Chapter II: Front Matter (2)

At the time when people considered rulers as an incarnation of the will of God, they subjected themselves without murmur to the autocracy of the sovereigns; but as soon as we inspired them with the thought of their personal rights, they began to regard the rulers as ordinary mortals. The holy anointment fell from the heads of sovereigns in the opinion of the people; and when we deprived them of their belief in God, then authority was thrown into the street, where it became public property and was seized by us. Moreover, the art of governing the masses and individuals by means of cunningly constructed theories and phraseology, by rulers of social life, and other devices not understood by the GOYS, belongs, among other faculties, to our administrative mind, which is educated in analysis and observation, and is also based upon skillful reasoning in which we have no competitors, just as we have none in the preparation of plans for political action and solidarity. Only the Jesuits could be compared to us in this; but we were able to discredit them in the mind of the senseless mob as a visible organization, whereas we, with our secret organization, remained in the dark. After all, is it not the same to the world who will be its master—whether it be the head of Catholicism or our despot of Zionist blood? To us, however, the Chosen People, it is by no means a matter of indifference.

Temporarily, a world coalition of the GOYS would be able to hold us in check, but we are insured against this by roots of dissension so deep among them that they cannot now be extracted. We have set at variance the personal and national interests of the GOYS; we have incited religious and race hatred, nurtured by us in their hearts for twenty centuries. Owing to all this, no state will obtain the help it asks for from any side because each of them will think that a coalition against us will be disadvantageous to it. We are too powerful—_we must be taken into consideration. No country can reach even an insignificant private understanding without our being secret parties to it._

_Per me reges regnant_—“Through me the sovereigns reign.” The prophets have told us that we were chosen by God himself to reign over the world. God endowed us with genius to enable us to cope with the problem. Were there a genius in the opposing camp, he would struggle against us, but a newcomer is not equal to an old inhabitant. The struggle between us would be of such a merciless nature as the world has never seen before; moreover their genius would be too late.

All the wheels of government mechanism move by the action of the motor which is in our hands, and _that motor is gold_. The science of political economy, invented by our wise men, has long ago demonstrated the royal prestige of capital.

To attain freedom of action, capital must obtain freedom to monopolize industry and trade; this is already being done by an unseen hand in all parts of the world. Such liberty will give political power to traders, and will aid in subjugating the people. At present it is more important to disarm peoples than to lead them to war; it is more important to utilize flaming passions for our purposes than to extinguish them; more important to grasp and interpret the thoughts of others in our own way than to discard them.

_The most important problem of our government is to weaken the popular mind by criticism; to disaccustom it to thought, which creates opposition; to deflect the power of thought into mere empty eloquence._

At all times both peoples and individuals have mistaken words for deeds, as they are satisfied with the visible, rarely noticing whether the promise is performed in the fields of social life.

Therefore, we will organize ostensible institutions which will prove eloquently their good work in the direction of “progress.”

We will appropriate to ourselves the liberal aspect of all parties, of all shades of opinion, and we will provide our _orators with the same aspect, and they will talk so much that they will exhaust the people by their speeches and cause them to turn away from orators in disgust_.

_To control public opinion it is necessary to perplex it by the expression of numerous contradictory opinions until the GOYS get lost in the labyrinth, and come to understand that it is best to have no opinion on political questions._

Such questions are not intended to be understood by the people, since only he who rules knows them. This is the first secret.

The second secret necessary for the success of governing consists in so multiplying popular failings, habits, passions, and conventional laws that no one will be able to disentangle himself in the chaos, and consequently, people will cease to understand each other. This measure would help us to sow dissension within all parties, to disintegrate all those collective forces which still do not wish to subjugate themselves to us; to discourage all individual initiative which might in any degree hamper our work.

_There is nothing more dangerous than individual initiative_; if it has a touch of genius it can accomplish more than a million people among whom we have sown dissensions. We must direct the education of the GOY societies so that their arms will drop hopelessly when they face every task where initiative is required. The intensity of action resulting from individual freedom of action dissipates its force when it encounters another person’s freedom. This results in heavy blows at morale, disappointments and failures.

_We will so tire the GOYS by all this that we will force them to offer us an international power, which by its position will enable us conveniently to absorb, without destroying, all governmental forces of the world and thus to form a super-government._ In lieu of modern rulers, we will place a monster which will be called the Super-Governmental Administration. Its hands will be stretched out like pincers in every direction so that this colossal organization cannot fail to conquer all the peoples.

PROTOCOL NO. VI

We will soon begin to establish great monopolies—reservoirs of huge wealth, upon which even the large fortunes of the GOYS will depend to such an extent that they will be drowned, together with the governmental credits, on the day following the political catastrophe.

You economists, here present, will please carefully weigh the significance of this scheme!...

We must develop, by all means, the importance of our super-government by representing it as the protector and reward-giver of all those who willingly submit to us.

_The aristocracy of the GOYS as a political force is dead. We do not need to take it into consideration; but as land-owners they are harmful to us because they can be independent in their resources of life. For this reason we must deprive them of their land at any cost._

To attain this object, the best method is to increase land taxes—the indebtedness of the land. These measures will keep land ownership in subjection.

The aristocracy of the GOYS, which as a matter of heredity is unable to be satisfied with small things, will soon be ruined.

At the same time it is necessary to patronize trade and industry vigorously, and more important, to encourage speculation, whose function is to act as a counterbalance to industry. Without speculation, industry will increase private capital and tend to the amelioration of land ownership by freeing it from indebtedness created by the loans granted by agricultural banks. It is necessary that industry should suck out of the land both labor and capital and through speculation deliver into our hands all the money of the world, thus throwing all the GOYS into the ranks of the proletarians. Then the GOYS will bow before us in order to obtain the mere right of existence.

To destroy GOY industry we will create among the GOYS as an aid to speculation the strong demand for boundless luxury which we have already developed.

_Let us raise wages, which, however, will be of no benefit to the workers, for we will simultaneously cause the rise in prices of objects of first necessity under the pretext that this is due to the decadence of agriculture, and of the cattle industry._

_We will also artfully and deeply undermine the sources of production by teaching the workmen anarchy and the use of alcohol, at the same time taking measures to expel all the intelligent GOYS from the land._

_That the true situation should not be noticed by the GOYS until the proper time, we will mask it by a pretended desire to help the working classes and great economic principles, an active propaganda of which principles is being carried on through the dissemination of our economic theories._

PROTOCOL NO. VII

The intensification of armament and the increase of the police force are essential to the realization of the above-mentioned plans. It is necessary that there should be besides ourselves in all countries only the mass of the proletariat, a few millionaires devoted to us, policemen, and soldiers.

We must create unrest, dissensions, and hatred throughout Europe and through European affiliations, also on other continents. In this there is a twofold advantage: First, we will hold all countries under our influence, since they will realize that we have the power to create disorders or to restore order whenever we wish. All countries have come to regard us as a necessary burden. Second, we will entangle by intrigues all the threads stretched by us into all the governmental bodies by means of politics, economic treaties, or financial obligations. To attain these ends we will worm our way into parleys and negotiations, armed with cunning, but in so-called “official language” we will assume the opposite tactics of seeming honest and reasonable. In this way the peoples and the governments of the GOYS, taught by us to regard only the surface of that which we show them, will look upon us as benefactors and saviors of mankind.

_We must be able to overcome all opposition by provoking_ a war by the neighbors of that country which dares to oppose us. Should, however, those neighbors, in their turn, decide to unite against us we must respond by a world war.

Chief success in politics lies in the secrecy of its undertakings. There must be inconsistency between the words and actions of diplomats.

We must influence the GOY governments to action beneficial to our broadly conceived plan, now approaching its triumphant goal, creating the impression that such action is demanded by public opinion which in reality is secretly organized by us with the help of the so-called “great power,” namely, the press; the latter, however, with few exceptions that need not be considered, is already entirely in our hands.

In short, to sum up our system of shackling the GOY governments of Europe, we will show our power to one of them by assassination and terrorism, and should there be a possibility of all of them rising against us, we will answer them with American, Chinese, or Japanese guns.

PROTOCOL NO. VIII

We must provide ourselves with the same arms our enemies can employ against us. We must seek the most subtle expressions and evasions of the legal dictionary to justify those cases in which we will be forced to announce decisions which may seem unnecessarily bold and unjust, for it is important that these decisions should be expressed in terms so forcible that they will appear as the highest moral rules of a legal character.

Our government must be surrounded by all the forces of civilization, in the midst of which it will have to function. It will surround itself with publicists, experienced lawyers, administrators, diplomats, and, finally, people educated along special lines in our special advanced schools.

These people will know all the secrets of social existence; they will know all languages composed of political letters and words; they will be familiar with the reverse side of human nature, with all its sensitive chords, upon which they must know how to play. These chords are the structure of the intellects of the GOYS, their tendencies, their failings, their vices, and their virtues, the peculiarities of classes and castes. It is evident that the highly talented members of our government, to which I refer, will be recruited not from the ranks of the GOYS, accustomed to performing their administrative duties without questioning their aim, and without thinking why they are necessary. The GOY administrators sign papers without reading them and work for profit or for pride.

We will surround our government by a whole world of economists. It is for this reason that economics is the chief science taught to the Jews. We will be surrounded by a crowd of bankers, traders, capitalists, _and most important of all, by millionaires, because in essence everything will be decided by a question of figures_.

Meanwhile, as it is not yet safe to give the responsible government posts to our brother Jews, we will give them to people whose record and whose character are such that there is an abyss between them and the people; also to people for whom, in case of disobedience to our orders, there will remain nothing but condemnation or exile—thus forcing them to protect our interests to their last breath.

PROTOCOL NO. IX

In applying our principles, turn your attention to the character of the people in whose countries you will be resident and among whom you will act, for a general similar application of them before the reëducation of a people according to our plan cannot be successful. But by advancing carefully in their application you will see that before ten years have passed the most obstinate character will have changed, and we can then count another people among those who already have submitted to us.

When we are enthroned we will substitute for the liberal words of our Masonic catchword, “Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity,” another group of words expressing simply ideas, namely, “the right of Liberty, the duty of Equality, the ideal of Fraternity.” Thus we will speak and ... we shall have the goat by the horns.... _De facto_, we have already destroyed all governments except our own, although _de jure_ there are still many left. At present, if any of the governments raises a protest against us, it is done only as a matter of form, and at our desire, and by our order, because _their anti-Semitism is necessary to enable us to control our smaller brothers_. I will not further explain this, as it has already been the object of numerous discussions.

In reality there are no obstacles before us. Our super-government exists under such extra-legal conditions that it is common to designate it by an energetic and strong word—a Dictatorship.

I can honestly state that at the present time we are law-makers; we are the judges and inflict punishment; we execute and pardon; we, as the chief of all our armies, ride the leader’s horse. We rule by indomitable will because we hold in our hands the fragments of a once strong party now subject to us. We possess boundless ambition, burning greed for merciless revenge, and bitter hatred.

_From us emanates an all-embracing terror. People of all opinions and of all doctrines are in our service; people who desire to restore monarchies, demagogues, socialists, communists, and other utopians._ We have had to put all of them to work; every one of them is undermining the last remnant of authority, is trying to overthrow all existing order. All the governments have been tortured by this procedure; they beg for peace, and for the sake of peace are prepared to make any sacrifice, but we will not give them peace until they recognize our international super-government openly and with submission.

The masses have begun to demand the solution of the social problem by means of an international agreement. _The division into parties has delivered all of them to us, because in order to conduct a party struggle money is required, and we have it all._

We might fear the union of the intelligent power of the GOYS’ rulers with the blind power of the masses, but we have taken all measures against such a possibility. Between the two powers we have raised a wall in the form of mutual terror; thus the blind power of the people continues to be our support, and we alone will act as its leader and, naturally, we will direct it towards our goal.

To prevent the hand of the blind from freeing itself from our guidance, we must from time to time keep in close touch with the masses, if not through personal contact then through our most devoted brethren. When we become a recognized power we will personally address the masses in open places, and we will expound political problems in the desired direction.

How verify what is taught in village schools? But whatever the representative of the government or the ruler himself states will be immediately known to the entire nation, for it will rapidly spread by the voice of the people.

In order not prematurely to destroy _Goy_ institutions, we have touched them with our efficient hands and grasped the ends of the springs of their mechanism. Formerly these springs were in rigid but just order; we have changed it to liberal, disorderly, and arbitrary lawlessness.

We have affected legal procedure, electoral law, the press, personal freedom, and, most important, education, the corner-stone of free existence.

_We have misled, corrupted, fooled, and demoralised the youth of the GOYS by education along principles and theories known by us to be false but which we ourselves have inspired._

Without changing substantially the existing law we have created stupendous results by distorting the laws through contradictory interpretations. These results first manifested themselves by the fact that interpretation has concealed the law itself, and thereafter has completely hidden it from the eyes of the governments by the impossibility of understanding such complicated jurisprudence.

Hence the theory of the court of conscience.[4]

You may say that there will be an armed rising against us if our plans are discovered prematurely; but in anticipation of this we have such a terrorizing manoeuver in the West that even the bravest soul will shudder.

Underground passages will be established by that time in all capitals, from where they can be exploded, together with all their institutions and national documents.

PROTOCOL NO. X

To-day I will begin by reiterating what has already been stated. _I beg you to remember that the government and the masses are satisfied with visible results in politics._ How can they examine the inner meaning of things when their representatives consider that pleasure is above everything? It is important to know one detail in our policy. It will help us in discussing division of authority, freedom of speech, of the press, of religion (faith), the right of assembly, equality before the law, inviolability of property and of the home, indirect taxes and the retrospective force of law. All such questions should never be directly and openly discussed before the masses. When it becomes necessary for us to discuss them, they should not be elaborated but merely mentioned, without going into details, pointing out that modern legal principles are being accepted by us. The significance of this reticence lies in the fact that a principle which has not been openly declared gives us freedom of action to exclude unnoticed one point or another, whereas if elaborated the principle becomes as good as established.

The people feel an especial love and admiration towards the political genius, and they always react to their acts of violence as follows:

“Yes, of course it is villainy, but how clever!—It is a trick
but cleverly done! So majestically! so impudently!...”

We count upon attracting all nations to the construction of the foundations of the new edifice which has been planned by us. It is for this reason that it is necessary for us first of all to acquire that spirit of daring, enterprise, and force which, through our agents, will enable us to overcome all obstacles in our path.

_When we accomplish our coup d’état, we will say to the peoples: “Everything went badly; all of you have suffered. We will abolish the cause of your sufferings, that is to say, nationalities, frontiers, and national currencies. Of course you are free to condemn us, but would your judgment be just if you were to pronounce it before giving a trial to what we will give you?” Thereafter they will exalt us with a sentiment of unanimous delight and hope. The voting system which we have used as a tool for our enthronement, and to which we have accustomed even the most humble members of humanity by organizing meetings and prearranged agreements, will have performed its last service and will make its last appearance in the expression of a unanimous desire to become more closely acquainted with us before having pronounced a judgment._

To attain this we must force all to vote, without class discrimination, to establish the autocracy of the majority, which cannot be obtained from the intellectual classes alone. Through this method of accustoming every one to the idea of self-determination, we will shatter the GOY family and its educational importance. We will not allow the formation of individual minds, because the mob, under our guidance, will prevent them from distinguishing themselves or even expressing themselves. The mob has become accustomed to listen only to us who pay it for obedience and attention. We will thus create such a blind power that it will be unable to move without the guidance of our agents, sent by us to replace their leaders.

The masses will submit to this régime because they will know that their earnings, perquisites, and other benefits depend upon these leaders.

The plan of government must emanate already formed from one head, as it would be impossible to put it together if disintegration by many minds into small pieces is allowed. That is why we only are allowed to know the plan of action; but we must not discuss it in order not to affect its ingenuity, the correlation between its component parts, the practical force of the secret meaning of its every clause. Were such a plan to be submitted to and altered by frequent voting, it would reflect the stamp of the misconceptions of every one who has not penetrated its depth and the correlation of its aims. For this reason our plans must be strongly and clearly conceived. Consequently, the inspired work of our leader must not be thrown to the mercy of the mob or even of a limited group.

These plans will not immediately upset contemporary institutions. They will only alter their organization, and consequently the entire combination of their development, which will thus be directed according to the plans laid down by us.

More or less the same institutions exist in different countries under different names, such as representative bodies, ministries, senate, state council, legislative and executive bodies. It is not necessary for me to explain to you the connecting mechanism of these different institutions, as it is well known to you. I only call to your attention that every one of the aforesaid institutions fulfills some important governmental function, and, moreover, I beg you to notice that the word “important” refers not to the institution but to the function. Consequently, it is not the institutions that are important but their functions. Such institutions have divided among themselves all the functions of government, namely, administrative, legislative, and executive powers; therefore, their functions in the state organism have become similar to those in a human body. If one part of the governmental machine is injured, the state itself falls ill, in the same way as the human body, and then it dies.

When we injected the poison of liberalism into the state organism, its entire political complexion changed; the states became infected with a mortal disease, namely, the decomposition of the blood. It is only necessary to await the end of their agony.

Constitutional governments were born of liberalism, which replaced the autocracy that was the salvation of the GOYS, for the constitution, as you well know, is nothing more than a school for dispute, discussion, disagreement, fruitless party agitation, dissension, party tendencies—in other words, a school for everything which weakens the efficiency of government. The platform no less than the press condemned the authorities to inaction and impotency and thereby rendered them useless and superfluous, for which reason they were overthrown in many countries. The rise of the republican era then became possible, and then we substituted for the ruler a caricature of government—a president chosen from the mob, from among our creatures, our slaves. This was the kind of mine we laid under the GOYS, or, more correctly, under the GOY nations.

In the near future we will make the president a responsible officer, whereupon we will no longer stand on ceremony in carrying out the things for which our dummy will be responsible. What difference does it make to us that the ranks of those aiming at authority will thin out, that confusion will result from inability to find presidents, confusion which will definitely disorganize the country?

To accomplish our plan, we will engineer the election of presidents whose past record contains some hidden scandal, some “Panama”—then they will be faithful executors of our orders from fear of exposure, and from the natural desire of every man who has reached authority to retain the privileges, advantages, and dignity connected with the position of president. The Chamber of Deputies will elect, protect, and screen presidents, but we will deprive it of the right of initiating laws or of amending them, for this right will be granted by us to the responsible president, a puppet in our hands. Of course then the power of the president will become the target of numerous attacks, but we will give him the means of self-protection by giving him the right of directly applying to the people, for their decision, over the heads of their representatives. In other words, he will turn to the same blind slave—to the majority of the mob. Moreover, we will empower the president to proclaim martial law. We will justify this prerogative under the pretext that the president, as chief of the national army, must control it in order to protect the new republican constitution, which he, as a responsible representative of this constitution, is bound to defend.

It is obvious that under such conditions the keys to the shrine will be in our hands, and nobody except ourselves will be able to guide the legislative power.

We will also take away from the Chamber, with the introduction of the new republican constitution, the right of interpellation in regard to governmental measures, under the pretext that political secrets must be preserved. With the aid of this new constitution we will reduce the number of representatives to the minimum, thus also reducing to the same extent political passions and passion for politics. If, in spite of this, those remaining are recalcitrant, we will abolish them completely by appealing to the majority of the people.

The appointment of the president and vice presidents of the Chamber and Senate will be the prerogative of the president. Instead of continuous parliamentary sessions, we will shorten them to a few months. Moreover, the president, as chief executive, will have the right to convene or dissolve parliament, and in the case of dissolution, defer the appointment of a new parliament. But to prevent the president from being held responsible before our plans are matured for the results of all these essentially illegal actions inaugurated by us, we will give the ministers and other high administrative officials surrounding the president the idea of circumventing his orders by issuing instructions of their own. Consequently, they will be made responsible instead of him. We recommend that the execution of this plan be given especially to the Senate, State Council, or Council of Ministers, and not to individuals. Under our guidance the president will interpret in ambiguous ways such existing laws as it is possible so to interpret. Moreover, he will annul them when the need is pointed out to him by us: he will also have the right to propose temporary laws and even modifications in the constitutional work of government, alleging as the motive for so doing the exigencies of the welfare of the country.

By such measures we will be able to destroy gradually, step by step, everything that, upon entering into our rights, we were obliged to introduce into government constitutions as a transition to the imperceptible abolition of all constitutions, when the time comes to convert all government into _our autocracy_.

The recognition of our autocrat may come even before the abolition of the constitution; the moment for this recognition will come when the people, tormented by dissension and the incompetency of their rulers, incited by us, will exclaim: Depose them, and give us one universal sovereign who will unite us and abolish the causes of dissension—national frontiers, religion, state indebtedness—and who will give us the peace and quiet which we cannot find with our rulers and representatives.

But you know well that to render such a universal expression of desire possible, it is necessary continuously to disturb the relationship between the people and the government in all countries, and so to exhaust everybody by the dissension, hostility, struggle, hatred, and even martyrdom, hunger, inoculation of diseases, and misery, as to make the GOYS see no other solution than an appeal to our money and complete rule.

Should we give the people a rest, however, the longed for moment will probably never arrive.

PROTOCOL NO. XI

The Council of State will tend to accentuate the power of the ruler; in the capacity of an ostensible legislative body, it will act as a committee for the drawing up of laws and statutes on behalf of the ruler.

The following is the program of the new constitution which we are preparing. We will make laws and control the courts in the following manner:

1. By suggestions to the legislative body.

2. By means of orders issued by the president as general
statutes, decrees of the Senate, and decisions of the Council
of State, as regulations passed by the ministries.

3. And when the opportune moment arrives—in the form of a _coup
d’état_.

Having thus roughly outlined the _modus agendi_, we will now take up in detail those measures by which we will complete the development of the governmental mechanism in the above direction. By these measures, I mean the freedom of the press, the right of assembly, religious freedom, electoral rights, and many other things which must disappear from the human repertoire, or must be fundamentally altered on the day following the declaration of the new constitution. It is only at this moment that it will become possible for us to announce all our decrees, for at any time in the future every perceptible change would be dangerous, and this for the following reasons: If these changes should be introduced and rigidly enforced, it might cause despair by creating the fear of further changes in a similar direction; if, however, they are made with a tendency to subsequent leniency, then it might be said that we have recognized our mistakes, which would undermine the faith in the infallibility of the new authority; it might also be said that we were frightened, and that we were forced to make concessions for which nobody would be thankful since they would be considered as legitimately due.

Any of these impressions would be detrimental to the prestige of the new constitution. It is necessary for us that, from the first moment of its proclamation, when the people are still dumbfounded by the accomplished revolution and are in a state of terror and surprise, they should realize we are so strong, so invulnerable, and so mighty that we shall in no case pay attention to them, and not only will we ignore their opinions and desires, but be ready to and capable of suppressing at any moment or place any sign of opposition with indisputable authority. We shall want the people to realize that we have taken at once everything we wanted, and that we shall under no circumstances share our power with them. Then they will close their eyes to everything out of fear and will await further developments.

The GOYS are like a flock of sheep—we are wolves.

Do you know what happens to sheep when wolves get into the fold?

They will also close their eyes to everything because we will promise to return to them all their liberties after the enemies of peace have been subjugated and all the parties pacified.

Is it necessary to say how long they would have to wait for the return of their liberties?

Why have we conceived and inspired this policy for the GOYS without giving them an opportunity to examine its inner meaning if not for the purpose of attaining by a circuitous method what is unattainable for our scattered race by a direct road?

This constituted a base for our organization of _secret masonry which is not known to and whose aims are not even suspected by these cattle, the GOYS. They have been decoyed by us into our numerous ostensible organisations, which appear to be Masonic lodges, so as to divert the attention of their co-religionists._

God has given us, his chosen people, the power to scatter, and what to all appears to be our weakness, has proved to be our strength, and has now brought us to the threshold of universal rule.

Little remains to be built on these foundations.

PROTOCOL NO. XII

The word “Liberty” can be differently interpreted. We will define it as follows:

Liberty is the right to do that which is permitted by law. Such a definition of this word will eventually serve us, because liberty will be in our power; and also because the laws will either destroy or construct only what we desire in accordance with the above mentioned program.

We will deal with the press in the following manner: What is the present rôle of the press? It serves to arouse furious passions or egotistic party dissensions which may be necessary for our purpose. It is empty, unjust, inaccurate, and most people do not understand what end it serves. We will shackle it and keep a tight rein on it. We will also do the same with other printed matter, for what use would it be for us to rid ourselves of attacks on the part of the periodical press if we remain open to criticism through pamphlets and books? We will convert the products of publicity, now so expensive, owing to the need of censorship, into a source of income for our state. We will impose a special stamp tax. When a newspaper printing shop is started, bonds will have to be deposited, which will guarantee our government from all attacks on the part of the press. In case of an attack, we will mercilessly impose fines. Such measures as stamps, bonds, and fines, the payment of which is guaranteed by the bonds, will bring a huge income to the government. It is true that party papers might not fear the loss of money, so we will suppress these after the second attack on us. No one shall touch the prestige of our political infallibility and remain unpunished. The pretext for stopping a publication will be that the publication in question excites public opinion without cause or reason. _I ask you to bear in mind that among those who attack us there will be also organs established by us, but they will attack exclusively those points which we plan to change._

_Not one notice will be made public without our control._ This is already being done by us, since the news from all parts of the world is received through several agencies in which it is centralized.

These agencies will then be completely in our power and they will publish only such news as we will permit.

If we have already managed to subjugate the minds of the GOYS to such an extent that almost all of them see world events through colored glasses which we put over their eyes; if, even at present, there is not one state which bars our access to state secrets, so termed by the stupid GOYS, then what will it be when we, in the person of our universal sovereign, are the recognized rulers of the world?

Let us return to the future of the press. Anybody who wishes to become an editor, a librarian, or a printer, will be obliged to obtain a diploma, which in case of disobedience will be immediately revoked.

With such measures, _thought will become an educational instrument in the hands of our government, which will not allow the people to be led astray into realms of fancy and dreams about beneficent progress_. Who of us does not know that these fantastic blessings are the direct road to baseless hopes which lead to anarchistic relations between the people and the government? Progress, or better still the idea of progress, has led to the creation of different modes of emancipation without setting any limit to it. All so-called liberals are essentially anarchists in thought if not in action. Each one of them pursues the phantom of liberty, becoming self-willed, that is to say, falling into a state of anarchy by protesting for the mere sake of protesting.

We will now again refer to the question of the press. We will place stamp taxes secured by bonds on each page of all printed matter, while on books containing less than four hundred and eighty pages we will place a double tax. We will classify them as pamphlets, so as to lessen the number of magazines, which represent the worst printed poison—and on the other hand, to force writers to prepare such long works that they will be little read, especially as they will be expensive. Our own publications, guiding public opinion in the direction we desire, will be cheap and rapidly bought. The tax will discourage the writing of mere leisure literature, whereas punishment will make the writers dependent upon us. Even if there were writers who would like to attack us, they would find no publishers for their works. Before printing any work, the editor or printer will have to apply to the authorities for permission. We will then know beforehand of the attacks that are being prepared against us, and we will destroy them by coming out with advance statements on the subject.

Literature and journalism are the two most important educational forces; for this reason our government will become the owner of most of the periodicals. This will neutralize the injurious influence of the private press and have great influence on the people. If we permit ten periodicals, we ourselves will print thirty, and so forth. This, however, must not be suspected by the public. All the periodicals published by us will seem to be of contradictory views and opinions, inviting trust in us, thus attracting to us unsuspecting enemies, and in this way they will be caught in our trap and made harmless.

The predominant place will be held by periodicals of an official character. They will always stand guard over our interests and consequently their influence will be comparatively limited.

In the second category we will place semi-official organs, whose aim will be to attract the indifferent and little interested.

The third category will be our ostensible opposition, which at least in one of its publications will represent the opposition to us. Our real enemies will mistake this seeming opposition as belonging to their own group and will thus show us their cards.

All our newspapers will represent different tendencies, namely, aristocratic, republican, revolutionary, even anarchistic, so long of course as the constitution lasts. Like the Indian God VISHNU, these periodicals will have one hundred arms, each of which will reach the pulse of every group of public opinion. When the pulse beats faster, these arms will guide opinion toward our aims, since the excited person loses the power of reasoning and is easily led. Those fools who believe that they repeat the opinions expressed by the newspapers of their party will be repeating our opinions or those which we desire them to have. Imagining that they are following the press of their party, they will follow the flag which we will fly for them.

In order that our newspaper militia may carry out our program, we must organize the press with great care. Under the title of the Central Department of the press, we will organize literary meetings at which our agents unnoticed will give the passwords and countersigns. Discussing and contradicting our policies, although always superficially, without touching their essence, our press will conduct an empty fire against official newspapers so as to give us only an opportunity to express ourselves in greater detail than we were able to in our preliminary declarations. This, of course, will be done when it is useful to us.

_These attacks against us will also seem to convince the people that complete liberty of the press still exists, and it will give our agents the opportunity to declare that the papers opposing us are mere wind-bags_, since they are unable to find any real ground to refute our orders.

Such measures, which will escape the notice of public attention, will be the most successful means of guiding the public mind and of inspiring confidence in our government. Thanks to them, we will as the need arises excite or pacify the public mind on political questions. We will be able to persuade or confuse them, sometimes printing the truth, sometimes lies, referring to facts or contradicting them according to the way they are received by the public, always carefully sounding the ground before stepping on it. _We will surely conquer our enemies, because they will not have the press at their disposal in which to express themselves in full._ Moreover, with the above mentioned plans against the press, we will not even need to refute them seriously.

The trial balloons thrown out by us in the third category of our press, we will deny energetically, in case of need, in our semi-official organs.

In French journalism there already exists the Masonic solidarity of a password; all organs of the press are bound by professional secrecy; like the ancient augurs, not one member will disclose his secret if he is not ordered to do so. Not one journalist will dare to disclose this secret, for not one of them is admitted to literary headquarters unless he has a disgraceful action in his past record. The fact would immediately be made public. While these disgraceful actions are known only to a few, the prestige of the journalist attracts opinion throughout the country—he is admired.

Our plans must extend chiefly to the provincial districts. There we must excite hopes and ambitions opposed to those of the capitals, by means of which we may always attack them, presenting such ambitions to the capitals as the inspired views and aims of provincial districts. It is obvious that their source will be ours. It is necessary for us that while we are not yet in full power, the capital should be under the influence of provincial public opinion; that is under the influence of the majority prearranged by our agents. It is necessary for us that at the critical psychological moment the capitals should not discuss an accomplished fact, for the mere reason that it had been accepted by the provincial majority.

_When we reach the phase of the new régime, which is transitory to our accession to power, we must not allow the press to expose social corruption. It must be thought that the new régime has satisfied everybody to such an extent that even criminality has stopped._ Cases of criminal activity must only be known to their victims or their accidental witnesses, and to these alone.

PROTOCOL NO. XIII

The need of daily bread forces the GOYS to silence and compels them to remain our obedient servants. The agents taken from among them for our press will discuss the facts they are ordered to publish, when it is inconvenient for us to publish statements openly in official documents. While discussion and dispute are taking place, we will simply pass the measures we desire and present them to the public as an accomplished fact. Nobody will dare to demand the rejection of measures thus passed, and the more so as they will be interpreted as an improvement. At this point the press will divert the thoughts of the people to new problems (we having accustomed the people always to seek new emotions). Those brainless creators of destiny, who heretofore have been unable to understand and do not now understand that they are ignorant of matters which they undertake to discuss, will also hasten to discuss these new problems. Political questions are meant to be understood only by those who have created them and have been directing them for many centuries.

From all this you will realize that by aiming to control the opinion of the mob we will only facilitate the functioning of our mechanism, and you will also notice that we seek approbation, not for actions but for words uttered by us on various occasions. We always declare that we are guided in all our policies by the hope and certainty of serving the general good.

To divert the over-restless people from discussing political problems, we now make it appear that we provide them with new problems, namely, those pertaining to industry. Let them become excited over this subject as much as they like. The masses will consent to remain inactive, to rest from so-called political activity (to which we ourselves accustomed them for the purpose of helping us in our struggle against the GOY government), only on condition of a new occupation in which we can show them supposedly the same political background.

To prevent them from reaching any independent decisions, _we will divert their minds by amusements, games, pastimes, passions, and cultural centers for the people_. We will soon begin to offer prize contests, through the press, in the field of art, and sports of all kinds. Such attractions will definitely deflect the mind from problems over which we would otherwise have to fight with the people. By losing more and more the custom of independent thought, they will begin to talk in unison with us, because we alone will provide new lines of thought through persons with whom of course we will presumably have no connection.

The rôle of liberal Utopians will be definitely terminated when our government is recognized. Until that time, they will do us good service. For this reason we will still direct thought towards different fantastic theories which will appear to be progressive. For it was by the word “progress” that we have successfully turned the brains of the stupid GOYS. There are no brains among the GOYS to realize that this word is but a cover for digression from the truth, unless it is applied to material inventions, _since there is but one truth and there is no room for progress_. Progress, being a false conception, serves to conceal the truth so that nobody may know it except ourselves, God’s elect, who are its guardians.

When our kingdom is established, our orators will discuss the great problems which have stirred humanity for the purpose of bringing it finally under our blessed rule.

Who will then suspect that all _these problems were instigated by us, according to a political plan which has not been disclosed by any one during so many centuries_.

PROTOCOL NO. XIV

When we become rulers we will not tolerate the existence of any other religion except our own, which proclaims one God, with whom our fate is bound up because we are the Chosen People, and our fate has determined the fate of the world. For this reason we must destroy all other religions. If the result of this produces modern atheists, as a transitory step, this will not interfere with our plans but will act as an example to those generations which will listen to our teaching of the religion of Moses, which, owing to its solid and thoughtful system, will eventually lead to the domination of all nations by us. We will also lay stress on the mystical truth of Masonic teaching which, we will assert, is the foundation of its whole educative power.

On every possible occasion we will then publish articles in which we will compare our beneficial rule with that of the past. The benefits of peace, although attained through centuries of unrest, will serve to demonstrate the beneficial character of our rule. The mistakes made by the GOYS during their administration will be pictured by us in the most vivid colors. We will cause such disgust towards the administration of the GOYS that the masses will prefer the peace of serfdom to the rights of the much lauded liberty which has so cruelly tortured them and drained from them the very source of human existence, and by which they were exploited by a mass of adventurers, ignorant of what they were doing. _The useless changes of government, to which we ourselves prompted the GOYS, when we were undermining their governmental apparatus, will become such a nuisance to the people by that time, that they will prefer to endure anything from us rather than risk a repetition of former unrest and hardships._ We will, moreover, lay particular stress on the historical mistakes made by the GOY governments, which caused humanity to suffer for many centuries for lack of understanding of all matters pertaining to its true welfare, and because of their search for fantastic schemes of social welfare. The GOYS did not notice that such schemes instead of improving mutual relationship, which is the basis of human existence, have only made it worse.

The whole force of our principles and measures will lie in the fact that they are put forward and interpreted by us as being in sharp contrast to the decayed social order of former times.

Our philosophers will discuss all the shortcomings of the GOY religion, but nobody will ever discuss our religion in the light of its true aspect, and nobody will ever thoroughly understand it, except our own people, who will never dare to disclose its secrets.

_In countries so-called advanced we have created insane, dirty, and disgusting literature._ For a short time after our entrance into power we will encourage its publication in order that the contrast between it and the speeches and programs which will be heard from our heights should be more pointedly marked. Our wise men, trained as guides to the GOYS, will prepare speeches, plans, memoranda, and articles, by which we will influence the minds and direct them towards the conceptions and the knowledge which we wish them to have.

PROTOCOL NO. XV

When we finally become rulers by means of revolutions, which will be arranged so that they shall take place simultaneously in all countries and immediately after all existing governments shall have been officially pronounced as incapable (which may not happen soon, perhaps not before a whole century), we will see to it that no plots are hatched against us. To effect this, we will kill heartlessly all who take up arms against the establishment of our rule.

The establishment of any new secret society will be met by the death penalty, and those societies which now exist and are known to us and either work or have worked for us, will be disbanded and their members exiled to continents far removed from Europe.

_We will deal in the same manner with those Masons among the GOYS who know too much._ The Masons whom we may pardon for any reason will be kept under continual fear of exile. We will pass a law whereby all members of secret organizations will be exiled from Europe, that being the center of our government. The decisions of our government will be final and there will be no right of appeal.

In the GOY society, where we have planted such deep roots of dissension and protest, order can only be restored by merciless measures which will serve as evidence that our power cannot be infringed. There is no necessity for regard towards the victims sacrificed for the future good. To attain good, even though by the sacrifice of life, is the duty of every government which realizes that its existence depends not upon privileges alone, but upon the exercise of its duties as well.

The most important means for erecting a stable government is to strengthen the prestige of authority. This is only obtained by its majestic and unshakable power, which will convey the impression that it is inviolable because of its mystical nature, namely, because chosen by God. _Such until recently has been the Russian Autocracy—our only dangerous enemy throughout the world, with the exception of the Pope._ Remember Italy drowning in blood; she did not touch a hair on the head of Sulla who had shed that blood. Sulla had become powerful in the eyes of the people, although they were tortured by him; his manly return to Italy placed him beyond persecution. The people do not touch those who hypnotize them by bravery and steadfastness of spirit.