliefe of the Holy land, and the subuersion of the enemies of the crosse of Christ. For which purpose, and for the better furnishing of the prince towards the iourney, there was granted him a subsidie throughout all the realme, and in the moneth of May, in the yeere of our Lord 1270. he began to set forward.

At Michaelmas following he with his company came to Eguemortes, which is from Marsilia eight leagues Westward, and there taking ship againe (hauing a mery and prosperous wind) within ten dayes arriued at Tunez, where he was with great ioy welcommed, and entertained of the Christian princes that there were to this purpose assembled, as of Philip the French King, whose father Lodouicus died a litle before, of Carolus the king of Sicilia, and the two kings of Nauarre and Arragon, and as this lord Edward came thither for his father the king of England, thither came also Henry the sonne of the king of Almaine for his father, who at his returne from the voyage was slaine in a chappell at Viterbium.

When prince Edward demanded of these kings and princes what was to be done, they answered him againe and sayd, the prince of this citie and the prouince adioyning to the same hath bene accustomed to pay tribute vnto the king of Sicily euery yere: and now for that the same hath bene for the space of seuen yeeres vnpaied and more, therefore we thought good to make invasion vpon him. But the king knowing the same tribute to be but iustly demaunded, hath now according to our owne desire satisfied for the time past, and also paid his tribute before hand.

Then sayd he, My Lords, what is this to the purpose? are we not here all assembled, and haue taken vpon vs the Lords Character to fight against the infidels and enemies of Christ? What meane you then to conclude a peace with them? God forbid we should do so, for now the land is plaine and hard, so that we may approch to the holy city of Ierusalem. Then said they, now haue we made a league with them, neither is it lawful for vs to breake the same. But let vs returne againe to Sicilia, and when the winter is past we may well take shipping to Acra. But this counsel nothing at all liked him, neither did he shew himselfe wel pleased therewith: but after hee had made them a princely banket, he went into his closet or priuy chamber from amongst them, neither would be partaker of any of that wicked money which they had taken. They notwithstanding continuing their purpose, at the next mery wind tooke shipping, and for want of ships left 200. of their men a shore, crying out, and pitiously lamenting for the peril and hazard of death that they were in: wherewith prince Edward being somewhat mooued to compassion: came backe againe to the land, and receiued and stowed them in his owne ships, being the last that went aboord.

Within seuen dayes after, they arriued in the kingdom of Sicilia, ouer agaynst the Citie Trapes, [Footnote: Trapani, N.E. of Marsala.] casting their ankers a league from thence within the sea, for that their shippes were of great burden, and throughly fraught: and from the hauen of the city they sent out barges and boates to receiue and bring such of the Nobilitie to land as would, but their horses for the most part, and all their armour they kept still within boord.

At length towards the euening the sea began to be rough, and increased to a great tempest and a mightie: insomuch that their ships were beaten one against anothers sides, and drowned. There was of them at that tempest lying at anker more then 120. with all their armour and munition, with innumerable soules besides, and that wicked money also which they had taken before, likewise perished, and was lost.

But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of prince Edwards, who had in number 13. nor yet had one man lost thereby, for that (as it may be presupposed) he consented not to the wicked counsell of the rest.

When in the morning the princes and kings came to the sea side, and saw all their ships drowned, and saw their men and horses in great number cast vpon the land drowned, they had full heauie hearts, as well they might, for of all their ships and mariners, which were in number 1500. besides the common souldiers, there was no more saued then the manners of one onely ship, and they in this wise.