Chapter I: Parallelism Between the Actual Policies of the Bolsheviki and the (1)

PROTOCOLS

The most striking fact in connection with the Protocols is the close resemblance which their ruthless program bears in many respects to the policies actually put into effect by the Bolsheviki in Russia. Indeed, without this fact before us, the necessity for a serious consideration of the Protocols would be much less apparent. If the evidence shows that the Bolshevist movement is a movement conducted under Jewish leadership and principally controlled by Jews, and, furthermore, that it closely corresponds with the political program outlined in the Protocols, then, indeed, we have facts of grave significance supporting the authenticity of the Protocols.

1. JEWISH CHARACTER OF THE BOLSHEVIST MOVEMENT IN RUSSIA

With regard to the question as to how far the Bolshevist movement is a Jewish movement in the sense that it is under Jewish control, there is some disagreement. Certain prominent Jews in this country, while admitting that most of the Bolshevist leaders in Russia are Jews, claim that this is a mere coincidence, and claim further that the Bolshevist leaders are only _apostate_ Jews who do not adhere to the Jewish religion.[8] The evidence, however, is not very convincing on either point, for on the one hand the proportion of Jews among the Bolshevist leaders in Russia is so large that it strongly tends to show that it is not accidental but must be otherwise explained, while on the other hand, as to the allegation of apostasy, this seems to be principally based upon evidence that the Jewish leaders in Russia are denouncing religion _in general_ on the ground that it is the bulwark of the capitalistic system and the enemy of the Socialistic State, in accordance with the teachings of Karl Marx and his followers. Such evidence, however, does not prove very much if in practice only the Christian church is actually attacked.

It is important to note in this connection that Karl Marx himself was a Jew, as are also practically all of the best known leaders of radical socialism, such as Bebel, Bernstein, Lassalle, Hillquit, the brothers Adler (in Austria), etc. The legend now prominently displayed by the Bolsheviki in Russia, that “religion is the opium of the people,” was the saying of Karl Marx himself, while it was Bebel who said: “Christianity and Socialism stand towards each other as fire and water.”

Moreover, there is evidence that there has been a marked persecution of _Christian_ priests and their congregations by the Bolsheviki, and that the Jewish rabbis have not been molested. Generally speaking, we believe that the preponderance of evidence strongly tends to show that Bolshevism is Jewish in character in the sense that it is under the control principally of Jews who occupy, either openly or secretly, almost all of the positions of importance in the Soviet government in Russia. This was equally true in regard to the recent Spartacan and Bolshevist revolutions in Germany and Hungary. The one important exception is Lenin himself, Trotzky and almost all the other important Bolshevist leaders to-day being members of the Jewish race.

Evidence that the Bolsheviki in Russia have conducted a campaign of persecution against the Christian religion, while protecting the Jewish religion, will be considered below under the heading, “The Destruction of Religion and Christianity.” For the present we shall confine ourselves to other evidence which tends to show that the Bolshevik movement in Russia is under Jewish leadership and may be regarded as primarily a Jewish movement.

(_a_) _Testimony before the Overman Committee_

The testimony of a number of reliable witnesses before the Overman Committee is to the effect that from the very beginning the leadership of the Bolshevist revolution in Russia has been principally Jewish and that the movement had powerful support from Jews returning to Russia in the spring of 1917.

This testimony was taken early in the year 1919 and is contained in the printed Senate Report (a public document) entitled, “Bolshevik Propaganda—Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Sixty-fifth Congress, pursuant to S. Res. 439 and 469.”

Among the witnesses who testified as to the Jewish character of the Bolshevist movement before the Senate Committee was Dr. George A. Simons, a Methodist clergyman who had been for many years in charge of a church and other property belonging to the American Methodists in Petrograd. He was there during the Kerensky régime and during the Bolshevist régime until October 6, 1918.

Dr. Simons testified that “at the beginning of the so-called new régime [Kerensky’s] there was a disposition to glorify the Allies and to make a great deal of what the French Revolution had stood for; within from six to eight weeks there was an undercurrent just the opposite, and things began to loom up in a pro-German way.”[9]

He then told of the arrival of Lenin from Switzerland _via_ Germany, and of Bronstein (_alias_ Trotzky) from New York, and how they conducted a vigorous agitation in Russia while Kerensky was “running up and down the front.” He then goes on to testify as follows:

MR. SIMONS. “Kerensky was spending a good deal of his time
running up and down the front, trying to hearten the Russian
soldiers in their warfare, and he was generally accredited
with being a fine orator and doing splendid work, and I do
not doubt but what he did manage to keep the men longer than
they otherwise would have stayed in, but we were told there
were hundreds of agitators who had followed in the trail of
Trotzky-Bronstein, these men having come over from the lower
East Side of New York. I was surprised to find scores of such
men walking up and down Nevsky. Some of them, when they learned
that I was the American pastor in Petrograd, stepped up to me
and seemed very much pleased that there was somebody who could
speak English, and their broken English showed that they had
not qualified as being real Americans; and a number of these
men called on me, and a number of us were impressed with the
strange Yiddish element in this thing right from the start, and
it soon became evident that more than half of the agitators in
the so-called Bolshevik movement were Yiddish.”

SENATOR NELSON. “Hebrews?”

MR. SIMONS. “They were Hebrews, apostate Jews. I do not want to
say anything against the Jews, as such. I am not in sympathy
with the anti-Semitic movement, never have been, and do not
ever expect to be. I am against it. I abhor all pogroms of
whatever kind. But I have a firm conviction that this thing is
Yiddish, and that one of its bases is found in the East Side of
New York.”

SENATOR NELSON. “Trotzky came over from New York during that
summer, did he not?”

MR. SIMONS. “He did.”

SENATOR OVERMAN. “You think he brought these people with him?”

MR. SIMONS. “I am not able to say that he brought them with
him. I think that most of them came after him, but that he was
responsible for their coming.”

MR. SIMONS further states (Senate Report, p. 114):

“The latest startling information, given me by some one who
says that there is good authority for it—and I am to be given
the exact figures later on and have them checked up properly by
the proper authorities—is this, that in December, 1918, in the
northern community of Petrograd, so-called—that is what they
call that section of the Soviet régime under the presidency
of the man known as Mr. Apfelbaum—out of 388 members, only 16
happened to be real Russians, and all the rest Jews, with the
exception possibly of one man, who is a negro from America,
who calls himself Prof. Gordon, and 265 of the members of this
northern commune government, that is sitting in the old Smolny
Institute, came from the lower East Side of New York—265 of
them.... In fact, I am very much impressed with this, that
moving around here I find that certain Bolsheviki propagandists
are nearly all Jews—apostate Jews. I have been in the so-called
People’s House, at 7 East Fifteenth Street, New York, which
calls itself also the Rand School of Social Science, and I have
visited that at least six times during the last eleven weeks or
so, buying their literature, and some of the most seditious
stuff I have ever found against our own Government, and 19 out
of every 20 people I have seen there have been Jews.”

On the same page, referring to a pamphlet written by one Albert Rhys Williams, Dr. Simons states:

“I have analyzed certain questions and answers, especially with
regard to this paragraph on religion, and I have no doubt in my
mind that the predominant element in this Bolsheviki movement
in America is, you may call it, the Yiddish of the East Side.”

On page 116 the witness further states:

“I was impressed with this, Senator, that shortly after the
great revolution of the winter of 1917 there were scores of
Jews standing on the benches and soap boxes, and what not,
talking until their mouths frothed, and I often remarked to my
sister, ‘Well, what are we coming to, anyway? This all looks so
Yiddish.’ Up to that time we had very few Jews, because there
was, as you may know, a restriction against having Jews in
Petrograd; but after the revolution they swarmed in there, and
most of the agitators happened to be Jews. I do not want to be
unfair to them, but I usually know a Jew when I see one.”

In a subsequent part of his testimony, he says:

“I had occasion to speak with people who were working and
people who were not bourgeois, I interviewed hundreds, and I
asked them, ‘Well, what do you think of this thing?’ ‘Well, we
know that it is first of all German, and second, we know that
it is Jewish. It is not a Russian proposition at all.’ That
became so popular that as you moved through the streets in
Petrograd in July and August and September and the beginning
of October, openly they would tell you this, ‘This is not a
Russian Government; this a German and Hebrew Government.’ And
then others would come out and say, ‘And very soon there is
going to be a big pogrom.’ As a result of that, _hundreds of
Bolshevik officials who happened to be Jews_ were sending their
wives and their children out of Petrograd and Moscow, afraid
that the pogrom would really come.” (p. 132).

On page 142 of his testimony Dr. Simons introduced a list of names, which he said was widely circulated in Petrograd in August, 1917, giving the real names and the Jewish names of the most important Bolshevist leaders. This list is as follows:

_Real name_

“1. Chernoff Von Gutmann
2. Trotzky Bronstein
3. Martoff Zederbaum
4. Kamkoff Katz
5. Meshkoff Goldenberg
6. Zagorsky Krochmal
7. Suchanoff Gimmer
8. Dan Gurvitch
9. Parvuss Geldfand
10. Kradek Sabelson
11. Zinovyeff Apfelbaum
12. Stekloff Nachamkes
13. Larin Lurye
14. Ryazanoff Goldenbach
15. Bogdanoff Josse
16. Goryeff Goldmann
17. Zwezdin Wanstein
18. Lieber Goldman
19. Ganezky Fürstenberg
20. Roshal Solomon”

Dr. Simons also testified that when the Bolsheviki came into power the Yiddish language at once became predominant in official proclamations and posters. He says:

“I might mention this, that when the Bolsheviki came into
power, all over Petrograd we at once had a predominance of
Yiddish proclamations, big posters, and everything in Yiddish.
It became very evident that now that was to be one of the great
languages of Russia; and the real Russians, of course, did not
take very kindly to it.”

On page 135 Dr. Simons states:

“Trotzky is a Jew. His real name is Leon Bronstein.”[10]

_Testimony of Mr. William Chapin Huntington_

Mr. Huntington was Commercial Attaché of the United States Embassy at Petrograd from June, 1916, until September, 1918. He was in Petrograd at the outbreak of the Bolshevist _coup d’état_ in November, 1917, and remained there until February, 1918, when he was sent on a mission to Siberia by Ambassador Francis. When he returned to Russia he remained in Moscow from May, 1918, until August 26, 1918. He states on page 47:

“The Bolsheviks are internationalists, and they were not
interested in the particular national ideals of Russia.”

On page 69 he testified:

“The leaders of the movement, I should say, are about
two-thirds Russian Jews and perhaps one-sixth or more of some
of the other nationalities, like the Letts, or the Armenians.”

_Testimony of Mr. William W. Welsh_

Mr. Welsh was employed by the National City Bank and was in Russia from October, 1916, until September, 1918. He states on page 269:

“_In Russia it is well known that three-fourths of the
Bolshevik leaders are Jewish._”

In regard to the men who went to Russia from the East Side of New York, at the outbreak of the revolution, he stated:

“There were some—not many, but there were some—real Russians;
and what I mean by real Russians is Russian-born, and not
Russian Jews.”

The witness also stated that he knew “several cases” in which well-to-do Jews had been persecuted in the same way as other Russian bourgeois. On page 270 he states:

“Bolshevism cannot be explained along racial lines alone. The
Bolsheviks are made up of the very worst elements of many
races. It is important, however, that Jews in this country
should not favor Bolshevism because of any liberties or
privileges which they may think are being accorded to the
Jews in Russia by the Bolsheviks. They should study the facts
carefully and not be prejudiced by any racial feeling, or they
are sure to bring the odium of Bolshevism unjustly to the door
of the Jew. The best Jews in this country would do well to
brand the Jewish Bolsheviks in Russia as anti-Jews, which they
really are, for they bring nothing but discredit to the Jewish
race.”

_Testimony of Roger E. Simmons_

Mr. Simmons was Trade Commissioner, connected with the United States Department of Commerce, who was in Siberia and Russia from July, 1917, until November, 1918. He was in Vologda in July, 1918, and gives a graphic account of his imprisonment there by the assistant of the commissar of that community, a man named Iduke. He says:

“Iduke is a Lettish Jew, a man of a very irascible nature, and,
on account of his experience in the uprising in Yaroslav, where
the protest against the Bolshevik régime had become formidable,
he had the reputation of being the cruelest and the most
bloodthirsty Bolshevik leader of the revolution.”

Mr. Simmons then narrates how he himself escaped execution only because he succeeded in bribing a Lettish soldier who had been in America to deliver a letter to the Swedish Consul General. An English subject who was imprisoned with him in the same cell was actually executed. Shortly before his death this Englishman said to Simmons:

“I do not like the situation. I don’t understand these people.
They are not Russians. I don’t know why they accuse me, nor
what they are going to do with me.”[11]

_Testimony of an Anonymous Witness_

Another witness, who was allowed to withhold his name, testified before the Senate Committee that he left Petrograd November 6, 1917, the night the Bolshevist uprising took place. His testimony on page 321 of the Senate Report is as follows:

“With regard to the industrial conditions before the Bolsheviki
rising started, with the revolution of March, 1917, we found
that there were quite a number of so-called Americans who had
returned to Russia almost immediately after the revolution,
commencing, probably, to arrive in April of 1917.”

SENATOR NELSON. “What sort of people were they? They were
people who had been here, were they not?”

MR. ⸺. “People who had been in this country.”

SENATOR NELSON. “Were they Hebrews?”

MR. ⸺. “A large number of them were—that is Hebrew by race,
non-Slavs—and we were continually meeting these men on all
sorts of labor conditions, (committees?) to regulate the hours
of labor and the rates of remuneration, and quite a number of
them spoke English.”

_Testimony of Theodor Kryshtofovich_

This witness testified that he left Petrograd on December 15, 1918, and that he had been there continuously for the three years previous to that date; that he belonged to no political party in Russia, but had lived among the peasants and workmen, teaching them agriculture. He at one time had been employed by the Russian Department of Agriculture, as an agent, in the United States.

On page 424 he testified in regard to the Jewish aspect of the movement as follows:

“And, besides these refugees, most of the people that are
governing Russia now are Jews. I am not against Jews in
general. They are a very capable and energetic people, but,
as you Americans say, the right man must be in the right
place. Their place is in the commission houses, in banks, in
the offices, but not in the government of a fine agricultural
country. They do not understand anything about agriculture,
about production, about keeping materials, and about
distribution. They do not know anything about those things at
all.”

SENATOR WOLCOTT. “You mean those that are in charge of the
Bolsheviki, do you not?”

MR. KRYSHTOFOVICH. “I am talking about the Bolsheviki; because
if you take out Bolshevik government, Lenine is a Russian and
all these constellations that are turning around this sun are
Jews. They have changed their names. For instance, Trotzky is
not Trotzky, but Bronstein. We have Apfelbaum, and so on, and
so on.”

(_b_) _Other Evidence_

It is important that other official documents pertaining to the Bolshevist activities in Russia also refer to the question which we are now discussing, namely, the Jewish character of the Bolshevist régime. In this connection we quote from the British White Book, Russia No. 1 (1919), entitled “A Collection of Reports on Bolshevism in Russia, presented to Parliament by Command of His Majesty. April, 1919.”

This document was published in London at the government printing office in 1919. In exhibit No. 33, a cablegram dispatched by Mr. Alston to Earl Curzon, from Vladivostok to London, February 8, 1919 (“telegraphic—following from consul at Ekaterinburg, 6th February”), the following is stated:

“From examination of several labourer and peasant witnesses,
I have evidence to the effect that very smallest percentage
of this district were pro-Bolshevik, majority of labourers
sympathising with summoning of Constituent Assembly. Witnesses
further stated that Bolshevik leaders did not represent Russian
working classes, most of them being Jews” (page 33).

In a cable dispatch from General Knox to the British War Office on February 5, 1919, from Omsk, Siberia, details are given as to the murder of the Imperial Russian family. This cable reads in part as follows:

“With regard to the murder of the Imperial family at
Ekaterinburg, there is further evidence to show that there were
two parties in the local Soviet, one which was anxious to save
Imperial family, and the latter, headed by five Jews, two of
whom were determined to have them murdered. These two Jews,
by name Vainen and Safarof, went with Lenine when he made a
journey across Germany” (page 41).

Again, in a report made by Rev. B. S. Lombard to Earl Curzon on March 23, 1919, referring to the results of the Bolshevist régime in Russia, among other things, the following is stated:

“All business became paralyzed, shops were closed, Jews became
possessors of most of the business houses, and horrible scenes
of starvation became common in the country districts. The
peasants put their children to death rather than see them
starve. In a village on the Dvina, not far from Schlusselburg,
a mother hanged three of her children” (page 57).

Mr. Henry C. Emery, formerly Chairman of the United States Tariff Board, recently wrote a treatise on Bolshevism, of which Lord Bryce has said:

“It seems to me the sanest and clearest exposition of
Bolshevist theory and practice that I have seen and confirms my
view that between them and us there can be no peace.”

Mr. Emery comes to the conclusion that Bolshevism is the promotion of a relentless and universal class war, and that “a Bolshevik is a man who believes in the overthrow of the institution of private property by force of arms.” While this is the definition which he gives of Bolshevism as a movement, and his argument in support of it is certainly a very able one, it is interesting to note what he says in regard to the Jewish support of the movement:

“In the minds of some people, especially in Russia, Bolshevism
takes on the color of a revolt of the Jews against the
Russians, who have so long kept them in subjection. Lenin is of
course a pure Russian, and it is a mistake to say that all the
other leaders of importance are Jews. On the other hand, the
Jews have been active in the movement out of all proportion to
their relative numbers. No one who ever made a visit to Smolny
Institute, when that was the headquarters of the Bolshevik
government at Petrograd, could fail to understand how easy it
was to get the impression that the Jews had at last seized the
power.”

Mr. Robert Wilton, a well-known Englishman, who was the Petrograd correspondent of the London _Times_, and a Knight of St. George, in his book entitled “Russia’s Agony,” refers to the part which the Jews played in undermining the Kerensky government and establishing the Bolshevist rule:

“Subversion had been carried out by a handful of pseudo-Jew
Extremists in the Soviet, but the Soviet was a party to
the traitorous business. Most of the leaders—especially
the pseudo-Jews—were a truculent pack, cowering behind the
soldiery, intent upon realizing their revolutionary ‘ideals,’
but terrified by a possibility of failure and eventual
reprisals.”

The author also states:

“Afterwards their numbers [referring to the Jew Extremists in
the Soviet] increased largely, and although they studiously
concealed their identity under assumed Russian or Polish names,
it became known that the principal ones were: Nahamkez—Steklov,
Apfelbaum—Zinoviev, Rosenfeldt—Kamenev, Goldmann—Gorev,
Goldberg—Mekowski, Zederbaum—Martov, Himmer—Sukhanov,
Krachman—Zagorski, Hollander—Mieshkowski, Lourier—Larim,
Seffer—Bogdanov. Among the leaders of this gang—under
Lenin—were: Trotzky, whose real name was Bronstein, and
Feldmann, alias Chernov.”[12]

In the well-known French periodical _L’Illustration_, issued September 14, 1918, an article appeared under the title “Petrograd under the Commune,” from which we reproduce the following extract:

“The Masters of the Hour.

“_The Bolshevist Movement and the Jews of Russia_

“When one lives in contact with the functionaries who are
serving the Bolshevist government, one feature strikes the
attention, which is that almost all of them are Jews.

“I am not at all anti-Semitic but I must state what strikes
the eyes: everywhere in Petrograd, in Moscow, in Provincial
Districts, in all commissariats, in district offices, in
Smolny, in the former ministries, in the Soviets, I have met
nothing but Jews and again Jews.

“A Jew is this District Commissary, former stock broker, with
a double bourgeois chin. A Jew is this commissary of the
bank, very elegant, with a cravat of the latest style, and a
fancy waistcoat. Again a Jew, this inspector of taxes, with
his hooked nose: he understands perfectly how to squeeze the
bourgeois in order to cover the deficit in the Bolshevist
budget which amounts for the first half year, 1918, to
14,000,000,000 rubles! Jewish are these little stenographers,
these secretaries: the same hooked noses, the same jet black
hair.

“The more one studies the second revolution the more one is
convinced that Bolshevism is a Jewish movement which can be
explained by the special conditions in which the Jewish people
were placed in Russia.”

In the London _Times_ of March 29, 1919, the following article appeared, entitled “Bolshevist Portraits III. Some Commissaries”:

“One of the most curious features of the Bolshevist movement
is the high percentage of non-Russian elements amongst its
leaders. Of the twenty or thirty commissaries or leaders who
provide the central machinery of the Bolshevist movement not
less than 75% are Jews....

“If Lenin is the brains of the movement, the Jews provide the
executive officers. Of the leading commissaries, Trotzky,
Zinoviev, Kameneff, Stekloff, Sverdloff, Uritsky, Joffe,
Rakovsky, Radek, Menjinsky, Larin, Bronski, Zaalkind,
Volodarsky, Petroff, Litvinoff, Smirdovitch, and Vovrovsky
are all of the Jewish race, while amongst the minor Soviet
officials the number is legion. Of all the Bolshevist leaders
Petrovsky, the Commissary for the Interior, and a former member
of the Duma, is practically the only one who in any way could
be described as a working man. The rest are all intellectuals
of bourgeois or paid bourgeois origin.”

In the issue of “ASIA” February-March, 1920, there is an article entitled “Inside Soviet Russia.” The author of the said article, Mr. V. Anichkoff, is a well-known Russian scientist. Among other things, he states as follows:

“In all the Bolshevist institutions the heads are Jews. The
Assistant Commissar for Elementary Education, Grunberg, can
hardly speak Russian. The Jews are successful in everything and
obtain their ends. They know how to command and get complete
submission. But they are proud and contemptuous to everyone,
which strongly excites the people against them. Anti-Semitism
in a strong degree has spread in all grades of the people.
The people are inclined to see in the Jews the culprits of
all their woes. They look on Bolshevism as a Jewish affair,
and Anti-Semitism is widely spread in the Red army. The Red
soldiers openly and strongly express their hatred of the Jews.
One Red soldier related before me that he was discharged, and
that at all the hospitals and halting stages the doctors and
their assistants and nurses were Jews; that a Jewish doctor
snatched the cross from one of his comrades and said: ‘That
is not wanted now, it has been done away with,’ but that he
did not let the doctor do the same to him. At the present time
there is a great national religious fervor among the Jews. They
believe that the promised time of the rule of God’s elect on
earth is coming. They have connected Judaism with a universal
revolution. They see in the spread of revolution the fulfilling
of the Scriptures: ‘Though I make an end of all the nations,
whether I have scattered thee, yet will I not make an end of
thee.’ Bound up with the overwhelming part taken by Jews in the
Revolution, an interest in masonry, Zionism and the mission of
the Jews have spread among educated Russians.”

(“ASIA,” February-March, 1920, p. 223).

We also refer the reader to the testimony of a well-known Jewish periodical published in London, _The Jewish Chronicle_, as to the identity of Bolshevism and Judaism. In part the article states as follows:

“There is much in the fact of Bolshevism itself, in the fact
that so many Jews are Bolsheviks, in the fact that the ideals
of Bolshevism at many points are consonant with the finest
ideals of Judaism.” (See _Jewish Chronicle_, No. 2609, April 4,
1919, p. 7, article entitled “Peace, War, and Bolshevism.”)

It is significant that one of the well-known Jewish leaders, Israel Zangwill, addressing a recent conference of the Poale Zion Congregation in London, glorified “_the race_ which has produced a Beaconsfield, a Reading, a Montagu, a Klotz, a Kurt Eisner, a Trotzky” (quoted from _The Jewish Chronicle_, February 27, 1920, No. 2656, p. 28). Referring to this statement, _La Vieille-France_ says, “Thus, Trotzky is, in fact, the hero of Judaism” (No. 164, March 18-24, 1920).

It is important to note that the Jewish character of the Bolshevist movement which is so accentuated in Soviet Russia was equally apparent in Soviet Hungary when that country was under the Red rule of Bela Cohen (Kuhn). Mr. Edward Dillon in his book “The Inside Story of the Peace Conference,” devotes much attention to this subject. Referring to the situation in Hungary, Mr. Dillon states as follows, at page 224.

“By the first of August the lawless band that was ruling the
country relinquished the reins of power which were taken over
at first by a Socialist Cabinet of which an influential French
press organ wrote: ‘The names of the new ... commissaries of
the people tell us nothing, because their bearers are unknown.
But the endings of their names tell us that most of them are,
like those of the preceding government, of Jewish origin. Never
since the inauguration of official Communism did Budapest
better deserve the appellation of Judapest, which was assigned
to it by the late M. Lueger, chief of the Christian Socialists
of Vienna. That is an additional trait in common with the
Russian Soviets.’”

In this same connection the weekly magazine _The New Witness_, published in London, in its issue of April 11, 1919, remarked as follows:

“It is not only among the Allies that the Jewish influence is
making itself felt. We know what a tight grip they have on the
governments at Petrograd and Berlin. It now appears that the
new government of Hungary is dominated by Jews. Ninety-five
per cent of Hungarians are Christians and eighty per cent
of the ministers are Hebrew. This fact becomes the more
remarkable when we are told that the ministers are nearly all
mediocrities.”

The Jewish character of the Bolshevist movement in Russia has been explicitly referred to in the Bolshevist press itself. In substantiation of this we present the following evidence:

In No. 1 of the Russian weekly newspaper, _On to Moscow_,
published on September 23, 1919, in Rostov on the Don, an
article was published, entitled “Not one Drop of Innocent
Blood.” The article reads as follows:

“In the newspaper ‘Communist,’ issued on April 12, 1919, No.
72, which paper was published in the City of Kharkoff, 13 Karl
Liebnecht Street, telephone No. 8-40, Mr. M. Cohan, in his
article ‘Services of the Jewry to the working class,’ wrote as
follows:

“‘Various kinds of reactionary regimental organizations and
radas are working out agrarian “laws,” are giving away the
land to the workmen, are establishing an eight-hour day, and
throwing out other crumbs to the working masses with the sole
object to remain in power. But let us unmask them and let
us see what there is behind this servile mask. Let us, for
instance, analyze their attitude towards the Jews. On all the
territory which is occupied by the Don, Kuban and Voluntary
gangs, the Jews are being annihilated and oppressed. One is
unable to trace a Jew holding any office, be it important or
unimportant, and this is called “equality and fraternity.” The
Voluntary executioners scream about their humanitarianism and
at the same time they oppress a whole nation which always had
the esteem of the whole world. It should not be forgotten that
the Jewish people, who for centuries were oppressed by kings
and czars, are the real proletariat, the real internationale,
which has no country.

“‘Without exaggeration, it may be said that the great Russian
social revolution was indeed accomplished by the hands of the
Jews. Would the dark oppressed masses of the Russian workmen
and peasants have been able to throw off the yoke of the
bourgeoisie by themselves? No, it was precisely the Jews who
led the Russian proletariat to the dawn of the Internationale,
and not only have led, but are also now leading the Soviet
cause which remains in their safe hands. We may be quiet as
long as the chief command of the Red Army is in the hands of
comrade Leon Trotzky. It is true that there are no Jews in the
ranks of the Red Army as far as privates are concerned, but
in the committees and in Soviet organizations, as commissars,
the Jews are gallantly leading the masses of the Russian
proletariat to victory. It is not without reason that during
the elections to all Soviet institutions the Jews are winning
by an overwhelming majority. It is not without reason, let us
repeat, that the Russian proletariat has elected as its head
and leader the Jew comrade Bronstein-Trotzky. The symbol of
Jewry, which for centuries has struggled against capitalism,
has become also the symbol of the Russian proletariat, which
can be seen even in the fact of the adoption of the Red
five-pointed star, which in former times, as it is well-known,
was the symbol of Zionism and Jewry. With this sign comes
victory, with this sign comes the death of the parasites of
the bourgeoisie, and let the supporters of Denikine, Krasnov
and Kolchak tremble, these oppressors and executioners of the
advance guard of Socialism—of the gallant Jewish people. Their
servility before the working masses will not help them, and
Jewish tears will come out of them in sweat of drops of blood.’”

The publishers of the newspaper “On to Moscow” print a footnote to the article of Mr. Cohan which reads:

“The issue of the newspaper ‘Communist’ is kept at the office
and everybody is invited to ascertain its authenticity.”

2. PARALLELISM BETWEEN PROTOCOLS AND BOLSHEVIST POLICIES

(_a_) _The Policy of Terror_

It will be recalled that the Protocols advocate a mass terror, a “program of violence.” In this connection also the actual Bolshevist policies are in complete harmony with the program of the Protocols. With reference to this point it becomes important to quote the _Krasnaya Gazeta_ (_Red Gazette_), the official organ of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers’, Red Army, and Peasants’ Deputies, which body is presided over by Zinovieff, alias Apfelbaum, a Jew. On August 31, 1918, in an editorial article, the following is stated:

“The interests of the revolution require the physical
annihilation of the bourgeois class. It is time for us to
start.”

More explicitly the program of violence is defined by the same paper on September 1, 1918, in an article entitled “Blood for Blood.” Therein it is stated:

“We will turn our hearts into steel, which we will temper in
the fire of suffering and the blood of fighters for freedom.
We will make our hearts cruel, hard, and immovable, so that no
mercy will enter them, and so that they will not quiver at the
sight of a sea of enemy blood. We will let loose the floodgates
of that sea. Without mercy, without sparing, we will kill our
enemies in scores of hundreds. Let them be thousands; let them
drown themselves in their own blood. For the blood of Lenin and
Uritzki, Zinovieff and Volodarski, let there be floods of blood
of the bourgeois—more blood, as much as possible.”

Mr. Zinovieff—Apfelbaum went into further details as to the number of Russians whom he proposed to kill for the sake of Mr. Trotzky’s régime. In a speech of Zinovieff’s, reported in the _Northern Commune_, published in Petrograd on September 19, 1918, No. 109, the following plain statement is quoted:

“To overcome our enemies we must have our own socialist
militarism. We must win over to our side 90,000,000 of the
100,000,000 of population of Russia under the Soviets. _As
for the rest, we have nothing to say to them; they must be
annihilated._”

To be sure that the Jewish Bolsheviks were not boasting, the following report of the American Consul General at Moscow, dated September 3, 1918, is of the utmost significance. This report, which was published in the “Memorandum on Certain Aspects of the Bolshevist Movement in Russia,” Washington, Government Printing Office, 1919, reads in part as follows:

“Since May the so-called Extraordinary Commission to Combat
Counter-revolution has conducted an openly avowed campaign of
terror. Thousands of persons have been summarily shot without
even the form of trial. Many of them have no doubt been
innocent of even the political views which were supposed to
supply the motive of their execution.”

The American Consul General concludes his report by stating:

“The situation cries aloud to all who will act for the sake of
humanity.”[13]

Trotzky made an attempt to justify “mass terror” in an article signed by him in the official daily newspaper _Izvestia_ on January 10, 1919, under the title “Military Specialists and the Red Army.” In this article Trotzky states among other things as follows:

“Terror as the demonstration of the will and strength of the
working class, is historically justified, precisely because
the proletariat was able thereby to break the political will
of the Intelligentsia, pacify the professional men of various
categories and work, and gradually subordinate them to its own
aims within the fields of their specialties.”[14]

The London _Times_ of November 14, 1919, printed a letter “sent by a British Officer in South Russia to his wife” stating that “the letter is published exactly as sent, except that names and dates have been altered so that the writer and his wife will not be embarrassed.” The officer appeals to his wife to do all she can to put before the British public the information which he gives her as to the atrocities committed by the Bolsheviki which he had himself witnessed while fighting with the army of General Denikin.

“The Bolshevists are devils.... I hope to send you copies of
64 official photos taken by British officers at Odessa when
the town was retaken from the Bolshevists.... As no paper will
print them I suggest that you should have copies done. If we’re
too hard up you could pay for them by sending me no parcels, or
selling my Caucasian dagger, or Persian book, or something. And
I suggest that you should then do with them as you think fit,
to make them most widely known. Their horror may make people
realize. They must realize. By God, they shall realize! They
show men who’ve been crucified with the torture of the ‘human
glove.’ The victim gets crucified, nails through his elbows.
The hands are treated with a solution which shrivels the skin.
The skin is cut out with a razor, round the wrist, and peeled
off, till it hangs by the finger nails—the ‘human glove.’ I’m
not sparing you. I hope you’ll show and send them to everybody
we know. People at home, apathetic fools they are, do not
deserve to be spared. They must be woken up. John and Katie
ought to see them. Most of the photos are of women. Women with
their breasts cut off to the bone.... Two little bits, ref.
Bolshevist atrocities, you might type in as many copies as you
can. If you and several others left them in different tea-shops
every afternoon, it might touch quite a lot of people. I shall
send you chapter and verse if I can. If I haven’t sent chapter
and verse in a month, do your best without. Papers are no good,
because papers would put it more delicately. We have here at H.
Q. passes issued to Bolshevists by commissaries on occupying
Ekaterinodar. These passes authorize their holders to arrest
any girl they fancy for the use of the soldiery. Sixty-two
girls of all classes were arrested like this and thrown to
the Bolshevist troops. Those who struggled were killed quite
early on. The rest, when used and finished, were mutilated
and thrown, dead and dying, into the two small rivers flowing
through Ekaterinodar. In all towns occupied by Bolshevists
and reoccupied by us ‘slaughter-houses’ are found choked with
corpses. Hundreds of ‘suspects,’ men, women, and children, were
herded in these—doors and windows manned and the struggling
mass fired into until most of them were dead or dying. The
doors were then locked and they were left. The stench in these
places, I am told, is hair-raising. These ‘slaughter-houses’
are veritable plague spots and have caused widespread
epidemics. I want you to proselytize Robinson and galvanize the
Colonel and everybody else you can get hold of. I’d like James
to see this and No. 47 and Dorothy. Above all the Mater. For I
feel sure, that whatever happens, she and you will be glad that
I’ve come out.”

(_“The Horrors of Bolshevism,” reprinted from The Times,
November 14, 1919, pp. 5 and 6._)

In the same letter the writer refers to the Bolshevist plans of extending their power to Asia and Africa, and discusses the part played by the Jews in the Bolshevist régime in Russia.

“... Bolshevist Russia is a channel of communication to
the Committee of Union and Progress, to Egypt, India, and
Afghanistan. Unless beaten by us, the Bolshies will beat us.
It’s a side issue for the present, but the danger of their
rousing and letting loose the Chinese is not so very remote.
They have declared war on Christianity. The Bible to them is
a ‘counter-revolutionary’ book, and to be stamped out. They
are aiming at raising all non-Christian races against the
Christian countries. The Bolshevists form about 5 per cent.
of the population of Russia—_JEWS_ (80 to 90 per cent. of the
commissaries are Jews), Chinese, Letts, Germans, and certain
of the ‘skilled labor’ artisans. The conscribed peasantry,
originally captured by the catchwords mentioned in the
pamphlets, now often goaded beyond endurance, is rising against
them over wide districts. Still conscribed and put up to fight,
under severe penalties, they form most of the ‘cannon fodder’
used by the Bolshies. They desert, often _en masse_, and many a
peasant who marched for the Bolshevists last week is fighting
for Denikin in the Volunteer Army to-day. Ref. Jews—In towns
captured by Bolshevists the only unviolated sacred buildings
are the synagogues, while churches are used for anything,
from movie-shows to ‘slaughter-houses.’ The Poles, Galicians,
and Petlura have committed ‘pogroms’ (massacres of Jews). Not
the Russian Volunteer Armies under Denikin. Denikin has, in
fact, been so strict in protecting the Jews that he has been
accused by his sympathizers of favoring them. If, however, a
Commissary, steeped in murder, with torture and rape, with
mutilation, happens to be a Jew, as most of them are, should he
receive exceptional treatment?”

(_“The Horrors of Bolshevism,” p. 5._)

The London _Times_ of December 3, 1919, published the statement of an eye witness of the “reign of torture” under the Bolsheviki at the time of the first capture of Odessa. The witness is the Rev. R. Courtier-Forster, late British Chaplain at Odessa and the Russian Ports of the Black Sea. Space permits the reprint here of only the following passages from this important testimony as to one chapter of the Bolshevist terror:

“While I was still British chaplain of Odessa the city was
deluged with blood. When the Bolshevist elements, grafting
on to their main support the 4,000 criminals released from
the city gaols, attempted to seize the town, people of
education, regardless of social position, offered what armed
resistance was in their power. Workmen, shop assistants,
soldiers, professional men, and a handful of officers fought
for freedom and liberty through the streets of the great port
for three days and nights against the bloody despotism of the
Bolshevists. Tramcars were overturned to make barricades,
trenches dug in the streets, machine-guns placed in the upper
windows of houses to move the thoroughfare with fire. The
place became an inferno. The Bolshevists were victorious. On
capturing Odessa Railway Station, which had been defended by
a few officers and a number of anti-Bolshevist soldiers, the
Bolshevists bayoneted to death the 19 wounded and helpless men
laid on the waiting-room floor to await Red Cross succour.

“Scores of other men who fell wounded in the streets also
became victims to the triumphant Bolshevist criminals. The
majority of these wretched and unhappy sufferers completely
disappeared. Inquiries at the hospitals and prisons revealed
the fact that they were not there, and no trace of them was
to be found. A fortnight later there was a terrible storm on
the Black Sea, and the bodies of the missing men were washed
up on the rocks of Odessa breakwater and along the shore;
they had been taken out to sea in small boats, stones tied to
their feet, and then been dropped over alive into deep water.
Hundreds of others were captured and taken on board the Almaz
and the Sinope, the largest cruiser of the Black Sea Fleet.
Here they became victims of unthinkable tortures.

“On the Sinope General Chormichoff and some other personal
friends of my own were fastened one by one with iron chains to
planks of wood and pushed slowly, inch by inch, into the ship’s
furnaces and roasted alive. Others were tied to winches, the
winches turned until the men were torn in two alive. Others
were taken to the boilers and scalded with boiling steam; they
were then moved to another part of the ship and ventilating
fans set revolving that currents of cold air might blow on the
scalds and increase the agony of the torture. The full names of
17 of the Sinope victims were given me in writing by members
of their families or their personal friends. These were lost
later when my rooms were raided, my papers seized, and I myself
arrested and thrown into prison.

“The house in the Catherine Square in which I was first in
captivity afterwards became the Bolshevists’ House of Torture
in which hundreds of victims were done to death. The shrieks
of the people being tortured to death or having splinters of
wood driven under the quick of their nails were so agonizing
and appalling that personal friends of my own living more
than a hundred yards away in the Vorontsoffsky Pereulok were
obliged to fasten their double windows to prevent the cries of
anguish penetrating into the house. The horror and fear of the
surviving citizens was so great that the Bolshevists kept motor
lorries thundering up and down the street to drown the awful
screams of agony wrung from their dying victims.

“This House of Torture remains as much as possible in the
condition in which the Bolshevists left it and is now shown to
those who care to inspect its gruesome and blood-bespattered
rooms.

“Week by week the newspapers published articles for and against
the nationalization of women. In South Russia the proposal did
not become a legal measure, but in Odessa bands of Bolshevists
seized women and girls and carried them off to the Port,
the timber yards, and the Alexandrovsky Park for their own
purposes. Women used in this way were found in the mornings
either dead or mad or in a dying condition. Those found still
alive were shot. One of the most awful of my own personal
experiences of the New Civilization was hearing at night from
my bedroom windows the frantic shrieks of women being raped
to death in the park opposite. Screams of shrill terror and
despair repeated at intervals until they became nothing but
hoarse cries of agony like the death calls of a dying animal.
This happened not once, or twice, but many times. Never to the
day of my death shall I forget the horror of those dreadful
shrieks of tortured women, and one’s own utter powerlessness
to aid the victims or punish the Bolshevist devils in their
bestial orgies.”

(_“Bolshevism, Reign of Torture at Odessa,” by the Rev. R.
Courtier-Forster, late British Chaplain at Odessa and the
Russian Ports of the Black Sea. Reprinted from The Times,
December 3, 1919, pp. 2, 3 and 4._)

The Protocols speak of _concealed_ executions as well as of open violence when making use of the weapon of terrorism to secure political domination. The Bolsheviki closely paralleled the Protocols in this respect.

While it is true that the number of victims of outright execution by shooting, drowning, etc., have run into very large figures, they are undoubtedly few in comparison with the number who have been deliberately starved by the Bolsheviki. In pursuance of their avowed policy of exterminating the bourgeois class the Soviet government divided the people into four categories with respect to the receipt of food, the bourgeoisie being placed in the last two categories as to which the allowance of food was insufficient to support life. A report by “Mr. E.” found in the British White Book, “Russia No. 1” (1919), relating to the conditions in February, 1919, shows that the last two categories have been done away with altogether. The report states that the Bolsheviki have published statistics “showing that the fourth category was not necessary, as there were so few members.” “This proves,” he says, “that the 4th category people have either been exterminated or have been forced to work under the Bolsheviks in order to live.” The same witness states that the amount of food given to the first category was constantly varying according to the supplies. The rations allowed the four categories in October, 1918, are shown by the Bolshevist paper _Vooruzheny Narod_ (_The Armed People_):

“The Commissary of Food of the Petrograd Labor Commune states
that on Friday, Saturday, Sunday and Monday, for four days, the
following products will be given on the presentation of the
bread cards, according to category:

1st category—1 lb. (Russian) of bread and 3 lb. of potatoes
2nd category—½ lb. of bread and 2 lb. of potatoes
3rd category—¼ lb. of bread and 1 lb. of potatoes
4th category—½ lb. of potatoes.”[15]

Many witnesses, have referred to the cruelty of this category system. Of course, these rations for the 3rd and 4th categories are quite insufficient to support life, and as the bourgeois classes were not only placed in these categories, but were also persecuted and prevented from getting employment in many cases, it is not surprising that hundreds of thousands of them were exterminated by these measures.

As to the question of how the Jewish element in the population came out on the question of food as compared with the Christian element there is little evidence at hand, but we may refer to one statement in a memorandum of a Mr. B. contained in the British White Book, “Russia No. 1 (1919),” as follows:

“At the Putilof Works anti-Semitism is growing, probably
because the food supply committees are entirely in the hands
of Jews—and voices can be heard sometimes calling for a
‘pogrom.’”[16]

Wholesale starvation in Russian cities is one of the most striking features of Russia’s tragedy. The bourgeoisie, and especially the intellectual classes of the Russian people, are systematically underfed by the treacherous rationing system of the Jewish Soviet officials. Manual labor as well as the intellectual workers are subjected to a most villainous tyranny, namely, to the tyranny of starvation. It is proper to propound the question: Is this policy carried out in accordance with the stipulation of the Protocols which reads as follows:

“Our power lies in the chronic malnutrition and in the weakness
of the worker, because through this he falls under our power
and is unable to find either strength or energy to counteract
it.” (Protocol No. III.)

(_b_) _The Program of Hypocrisy_

As already seen, the Protocols call for a program of hypocrisy as well as terror. The nature of the Bolshevist régime viewed from this angle is graphically described by Mr. Roger E. Simmons in his testimony before the Overman Committee. On pages 298 and 299 of the Senate Report he states:

“Along the trans-Siberian line, proceeding slowly, I had a
chance of reading the literature that the Bolsheviki were
distributing in connection with their active propaganda; also
the decrees, proclamations, and the public formal announcements
of all kinds of the local and national authorities. Many of
these sounded plausible, aimed to be constructive, ostensibly,
and in their idealism and promises were golden. I could
see how people would be attracted, and for the first 8 to
10 weeks understood their sanguine hopes. But after this
time disintegration was rapid and I saw the awful results.
The _modus operandi_ was not in line with theories. They
talked ideals but did not act ideals. Practices showed there
was decided immorality; decidedly, the game was not being
played squarely, the people being deceived by the leaders.
I suspected it from the very beginning from what I saw in
Siberia. If you will let me, I will read to you a significant
admission in that connection.

“This statement was written to me, at my request, by an
American that it could be given to the American Consul General.
It reads as follows:

“‘Bonch Bruevitch, the executor of the acts of all the People’s
Commissars, not a strong man, but a close friend of Lenine’s,
who, working in the same office, is able to influence Lenine
strongly. A power in the government as long as Lenine lives.
He states that the Bolsheviki have not worked out a code of
morals yet, and until they do, the end justifies the means. Any
lies or dictatorial methods are worth using as long as they
are in the interests of the working classes. A close friend of
his says he has no compunctions, lying whenever there is an
advantage to be gained from it for the Soviets.’

“The movement is immoral, absolutely.”

In this connection it is of the utmost importance to call the attention of the reader to the statement of one of the best known Jewish Soviet officials, Zinovieff—Apfelbaum, President of the Petrograd Soviet, regarding the means of spreading world-wide propaganda. The passage as quoted before proves how closely the policies advocated in the Protocols resemble the Jewish policies as carried out by the Soviet officials in Russia. This is what Zinovieff stated on February 2, 1919:

“We are willing to sign an unfavorable peace with the
allies.... It would only mean that we should put no trust
whatever in the bit of paper we would sign. We should use the
breathing space so obtained in order to gather our strength in
order that the mere continued existence of our government would
keep up the world-wide propaganda which Soviet Russia has been
carrying on for more than a year.”[17]

(_c_) _The Destruction of Religion and Christianity_