Chapter XIII: Conclusions--The Individual and the National Purposes (3)

It would be absurd to claim that every excellent and competent special performer who sticks incorruptibly to his individual purpose and standard can succeed in creating a special public, molded somewhat by his personal influence. The ability to succeed is not given to everybody. It cannot always be obtained by sincere industry and able and single-minded work. The qualities needed in addition to those mentioned will vary in different occupations and according to the accidental circumstances of different cases; but they are not always the qualities which a man can acquire. Men will fail who have deserved to succeed and who might have succeeded with a little more tenacity or under slightly more favorable conditions. Men who have deserved to fail will succeed because of certain collateral but partly irrelevant merits--just as an architect may succeed who is ingenious about making his clients' houses comfortable and building them cheap. In a thousand different ways an individual enterprise, conceived and conducted with faith and ability, may prove to be abortive. Moreover, the sacrifices necessary to success are usually genuine sacrifices. The architect who wishes to build up a really loyal following by really good work must deliberately reject many possible jobs; and he must frequently spend upon the accepted jobs more money than is profitable. But the foregoing is merely tantamount to saying, as we have said, that the adventure involves a real risk. A resolute, intelligent man undertakes a doubtful and difficult enterprise, not because it is sure to succeed, but because if it succeeds, it is worth the risk and the cost, and such is the case with the contemporary American adventurer. The individual independence, appreciation, and fulfillment which he secures in the event of success are assuredly worth a harder and a more dangerous fight than the one by which frequently he is confronted. In any particular case a man, as we have admitted, may put up a good fight without securing the fruits of victory, and his adventure may end, not merely in defeat, but in self-humiliation. But if any general tendency exists to shirk, or to back down, or to place the responsibility for personal ineptitude on the public, it means, not that the fight was hopeless, but that the warriors were lacking in the necessary will and ability.

The case of the statesman, the man of letters, the philanthropist, or the reformer does not differ essentially from that of the architect. They may need for their particular purposes a larger or a smaller popular following, a larger or smaller amount of moral courage, and a more or less peculiar kind of intellectual efficiency; but wherever there is any bridge to be built between their own purposes and standards and those of the public, they must depend chiefly upon their own resources for its construction. The best that society can do to assist them at present is to establish good schools of preliminary instruction. For the rest it is the particular business of the exceptional individual to impose himself on the public; and the necessity he is under of creating his own following may prove to be helpful to him as his own exceptional achievements are to his followers. The fact that he is obliged to make a public instead of finding one ready-made, or instead of being able by the subsidy of a prince to dispense with one--this necessity will in the long run tend to keep his work vital and human. The danger which every peculiarly able individual specialist runs is that of overestimating the value of his own purpose and achievements, and so of establishing a false and delusive relation between his own world and the larger world of human affairs and interests. Such a danger cannot be properly checked by the conscious moral and intellectual education of the individual, because when he is filled too full of amiable intentions and ideas, he is by way of attenuating his individual impulse and power. But the individual who is forced to create his own public is forced also to make his own special work attractive to a public; and when he succeeds in accomplishing this result without hauling down his personal flag, his work tends to take on a more normal and human character.

It tends, that is, to be socially as well as individually formative. The peculiarly competent individual is obliged to accept the responsibilities of leadership with its privileges and fruits. There is no escape from the circle by which he finds himself surrounded. He cannot obtain the opportunities, the authority, and the independence which he needs for his own individual fulfillment, unless he builds up a following; and he cannot build up a secure personal following without making his peculiar performances appeal to some general human interest. The larger and more general the interest he can arouse, the more secure and the more remunerative his personal independence becomes. It by no means necessarily follows that he will increase his following by increasing the excellence of his work, or that he will not frequently find it difficult to keep his following without allowing his work to deteriorate. No formula, reconciling the individual and the popular interest, can be devised which will work automatically. The reconciliation must always remain a matter of victorious individual or national contrivance. But it is none the less true that the chance of fruitful reconciliation always exists, and in a democracy it should exist under peculiarly wholesome conditions. The essential nature of a democracy compels it to insist that individual power of all kinds, political, economic, or intellectual, shall not be perversely and irresponsibly exercised. The individual democrat is obliged no less to insist in his own interest that the responsible exercise of power shall not be considered equivalent to individual mediocrity and dependence. These two demands will often conflict; but the vitality of a democracy hangs upon its ability to keep both of them vigorous and assertive. Just in so far as individual democrats find ways of asserting their independence in the very act of redeeming their responsibility, the social body of which they form a part is marching toward the goal of human betterment.

It cannot be claimed, however, that the foregoing account of the relation between the individual and a nationalized democracy is even yet entirely satisfactory. No relation can be satisfactory which implies such a vast amount of individual suffering and defeat and such a huge waste of social and individual effort. The relation is only as satisfactory as it can be made under the circumstances. The individual cannot be immediately transformed by individual purpose and action into a consummate social type, any more than society can be immediately transformed by purposive national action into a consummate residence for the individual. In both cases amelioration is a matter of intelligent experimental contrivance based upon the nature of immediate conditions and equipped with every available resource and weapon. In both cases these experiments must be indefinitely continued, their lessons candidly learned, and the succeeding experiments based upon past failures and achievements. Throughout the whole task of experimental educational advance the different processes of individual and social amelioration will be partly opposed, partly supplementary, and partly parallel; but in so far as any genuine advance is made, the opposition should be less costly, and coöperation, if not easier, at least more remunerative.

The peculiar kind of individual self-assertion which has been outlined in the foregoing sections of this chapter has been adapted, not to perfect, but to actual moral, social, and intellectual conditions. For the present Americans must cultivate competent individual independence somewhat unscrupulously, because their peculiar democratic tradition has hitherto discouraged and under-valued a genuinely individualistic practice and ideal. In order to restore the balance, the individual must emancipate himself at a considerable sacrifice and by somewhat forcible means; and to a certain extent he must continue those sacrifices throughout the whole of his career. He must proclaim and, if able, he must assert his own leadership, but he must be always somewhat on his guard against his followers. He must always keep in mind that the very leadership which is the fruit of his mastery and the condition of his independence is also, considering the nature and disposition of his average follower, a dangerous temptation; and while he must not for that reason scorn popular success, he must always conscientiously reckon its actual cost. And just because a leader cannot wholly trust himself to his following, so the followers must always keep a sharp lookout lest their leaders be leading them astray. For the kind of leadership which we have postulated above is by its very definition and nature liable to become perverse and distracting.

But just in so far as the work of social and individual amelioration advances, the condition will be gradually created necessary to completer mutual confidence between the few exceptional leaders and the many "plain people." At present the burden of establishing any genuine means of communication rests very heavily upon the exceptionally able individual. But after a number of exceptionally able individuals have imposed their own purposes and standards and created a following, they will have made the task of their successors easier. Higher technical standards and more adequate forms of expression will have become better established. The "public" will have learned to expect and to appreciate more simple and appropriate architectural forms, more sincere and better-formed translations of life in books and on the stage, and more independent and better equipped political leadership. The "public," that is, instead of being as much satisfied as it is at present with cheap forms and standards, will be prepared to assume part of the expense of establishing better forms and methods of social intercourse. In this way a future generation of leaders may be enabled to conquer a following with a smaller individual expenditure of painful sacrifices and wasted effort. They can take for granted a generally higher technical and formal tradition, and they themselves will be freed from an over-conscious preoccupation with the methods and the mechanism of their work. Their attention will naturally be more than ever concentrated on the proper discrimination of their subject-matter; and just in so far as they are competent to create an impression or a following, that impression should be more profound and the following more loyal and more worthy of loyalty.

Above all, a substantial improvement in the purposes and standards of individual self-expression should create a more bracing intellectual atmosphere. Better standards will serve not only as guides but as weapons. In so far as they are embodied in competent performances, they are bound also to be applied in the critical condemnation of inferior work; and the critic himself will assume a much more important practical job than he now has. Criticism is a comparatively neglected art among Americans, because a sufficient number of people do not care whether and when the current practices are really good or bad. The practice of better standards and their appreciation will give the critic both a more substantial material for his work and a larger public. It will be his duty to make the American public conscious of the extent of the individual successes or failures and the reasons therefor; and in case his practice improves with that of the other arts, he should become a more important performer, not only because of his better opportunities and public, but because of his increase of individual prowess. He should not only be better equipped for the performance of his work and the creation of a public following, but he should have a more definite and resolute conviction of the importance of his own job. It is the business of the competent individual as a type to force society to recognize the meaning and the power of his own special purposes. It is the special business of the critic to make an ever larger portion of the public conscious of these expressions of individual purpose, of their relations one to another, of their limitations, and of their promises. He not only popularizes and explains for the benefit of a larger public the substance and significance of admirable special performance, but he should in a sense become the standard bearer of the whole movement.

The function of the critic hereafter will consist in part of carrying on an incessant and relentless warfare on the prevailing American intellectual insincerity. He can make little headway unless he is sustained by a large volume of less expressly controversial individual intellectual self-expression; but on the other hand, there are many serious obstructions to any advancing intellectual movement, which he should and must overthrow. In so doing he has every reason to be more unscrupulous and aggressive even than his brethren-in-arms. He must stab away at the gelatinous mass of popular indifference, sentimentality, and complacency, even though he seems quite unable to penetrate to the quick and draw blood. For the time the possibility of immediate constructive achievement in his own special field is comparatively small, and he is the less responsible for the production of any substantial effect, or the building up of any following except a handful of free lances like himself. He need only assure himself of his own competence with his own peculiar tools, his own good-humored sincerity, and his disinterestedness in the pursuit of his legitimate purposes, in order to feel fully justified in pushing his strokes home. In all serious warfare, people have to be really wounded for some good purpose; and in this particular fight there may be some chance that not only a good cause, but the very victim of the blow, may possibly be benefited by its delivery. The stabbing of a mass of public opinion into some consciousness of its active torpor, particularly when many particles of the mass are actively torpid because of admirable patriotic intentions,--that is a job which needs sharp weapons, intense personal devotion, and a positive indifference to consequences.

Yet if the American national Promise is ever to be fulfilled, a more congenial and a more interesting task will also await the critic--meaning by the word "critic" the voice of the specific intellectual interest, the lover of wisdom, the seeker of the truth. Every important human enterprise has its meaning, even though the conduct of the affair demands more than anything else a hard and inextinguishable faith. Such a faith will imply a creed; and its realizations will go astray unless the faithful are made conscious of the meaning of their performances or failures. The most essential and edifying business of the critic will always consist in building up "a pile of better thoughts," based for the most part upon the truth resident in the lives of their predecessors and contemporaries, but not without its outlook toward an immediate and even remote future. There can be nothing final about the creed unless there be something final about the action and purposes of which it is the expression. It must be constantly modified in order to define new experiences and renewed in order to meet unforeseen emergencies. But it should grow, just in so far as the enterprise itself makes new conquests and unfolds new aspects of truth. Democracy is an enterprise of this kind. It may prove to be the most important moral and social enterprise as yet undertaken by mankind; but it is still a very young enterprise, whose meaning and promise is by no means clearly understood. It is continually meeting unforeseen emergencies and gathering an increasing experience. The fundamental duty of a critic in a democracy is to see that the results of these experiences are not misinterpreted and that the best interpretation is embodied in popular doctrinal form. The critic consequently is not so much the guide as the lantern which illuminates the path. He may not pretend to know the only way or all the ways; but he should know as much as can be known about the traveled road.

Men endowed with high moral gifts and capable of exceptional moral achievements have also their special part to play in the building of an enduring democratic structure. In the account which has been given of the means and conditions of democratic fulfillment, the importance of this part has been under-estimated; but the under-estimate has been deliberate. It is very easy and in a sense perfectly true to declare that democracy needs for its fulfillment a peculiarly high standard of moral behavior; and it is even more true to declare that a democratic scheme of moral values reaches its consummate expression in the religion of human brotherhood. Such a religion can be realized only through the loving-kindness which individuals feel toward their fellow-men and particularly toward their fellow-countrymen; and it is through such feelings that the network of mutual loyalties and responsibilities woven in a democratic nation become radiant and expansive. Whenever an individual democrat, like Abraham Lincoln, emerges, who succeeds in offering an example of specific efficiency united with supreme kindliness of feeling, he qualifies as a national hero of consummate value. But--at present--a profound sense of human brotherhood is no substitute for specific efficiency. The men most possessed by intense brotherly feelings usually fall into an error, as Tolstoy has done, as to the way in which those feelings can be realized. Consummate faith itself is no substitute for good work. Back of any work of moral conversion must come a long and slow process of social reorganization and individual emancipation; and not until the reorganization has been partly accomplished, and the individual released, disciplined and purified, will the soil be prepared for the crowning work of some democratic Saint Francis.

Hence, in the foregoing account of a possible democratic fulfillment, attention has been concentrated on that indispensable phase of the work which can be attained by conscious means. Until this work is measurably accomplished no evangelist can do more than convert a few men for a few years. But it has been admitted throughout that the task of individual and social regeneration must remain incomplete and impoverished, until the conviction and the feeling of human brotherhood enters into possession of the human spirit. The laborious work of individual and social fulfillment may eventually be transfigured by an outburst of enthusiasm--one which is not the expression of a mood, but which is substantially the finer flower of an achieved experience and a living tradition. If such a moment ever arrives, it will be partly the creation of some democratic evangelist--some imitator of Jesus who will reveal to men the path whereby they may enter into spiritual possession of their individual and social achievements, and immeasurably increase them by virtue of personal regeneration.

Be it understood, however, that no prophecy of any such consummate moment has been made. Something of the kind may happen, in case the American or any other democracy seeks patiently and intelligently to make good a complete and a coherent democratic ideal. For better or worse, democracy cannot be disentangled from an aspiration toward human perfectibility, and hence from the adoption of measures looking in the direction of realizing such an aspiration. It may be that the attempt will not be seriously made, or that, if it is, nothing will come of it. Mr. George Santayana concludes a chapter on "Democracy" in his "Reason in Society" with the following words: "For such excellence to grow general mankind must be notably transformed. If a noble and civilized democracy is to subsist, the common citizen must be something of a saint and something of a hero. We see, therefore, how justly flattering and profound, and at the same time how ominous, was Montesquieu's saying that the principle of democracy is virtue." The principle of democracy _is_ virtue, and when we consider the condition of contemporary democracies, the saying may seem to be more ominous than flattering. But if a few hundred years from now it seems less ominous, the threat will be removed in only one way. The common citizen can become something of a saint and something of a hero, not by growing to heroic proportions in his own person, but by the sincere and enthusiastic imitation of heroes and saints, and whether or not he will ever come to such imitation will depend upon the ability of his exceptional fellow-countrymen to offer him acceptable examples of heroism and saintliness.

INDEX

A

Abolitionism,
the good American democratic view of, 49;
belief of supporters of, regarding slavery, 78-79;
a just estimate of work of, 80-81;
perverted conception of democracy held by party of, 80-81, 86;
baleful spirit of, inherited by Republicans, and its later effects, 95;
was the one practical result of the struggle of American intelligence
for emancipation, during the Middle Period, 422;
strength and weakness of the intellectual ferment shown by, 423.

Administrative reform in states, 333 ff.

"Admirable Crichton,"
trait of the English character illustrated by, 14.

Africans,
as proper subjects for colonizing, 259.

Agricultural community,
the Middle West at first primarily a, 62-63;
passage from, into an urban and industrial community, 101;
the transformation of Great Britain from an, to an industrial
community, 234.

Agricultural laborers,
effect of organization of labor on, 396.

"American Farmer, Letters of an," 8-9, 10.

Apprentices to trades, 391.

Architects,
illustration drawn from, of improvement of popular standards, 444-445.

Aristocracy in British political system, 231-232;
loss of ground by Great Britain traceable to, 233-235;
resignation of economic responsibility by, a betrayal of the national
interest, 234-235.

Armies,
essential and justifiable under present conditions, 256 ff., 264.

Arts,
technical standard in practice of, 434-435.

Asiatics,
as proper subjects for colonizing, 259.

Association,
necessity of, for nations as well as for individuals, 263-264;
the modern nation the best machinery for raising level of human, 284;
necessity of, in case of laboring classes, 388.

Australian ballot,
professional politicians uninjured by, 341;
question of desirability of, 341-342.

Austria,
policy of Bismarck toward, 248-249.

Austria-Hungary,
effect of disintegration of, on Germany, 253;
unstable condition of, renders disarmament impossible, 257;
secondary position of, in Europe, and reasons, 311.

B

Balance of Power,
development of doctrine of, 220.

Bank, National,
Hamilton's policy in creating, 39;
reasons for hostility of Jacksonian Democrats to, 57;
view of, held by Republicans, 57-58;
campaign of Jackson and his followers against, 58-59;
Whigs' failure in attempt to re-charter, 68.

Bank examiners,
difference between Federal commissions and, 363-364.

Birth-rate,
lowering of, in France, 245.

Bismarck, Otto von, 8, 242, 256;
personal career of, 247;
unification of Germany by, 247-249;
course of, as Imperial Chancellor, 249 ff.;
inheritance left to German Empire by, in the way of overbearing
attitude to domestic and foreign opponents, 251;
provoking of Germany's two wars by, was justifiable, 256;
quoted on what constitutes the real nation, 265-266.

"Boss,"
the coming of the, 118-121;
character and position of the, 122;
dealings of, with big corporations, 122-124;
his specialized leadership fills a real and permanent need, 124-125;
is the unofficial ruler of his community, 125;
is the logical outcome of a certain conception of the democratic
state, 148-149;
method proposed for destroying the, 338-341;
Australian ballot and system of direct primaries have no injurious
effect on, 341-343.

Bourbon monarchy, the, 219-220;
cause of downfall of, 220.

Bryan, William J., 136, 144, 151;
particular consideration of, as a reformer, 156 ff.;
special reforms advocated by, 156-158;
incoherence in political thinking shown by, 158-159;
policy of, toward large corporations, 358.

Business man,
origins of the typical American, 106-108;
business regarded as warfare by, 107-108;
relation between railroads and the, 109-111;
rise of, in Great Britain, and relations with aristocracy, 234-235.

Butler, Nicholas Murray, quoted, 408.

C

Cabinet, or executive council,
suggested for governors, 338-339.

Calhoun, John, a leader of the Whigs, 66-67, 79, 82.

Canada,
question of coöperation of, in establishment of a peaceful international
system, 303-304;
desirability of greater commercial freedom between United States and,
304-305;
preparing the way for closer political association, 305-306;
lines along which treaty between United States, Great Britain, and,
might be made, 306.

Carnegie, Andrew, 202, 402.

Catholic Church,
as a bond between Western European states, 217;
losing battle of, with political authority, 283.

Central America,
opportunity for improving international political conditions in, 303.

Centralization,
nationality and, 272-279;
demand for more rather than less, because of growing centralization
of American activity, 274-275;
increase in, injurious to certain aspects of traditional American
democracy, 276;
perniciousness of prejudice against, 278-279.

Chapman, John Jay, work by,
cited, 408;
quoted, 418.

Checks and balances,
system of, 33, 316;
system of, proves especially unsuitable for state governments, 323-324.

China, questions raised concerning American foreign policy by, 309-310.

Christianity a common bond between early European states, 217 ff.

Church,
change in function of the, resulting from change in modern nations, 283.

Cities,
relations of state governments to, 347-348;
as fields for economically and socially constructive experimentation,
349;
home rule in, 348-350;
policy of, toward public service corporations, 372-373;
measures to be taken against monopolies in, 374.

City states,
Greek and mediæval, 215.

Civil service reform, 143;
disappointing results of, 334-335;
causes of partial failure of, 335-337.

Civil War,
a case of a justifiable war, 255-256;
as a surgical operation, 269.

Class discrimination, 129, 191.

Clay, Henry,
Whig doctrine of, 52, 66;
reason for failure of ideas of, 69-70;
as a believer in compromises, 76;
an example of cheapening of intellectual individuality of leaders
during Middle Period, 427.

Cleveland, Grover, 168.

Colonial expansion,
the principle of nationality not hostile to, 259;
incompatibility of, for European powers, with aggrandizement at
home, 260-262;
not a cause of wars, but the contrary, 260-261;
question of what are limits of a practicable, 262-263;
is accomplishing a work without which a permanent international
settlement would be impossible, 263;
validity of, even for a democracy, 308;
of the United States, 308-310.

Commerce,
question of control of, by state or Federal government, 351-357.

Commissions,
supervision of corporations by, 360-361;
the objection to government by, 362;
false principle involved in government by, in that commissions make
the laws which they administer, 364;
public ownership contrasted with government by, 366;
the great objection to government by, in its effect on the capable
industrial manager, 368.

Communal state,
the mediæval, 215, 216.

Communities,
religious, 283;
various brands of socialistic, during American Middle Period, 422.

Competition,
wastes of, lessened by big corporations, 115;
restriction of, by labor unions, 127, 386-388;
coöperation substituted for, by big corporations, 359.

Compromise,
erected into an ultimate principle by British governing class, 234, 238;
in America in the interests of harmony, to be avoided, 269-270.

Congressional usurpation, danger to American people from, 69.

Constabulary,
state, 344-345.

Constitution,
the Federal, founders of, displayed distrust of democracy, 33-34;
despite error of Federalists, has proved an instrument capable of
flexible development, 34-35;
legal restrictions in, 35;
defect of unmodifiability of, 36;
on the whole a successful achievement, 36-37;
an accomplishment of the leaders of opinion rather than of the body of
the people, 38;
sanctioning of slavery by, 72;
power bestowed on lawyers by, 132-134;
immutability of, regarded as a fault in the American system, 200;
serious changes in, not to be thought of, at present, 316;
in all respects but one is not in need of immediate amendment, 351;
distinction made in, between state and inter-state commerce is
irrelevant to real facts of industry and trade, 351-352;
will in the end have to dispense with the distinction, 356-357.

Constitutions of states, 119.

Constitutional Unionists,
belief of, concerning slavery, 78;
present-day lawyers compared to, 137.

Corporation lawyers, 136.

Corporations,
growth of big, 110-116;
dealings between big, 113-114;
fights between, prelude closer agreement, 114;
decrease in wastes of competition by, 115;
profits of, disproportionate to their services, 115;
equivocal position in respect to the law, 115-116;
unprecedented power wielded by, 116;
political corruption and social disintegration the result of, 117;
the political "Boss" and the, 122-124;
similarities and dissimilarities of labor unions and, 130-131, 386;
agitation against and its varying character, 143;
Federal regulation of, advocated by W.J. Bryan, 158;
problem of control of, 351 ff.;
interference of state governments with railroad, insurance, and other
corporations, 352-355;
exclusive Federal control of, an essential to their proper conduct,
355-356;
two courses that may be followed in policy of central government toward,
357;
W.J. Bryan's suggested policy toward, 358;
the Roosevelt-Taft programme, of recognition tempered by regulation,
358-360;
tendency of, to substitute coöperation for competition, 359;
supervision of, by commissions, 360-361;
danger of impairing efficiency of, by depriving them of freedom, 362-363;
laws which should be made for, on repeal of Sherman Anti-Trust Law, 364;
the proposed remedy for management of, is one more way of shirking the
ultimate problem, 367;
disposal of question of excessive profits of, 370;
state taxation of, one means of control, 370;
American municipal policy toward public service corporations, 372-373;
the question of public ownership, 375-379 (_see_ Public ownership);
necessity for uniformity in taxation of, 385.
_See_ Municipal corporations _and_ Public service corporations.

Council,
legislative and administrative, suggested for state governments, 329-330;
appointment of an executive council or cabinet by the governor, 338.

Courts,
failure of American criminal and civil, 318;
protection of inter-state corporations by Federal, 355-356;
decisions of, on labor questions, 394.

Crèvecoeur, Hector St. John de, quoted, 8-9.

Criminal justice,
failure of American, 318;
reform of, by states, 344-345.

Criminals,
treatment of, by states, 345-346.

Critics and criticism in America, 450-451;
broadening of the work of, 451-452.

Crazier, John B., quoted, 15-16.

Cuba,
relations between United States and, 303, 308.

Cumberland Road, the, 67.

D

Debt, national,
Hamilton's belief in good effects of, 40-41.

Democracy,
as represented by Republicans at close of Revolution, 28-29, 30-31;
Federalists' antagonism to, 32-33;
misfortune of founding national government on distrust of, 33-34;
misunderstanding of, as an ideal, in 1786, 34;
Hamilton's distrust of, 41;
Jefferson the leader of, against Hamilton and his policies, 42-43;
Jefferson's view of, as extreme individualism, 43;
real policy of Jeffersonian, as revealed upon triumph of his party,
46-49;
Jeffersonian, becomes reconciled with Federalism, 46-47;
fifty-year sway of Jeffersonian tradition, 48;
questionable results of triumph of Jeffersonian, 50-51;
existence of a genuine American, proved by War of 1812, 54-55
(_see_ Democracy, Jacksonian);
slavery as an institution of, 80 ff.;
work of Abolitionists in the name of, 80-81;
Abolitionists' perverted conception of, 80-81, 86;
Lincoln an example of the kind of human excellence to be fashioned by,
89;
Lincoln's realization of his ideal of a, 94;
the labor union and the tradition of, 126 ff.;
the American, and the social problem, 138-140;
the ordinary conception of, as a matter of popular government, 176-180;
the true meaning of, 176 ff.;
and discrimination, 185-193;
the real definition of, 207 ff.;
a superior form of political organization in so far as liberty and
equality make for human brotherhood, 207-208;
principles of nationality and, in England, 230 ff.;
and nationality in France, 239 ff.;
principles of, and of nationality in America, 267 ff.;
and peace, 308 ff.

Democracy, Jacksonian (or Western), 52 ff.;
suspected by Hamilton, appreciated by Jefferson, 52-53;
disapproves Jefferson's policy of peaceful warfare, 53;
forces Madison into second war with England, 53-54;
the first genuinely national body of Americans, 54-55;
characteristics of, 55-56;
reasons for hostility of, to office-holding clique and the National
Bank, 57;
causes leading to introduction of spoils system by, 57, 59-60;
error of views of, 60-61;
the first body of Americans genuinely democratic in feeling, 61-62;
the true point of view in studying the, 63-65;
reason for triumph of, over Whigs, 69-70;
attitude of, toward slavery, 73-74, 84;
in 1850 Stephen A. Douglas becomes leader of, 84;
rally to Lincoln's standard, 86;
made to understand for the first time by Lincoln that American
nationality is a living principle, 88.

Direct primaries,
fallacy of system of, 342-343.

Disarmament,
undesirability of, under present conditions in Europe, 257;
a partial, would be fatal, 264.

Discrimination,
democracy and, 185-193;
class, in certain legislative acts, 191-192;
constructive, 193 ff.

Distribution of wealth,
improvement in, 209-210;
in France, 244-245;
equalization of, by graduated inheritance tax, 381-385.

Divorces,
the matter of, 346.

Douglas, Stephen. A., 84-86, 281.

E

Economic liberty of the individual, 201-206.

Economy, national _vs._ international, 235.

Education,
chaotic condition of American system of, 318;
opportunity for state activities concerning, 346;
individual _vs._ collective, 399 ff.;
is the real vehicle of improvement, by which the American is trained
for his democracy, 400;
American faith in, characterized by superstition, 400-402;
popular interest in, does not give importance to the word of the
educated man, 403;
what constitutes the real education of the individual, 403-405;
efficiency of national, similarly, depends on a nation's ability to
profit by experience, 405;
education of the individual cannot accomplish the work of collective
national, 407;
value of a reform movement for, 408;
the work of collective, not complete in itself, but followed by certain
implications, 428.

Elzbacher, O., quoted, 235.

Emancipation,
conditions of individual, 409 ff.;
attempts at individual, 421 ff.;
means of individual, 427 ff.

Embargo,
Jefferson's policy of commercial, 42;
disapproved by Jackson and Western Democrats, 53.

England,
faith of Englishmen in, 2;
an early example of political efficiency found in, 217;
increase of national efficiency of, by attention strictly to her own
affairs, 219;
national development of, as contrasted with France, 220-221;
principles of nationality and of democracy in, 230 ff.;
national efficiency of, until recently, 231;
aristocracy in political system of, 231-232;
causes and remedies of loss of ground by, 232 ff.;
the principle of compromise carried too far by aristocracy of, 234, 238;
political and social subserviency in, resulting in political privilege
and social favoritism, 236-237;
national idea of, is a matter of freedom, 267.

Equality,
stress laid by Jeffersonian Democrats on, 44;
sacrifice of liberty for, by Jeffersonian Democrats, 44-45;
desire for, of Jacksonian Democracy, leads to war on office-holding
clique and the National Bank, 57;
economic and social, in France, and questionable results, 245.

Equal rights,
the Jeffersonian principle of, 44 ff.;
tradition of, results in bosses and trusts, 148-150;
the slogan of all parties, 151;
Roosevelt's inconsistency on the point of, 172;
the principle of, is the expression of an essential aspect of
democracy, 180;
insufficiency of the principle, 181;
inequalities which have resulted from doctrine of, 182-183;
grievances resulting from doctrine, 185;
interference with, in Pure Food Laws, factory legislation, Inter-state
Commerce Acts, etc., 191-192;
subordinated and made helpful to the principle of human brotherhood,
207-208;
a logical application of, would wrongly support competition against
coöperation, 359.

"Era of good feeling," 51.

Evangelization, law of, 282.

Executives of states,
proposed administrative system for, 338-341.

F

Factory legislation,
justifiable class discrimination in, 191.

Faguet, Emile, quoted, 193, 208.

Farmers,
necessity of organization not felt by, 126;
present position of British, 235.

Farming,
improvement of, in Prussia, 250;
value of specialization in, 430.

Farm laborers, 396.

Fashoda incident, 260.

Federalism,
at close of Revolutionary War, represented by Hamilton, 28-29;
class which supported, 30;
views held by supporters of, of anti-Federalists, 32-33;
supporters of, founded national government on distrust of democracy, 33;
error and misfortune of so doing, 33-34;
the Hamiltonian brand of, shown in constructive legislation following
framing of Constitution, 39;
reconciliation of Republicanism and, 46-47;
doubtful results of combination of Republicanism and, 50-51;
Whig doctrine of Clay contrasted with Hamilton's Federalism, 52.

_Federalist_, Hamilton's, quotation from, 37.

Federalists,
the Whigs an improvement on, 67.
_See_ Federalism.

Financial policy of Hamilton, 39.

Foreign policy,
of Great Britain, 8;
of European states, 254-264;
natural method of arriving at a definite, as shown by England and
France, 257-258;
bearing of colonial expansion on, 260-262;
relation between national domestic policy and, 310.

Foreign policy, American, 289 ff.;
the Monroe Doctrine in, 291-297;
of Jeffersonian Republicans, 292;
wisdom of continued policy of isolation, 298, 310;
correct policy would be to make American system stand for peace, 299;
international system advocated for South and Central America, and
Mexico, 300-303;
the question of relations with Canada, 303-306;
suggested treaty bearing on relations between United States, Canada,
and Great Britain, 306;
systematic development of, an absolute necessity, 306-307;
colonial expansion, 308-309;
questions of, raised by future of China, 309-310;
isolation of United States is only comparative, under modern
conditions, 310.

Fortunes,
the inheritors of great, 204, 382-384.

France,
faith of Frenchmen in, 2;
origins of national state in, 218, 219;
effect of Revolution on national principle in, 223-224;
lack of representative institutions a defect in its government
to-day, 228;
democracy and nationality in, 239 ff.;
a Republic proved to be best form of government for, 241-242;
democracy not thoroughly nationalized in, 242-243;
economic problem in, 244-245;
lack of national spirit in official domestic policy, 243-244;
failure of, as a colonial power as long as striving for European
aggrandizement, 261;
national idea of, is democratic but is rendered difficult and its
value limited, 268.

Franchises,
American municipal policy toward public service corporations', 372-375.

Freedom,
American tradition of, 421-422;
the failure to attain, 422 ff.

Free trade in Great Britain, 234.

French Revolution, the, 222 ff.

G

Garrison, William Lloyd,
mental attitude and policy of, contrasted with Lincoln's, 95, 427.

George, Henry, Jr., cited, 151.

Germany,
effect of religious wars and lack of national policy in, during early
development, 219;
nationality in, increased after Napoleon, 225;
outstripping of England by, industrially, 232, 233;
relation between democracy and nationality in, 246 ff.;
system of protection, state ownership of railways, improvement in
farming, etc., 250;
result of "paternalism" has been industrial expansion surpassing
other European states, 250-251;
position of, not so high as ten years ago, 251;
the Social Democrats, 251-252;
dubious international standing of, 252-253;
is the power which has most to gain from a successful war, 252-253;
is the cause of a better understanding between England, France, and
Russia, 253-254;
effect of success or failure of foreign policy on domestic policy, 254;
further consideration of international position of, and bearing on
disarmament question, 256-259;
colonial expansion of, despite her expectation of European
aggrandizement, 261;
danger of this policy, 261-262;
national idea of, turns upon the principle of official leadership
toward a goal of national greatness, 267-268.

Governors of states, 119;
suggested reforms relative to administration of, 338 ff.;
"House of," proposed, 347.

Great Britain,
effect of position of, on domestic and foreign policy, 8, 261;
question whether colonial expansion of, has been carried too far, 262;
relations between Canada and, 305-306;
suggested arrangement between United States and, relative to Canada, 306.
_See_ England.

H

Hamilton, Alexander,
doctrines of, versus those of Jefferson, 28-29, 45-46, 153;
insight and energy of, saved states from disunion, 37;
quoted on the Constitution, 37;
importance of work of, in constructive legislation, 38-39;
broad view taken by, of governmental functions, 39-40;
doubtful theory of, regarding national debt, 40-41;
reasons for loss of popularity and influence of, 41-42;
philosophy of, concerning liberty and the method of protecting it, 44;
Roosevelt's improvement on principle of, 169;
adaptability of doctrines of, to democracy without injury to
themselves, 214;
foreign policy of, 289-290, 292-293.

Harriman, Edward, 202.

Hearst, William R., 136, 151, 155;
as a reformer, 142, 143-144;
radicalism of, 163;
inconsistencies, factiousness, and dangerous revolutionary spirit of,
164-166;
viewed as the logical punishment upon the American people for their
sins of wrong tradition, 166.

Heresies of American Middle Period, and sterile results of, 422-426.

Hill, James J., 202.

Hodder, Alfred, quoted, 144, 160, 162.

Holland,
possible incorporation of, with German Empire, 253.

Holy Alliance,
political system established by, 226;
Monroe Doctrine the American retort to, 291.

Home rule, municipal, 347-350.

"House of Governors," proposed, 347.

Howe, Frederic C., 151.

Hughes, Governor, 135.

Human brotherhood,
liberty and equality subordinated to principle of, in ideal democracy,
207-208;
the only method of realizing the religion of, 453.

I

Ideal,
necessity of an individual and a national, 5-6.

Income taxation, 384-385.

Individual emancipation,
conditions of, 409 ff.;
attempts at, 421 ff.;
means of, 427 ff.

Individualism,
found in both Federalists and Republicans at close of Revolution, 32;
free play allowed to, through triumph of Jefferson and defeat of
Hamilton, 49;
attitude of the pioneer Western Democrat toward, 64-65;
disappearance of political, in the machine, 117-125;
encouragement of, and restriction of central authority, result in
the "Boss" and the "tainted" millionaire, 148-149;
abandonment of the Jeffersonian conception of, necessary for real
reform, 152-154;
in education, as opposed to collective education, 399-409;
damage to American individuality from existing system of economic,
409 ff.;
method of exercising influence of, on behalf of social amelioration,
441 ff.

Individuality,
place of, in Middle West of pioneer days, 63-65;
disappearance of, in work of the specialist in later development of
the country, 102-103;
injury to, from, existing system of economic individualism, 409-410;
real meaning of, and of individual independence, 410 ff.;
question of how a democratic nation can contribute to increase of, 413.

Industrial corporations,
regulation, of, 378-379.
_See_ Corporations.

Industrial legislation,
class discrimination in, 191.

Inheritance tax,
a graduated, 381-385.

Inheritors of fortunes, 204, 382-384.

Initiative,
movement in favor of, in state governments, 320.

Insane asylums,
improvement of, as a function of the state, 345.

Institutional reform, 315 ff.

Insurance companies,
attempted regulation of, by various state governments, 355.

Internal improvements,
the Whig policy of, 66;
failure of, 67-68.

International relations of European states, 254-264.
_See_ England, France, Germany, _and_ Russia.

International socialism, a mistake, 210-211.

International system,
a stable American, 300 ff.;
coöperation of Latin-American states and Mexico in, 300-303;
place to be held by Canada in, 303-306;
systematic effort to establish, a plain and inevitable consequence
of the democratic national principle, 307;
peace in an, 311-312.

Inter-state commerce,
question of state or Federal control of, 351-357;
policy to be followed by central government toward, 357-368.

Inter-state Commerce Law, 112-113;
an example of class legislation, 191.

Isolation,
loss to an individual or a nation from, far more than the gain, 263-264;
comparative nature of, of United States, 310-311;
religious sanctity given to tradition of, of United States, 313.

Italy,
national feeling in, after Napoleonic epoch, 225.

J

Jackson, Andrew,
the Democracy of, 52;
quarrelsome spirit of, contrasted with Lincoln's magnanimity, 96.
_See_ Democracy, Jacksonian.

Jefferson, Thomas,
doctrines of, versus those of Hamilton, 28-29;
as leader of the democracy the opponent of Hamilton, 42;
foreign policy of, 42, 53, 290, 292;
view of democracy as extreme individualism, 43;
stress laid by, on equality, 43-44;
sacrifice of liberty for equality by, 44-45;
fundamental difference between Hamilton and, 45-46;
conduct of, on assumption of power, 46-47;
Democracy of Jackson contrasted with Republicanism of, 52;
mutual appreciation of Western pioneer Democrats and, 52-53;
traces of work of, found in failure of Whigs against Jacksonian
Democrats, 71;
wherein Lincoln differed from, 95;
necessity of transformation of doctrines of, before they can be
nationalized, 153, 214;
theory and practice of, contrasted with Roosevelt's theory and
practice, 170;
an example of triumphant intellectual dishonesty, 419.

Jerome, William Travers,
as a reformer, 143-144, 155, 184;
personality of, 160;
special class of reform advocated by, 160-161;
lack of success in other than municipal political field, 161-162.

Jesus,
intention of, in preaching non-resistance, 282.

Judges,
election of state, 119;
life tenure of office of Federal, 200;
as creatures of a political machine, 318.

Justice,
state reform of criminal, 344-345.

L

Labor problem, the, 385-398.

Labor unions, 126 ff., 385 ff.;
danger from aggressive and unscrupulous unionism, 128-129;
revolutionary purpose of, in demanding class discrimination, 129-130;
parallelism between big corporations and, 130, 386;
divergence from corporations, 131;
legal recognition of, demanded, and discrimination in their favor by
the state, 386-387;
economic and social amelioration of laboring class by, 387;
association of laborers in, a necessity under present conditions, and
the non-union man a species of industrial derelict, 387-389;
conditions to which unions should conform, 390-391;
the correct policy towards, 390;
preference to be given to, by state and municipal governments, but
discrimination to be made between "bad" and "good" unions, 394;
effect of proposed constructive organization of, on non-union laborers,
395;
on farm laborers, 396.

Latin-American states,
coöperation of, in establishment of a stable international system,
300-303;
necessity first for improvement in domestic condition of, 302-303.

Law,
big corporations and the, 115-116.

Lawyers,
function of, in American political system, 131 ff.;
tendency of, to specialize, 134-135;
those who now figure in political life, 135-136;
corporation lawyers, 136;
position occupied by, in relation to modern economic and political
problem, 137.

Legislative organization,
failure of American, 319-320;
causes, 321-324;
suggested remedy, 327-331;
quality of membership of, should be improved, 328-329;
preparation of measures for consideration by, 330-331.

"Letters of an American Farmer," 8-9, 10.

Liberty,
Hamilton's theory concerning, as contrasted with Jeffersonian Democrats',
44-45;
bearing of worship of so-called, on behavior of factions at time of
slavery crisis, 79;
responsibility of a democracy for personal, 193 ff.;
economic, of the individual, 201-206;
subordinated and made helpful to the principle of human brotherhood,
207-208.

Liberty and union,
Hamilton's idea of, 44-45;
prevailing view of, during "era of good feeling," 51.

Life insurance companies,
attempted regulation of, by various state governments, 355.

Lincoln, Abraham,
first appearance of, in debates with Douglas, 85-86;
service of, in seeing straighter and thinking harder than did his
contemporaries, 87;
makes the Western Democracy understand for the first time that American
nationality is a living principle, 88;
peculiar service rendered by and wherein his greatness lay, 88-89;
the personal worth of, 89;
early career and surroundings of, 89-90;
wherein he differed from the average Western Democrat, 90-91;
training and development of his intellect, 91-92;
further consideration of his character, 94 ff.;
contrasted with Jefferson, 95;
with Garrison, 95, 427;
with Jackson, 96;
necessity for emphasis of the difference between, and his contemporary
fellow-countrymen, 98-99;
national intellectual and moral stature of, 427.

Low, Seth, as a reformer, 143.

Lynching,
cause of, 318;
method of stopping, 344.

M

Machinery,
place of, in American economic development, 108.

Machines, political, 117 ff.;
created to satisfy a real need, 124-125;
power of, felt in the courts, 318;
corruption and incompetence of state legislative organizations
traceable to, 321;
complete reform of local administrative systems necessary for breaking
power of, 334;
civil service reform has not retarded progress of, 335.

McClellan, George B.,
as a reformer, 143.

Madison, James,
conduct of second war with England by, 53-54.

Manufacturing,
Hamilton's policy in encouraging, 39.

Merit system in offices, 143;
disappointing results of establishment of, 334-337.

Mexico,
coöperation, of, in establishment of stable international system, 303.

Middle Ages,
city states of the, 215;
origins of the national state found in, 217 ff.

Middle class,
rise of, in Great Britain, 234-235, 239.

Militarism and nationality, 254 ff.

Millionaire,
the "tainted," a result of extreme individualism, 149.

"Money Power,"
Jacksonian Democracy's attitude toward, 59.

Monopolies,
suggested measures against, in municipalities, 374.

Monroe Doctrine, the, 290 ff.;
accepted as the corollary of policy contained in Washington's Farewell
Address, 291;
the American retort to the Holy Alliance, 291-292;
American democratic idea converted into a dangerously aggressive
principle by, 293-294;
results to United States of attempting to enforce, 296-297;
implies an incompatibility between American and European institutions
which does not exist, 297;
continued adherence to, will involve United States in fruitless wars,
299-300;
necessity of forestalling inevitable future objections to, 307.

Morgan, J. Pierpont, 202.

Mugwumps, 141.

Muirhead, James, quoted, 18-19.

Municipal corporations, relations of state governments to, 347-348.

Municipal reform, 143.
_See_ Cities.

Münsterberg, Hugo, quoted, 3.

N

Napoleon, 224, 225, 259.

National Bank, the, 39, 57-58, 68.

Nationality,
slavery and American, 72 ff.;
proposed doing away with, by international socialism, a mistake, 210-211;
origins of the modern system, 215 ff.;
development of principle of, in European states, 215-221;
efficiency resulting from, but also abuses, 221-222;
creed of French Revolutionists inimical to spirit of, 222-223;
increased force of principle, resulting from abuses of French under
Napoleon, 225;
bearing of Treaty of Vienna and political system of the Holy Alliance
on, 225-226;
true meaning of, first understood after revolutionary epoch of 1848,
226-230;
no universal and perfect machinery for securing, experience shows,
229-230;
relation between principles of, and principles of democracy, 230;
principle of, and of democracy, in England, 230 ff.;
democracy and, in France, 239 ff.;
relation between democracy and, in Germany, 246 ff.;
schism created in German, by the Social Democrats, 251;
militarism and, 254 ff.;
colonial expansion is proper to principle of, 259;
international relations a condition of, 263-264;
important position of tradition in principle of, 265-266;
principles of, and of democracy, in America, 267 ff.;
and centralization, 272-279.

Nationalization,
meaning of process of, 274.

Non-interference,
policy of, 312-313.

Non-resistance,
doctrine of, not meant for this world, 282.

Non-union laborers, 387-389;
effect on, of proposed constructive organization of labor, 395.

O

Old age pensions in England, 239.

Opportunity,
necessity of enjoyment of, by individuals, 203.

Order,
maintenance of, as a state function, 344-345.

Oregon,
the initiative in, 328.

Ore lands,
lease of, to United States Steel Corporation, 114.

P

Pan-Americanism, 313-314.

Parker, Alton B., 163.

Paternalism, German, 250.

Patriotism,
national, 2;
American, contrasted with that of other nations 2-3.

Peace,
democracy and, 308 ff.

Pensions,
old age, in England, 239;
military, in United States, 274.

Philippines,
questions concerning American acquisition of, 308-309.

Poland,
partition of, 222.

Police force,
state, 344-345.

Political specialist.
_See_ "Boss."

Politics,
separation of the business man from, 117;
specialized organization of, 118-121.

Popular sovereignty,
Stephen A. Douglas's theory of, 84-86;
criticism of democracy defined as, 176-178;
principle of, as represented by French Revolutionaries, 223-224;
principle of national sovereignty not to be confused with, 265-266;
the essential condition of democracy, 269-270;
definition of the phrase, 279 ff.;
is equivalent for Americans to the phrase "national Sovereignty," 280;
misconceptions of, notably Douglas's error, 281.

Porto Rico,
relations between United States and, 308.

Poverty,
as a social danger in a democratic state, 205.

Prisons,
improvement of, as a function of the state, 345.

Profits of corporations,
disposal of question of excessive, 370.

Property,
preservation of institution of private, 209.

Protection,
Whig policy of, and its defeat, 68;
Bismarck's policy of, 250.

Public ownership, 366-367;
municipal, 372-375;
the portion of railroad property properly subject to, 376-377;
another plan of, regarding railroads, 377-378.

Public Service Commissions of New York State, 360-361;
principal objection to, 368.

Public service corporations holding municipal franchises,
should be subject to cities only, 349;
municipal policy toward, 372-373.

Pure Food Bill,
class discrimination in, 191.

R

Railroads,
conditions of growth of American, 109;
the granting of rebates by, 110-111;
public ownership of, advocated by W.J. Bryan, 158;
state ownership of, in Prussia, 250;
constructive organization of, in United States, 351 ff.;
domination of, in politics of states, 352-353;
undesirability of state supervision of, and danger to roads themselves,
353-354;
ignorant and unwise legislation by states concerning, 354-355;
substitution of control of central government for state control, 356-357;
policy to be followed by central government toward 357 ff.;
law should be passed providing for agreements between roads, and
mergers, 364-305;
freedom should be left to, to make rates and schedules, and develop
their traffic, 365-366;
public ownership of, 366;
regulation of, by Federal commissions a doubtful step, 360-363, 368;
process of combination among, and results, 375-376;
value of monopoly possessed by, could be secured to the community by
Federal government taking possession of terminals, right of way,
tracks, and stations, 376-377;
the alternative plan, of government appropriation of roads, and its
working out, 377-378.
_See_ Corporations.

Real estate tax, 385.

Rebates, 109, 110-113, 357.

Recall,
principle of the, 332-333;
employment of the, in suggested administrative system, 338, 340.

Referendum,
movement in favor of, in state governments, 320;
pros and cons of the, 327-328.

Reform,
course of the movement, 141-142;
variety in kinds of, 142-143;
variety found in exponents of, 143-144;
function of, according to the reformers, 144-145;
disappointment of hopes for, and reasons, 145-147;
a better understanding of meaning of, and of the function of reformers,
necessary to successful correction of abuses, 147;
causes of need for, 148-150;
wrong conceptions of, and intellectual awakening essential for, 150;
true methods for accomplishing, 152-154;
state institutional, 315 ff.;
policy of drift should not be allowed in, 315-316;
state administrative, 333 ff.;
impossibility of accomplishing, by Australian ballot, direct primary
system, and similar devices, 341-343;
direct practical value of a movement for, may be surpassed by its
indirect educational value, 408.

Reich, Emil, quoted, 1.

Religious wars,
bearing of, on national development of European states, 219.

Republicanism,
represented by Jefferson, 28-29, 30, 31;
identified with political disorder and social instability by
Federalists, 32-33;
opposition of, to Federalism as represented by Hamilton, 42-46;
alliance of Federalists and party of, 46-47;
effects of combination, 50-51;
Jefferson's Republicanism contrasted with Jackson's Democracy, 52;
views held by supporters of, on slavery question, 78.

Republican party,
causes leading to organization of the modern, 83;
its claims to being the first genuinely national party, 83-84;
rescue of, by Roosevelt, 171.

Revolutions,
question of, 210.

Rockefeller, John D., 111-112, 114, 115.

Roman Empire, the, 216.

Roosevelt, Theodore, 86, 136, 155;
as a reformer, 142, 167;
nationalization of reform by, 168-170;
policy of, compared with Hamiltonian creed, 169;
theory and practice of, contrasted with Jefferson's, 170;
the rescue of the Republican party by, 171;
vulnerability of, on the point of equal rights, 172;
has really been building better than he knew or will admit, 173-174;
criticism of, as a national reformer, 174-175.

Roosevelt-Taft programme, of recognition of corporations,
tempered by regulation, 358-359;
how best to carry out, 359-360.

Root, Elihu, 135;
international system indicated by, 301.

Russia,
faith of Russians in, 2;
international situation of, at present, 253, 256-257, 258;
weakness of, exposed, 311.

S

Saloon licenses, 385.

Santayana, George, quoted, 454.

Scientists,
methods of, a perfect type of authoritative technical methods, 434.

Sherman Anti-Trust Law,
a bar to proper treatment of corporate aggrandizement, 274;
as an expensive attempt to save the life of the small competitor who
cannot hold his own, should be repealed, 359.

Slaveholders,
an impartial estimate of, 81-82.