Chapter IV: THE INITIATION RITUAL.—The elements common to the Central Algonkin

Midewiwin and to the Winnebago Medicine Dance consist of two parts,—an initiation and a shooting. Of these, the shooting was shown to have been a more or less free element, capable among other tribes of entering into an indefinite number of associations; that, indeed, in the Medicine Dance itself, it had become associated with two different ritualistic complexes. We have already examined the shooting ritual; and we will therefore proceed to examine the initiation ritual, in order to understand its precise significance and its position in the general ceremony and in the complete ceremonial complex of the Medicine Dance.

1. _Ojibwa-Menominee._—The simplicity of the organization of the Ojibwa-Menominee Midewiwin impresses one at a glance. Only a small number of individuals take active part. It is similarly impossible to discern any elaborate ritual. A few ritualistic myths are told, some songs sung, speeches delivered, and then preparations are made for the shooting of the novice. The ceremony practically ends as soon as the shooting terminates. In this semi-public performance there is practically only one ritualistic complex, that of the shooting-initiation. The only purpose of this complex seems likewise to be the initiation of an individual into the Midewiwin.

This initiation ritual, we know, is only the terminal element in a long course of instruction which the novice must go through. It is during this instruction that the specific teachings and practices of the Midewiwin are elucidated, and it is then that the symbolism used in the bark records is explained.

These teachings and practices, apart from some ethical teachings of the most general nature, vary with each mide. In each case the novice is taught the mide’s individual songs, his particular tricks and practices, his specific herbs, and the uses to which he puts them. The bond connecting the teaching of the mides is of the loosest nature.

When the instruction is over (and it is over as soon as the novice has exhausted the wealth he expects to spend in each particular case), the novice is ready for initiation. But into what is he really being initiated? It would seem purely into the powers purchased from a certain mide. If this particular mide did not chance to be a member of the Midewiwin, the same or an extremely similar method of transference of personal powers would be gone through. In other words, the novice is being initiated into the status of a mide. If one may speak of any formal initiation here, it consists in giving to the new mide some object which is generally regarded as a symbol of the preceptor’s power. It may be a medicine-pouch, or herbs, or anything, in fact. But is this not precisely what takes place at the initiation into the Midewiwin? There, a person is presented with the “migis” and otter-skin bag, which is symbolical of the powers of a certain type of shaman, the mide.

The Midewiwin, from this point of view, is hardly a society at all. It does, nevertheless, possess some of the essential characteristics of a society: a number of individuals form a rather definite unit, owing to their possessing in common a number of ritualistic myths, a symbol and common status, in the eyes of outsiders.

As a society, the Midewiwin presents no such unit as does the definite organization of the Winnebago Medicine Dance or the Omaha Shell and Pebble Societies. The bond of unity in the Midewiwin lies in the fact that all members are mide. An individual is a mide, however, not by reason of membership in the Midewiwin. The powers that make him a mide have nothing to do with the Midewiwin at all. They are purely personal. The Midewiwin is primarily, then, an association of mide; not of individuals who have become mide because they belong to that society. It is because of this fact that the individuality of the members is so potent a factor, and it is because of this fact that no strong ceremonial unit exists. It is for the same reason that initiation into the society presents, in all its essentials, the picture of a normal transference of individual mide power.

Historically I do not doubt that it really is such a transference. As the idea of the Midewiwin as a ceremonial unit developed more definitely, the individual transference of the individual mide power may have become associated with initiation into the Midewiwin itself. It is perfectly natural, when all the mide became members of the Midewiwin, that the transference of power should not have been thought of apart from the society to which the mide belonged. It thus followed that obtaining knowledge from a mide would be synonymous with joining the Midewiwin.

As the Midewiwin grew in popularity, and as all the mide and a majority of the other members of the tribe joined it, there came to be associated with it certain specific benefits, that had in themselves nothing at all to do with the mide, but which were generally characteristic of Central Algonkin culture. The association of these specific benefits played necessarily an important part in the history of the society, because it meant that an individual, in joining the society, obtained much more than certain mide powers. He obtained, in fact, all the mide powers, plus those specific benefits which membership in the Midewiwin now brought with it. Through the transference of the objects symbolical of the mide’s power,—“the migis” and the otter-skin bag,—shooting now initiated him not only into the status of a mide, but also into that of a member of a society with an esoteric ritual. The shooting itself no longer bore the impress of a general shamanistic practice, but stood as a symbol of initiation into a society. At the transference of individual shamanistic power, shooting did not occur. It must consequently have become associated with initiation when the loose union of the mide developed into a more or less definite society.

Summing up briefly, we may be justified in saying that the initiation ritual of the Ojibwa-Menominee Midewiwin is a transference of individual power as found among the individual mide, modified by the addition of another element, the shooting-incident. The initiation can in no way be regarded as necessarily associated with shooting, but this association will have to be regarded as simply a characteristic of the Central Algonkin Midewiwin. In other words, just as “shooting” may enter into an indefinite number of associations, conditioned by the cultural individuality of an area, so initiation may similarly enter into an indefinite number of combinations.

2. _Shell Society._—In the Shell Society of the Omaha there is no specific initiation ceremony. According to the origin legend, an animal appears to a family consisting of father, mother, and four children, and helps them to obtain food. They, in order to show their gratitude, offer him their children. The children are subsequently shot and killed. As they lie on the shore of a lake, four tremendous waves sweep them away. They afterwards emerge from the midst of the lake, and assure their parents that, although they are dead, they are quite content, and they would advise them to put off their mourning, return to their own tribe, and form a society. They could obtain new members by selling to other people the powers they had obtained. The shooting that occurs in the ceremony proper, and which is interpreted by the Omaha as a dramatic representation of the shooting of the four children, has nothing to do with initiation into the society. Initiation consists entirely in the transference of certain knowledge and symbols by one of the owners of the society to any individual who is considered eligible, and who has paid the requisite price.

As a matter of fact, only members are shot. The shooting, whatever may have been its original significance, is here but one element in an intricate ritualistic complex similar to the basic ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance. Its purpose seems to be exclusively that of “strengthening” the powers of the members.

Anything approaching the dramatic initiation into the Midewiwin does not exist. Admission into the society is in no way connected with the shooting ritual, although the shooting ritual is actually found in the society.

3. _Pebble Society._—The nature of initiation into the Pebble Society is not definitely known. As membership, however, depends upon supernatural communications from the same animal, it probably is the same as that found among other Omaha societies of the same kind. Initiation would thus consist in the obtaining of the supernatural communication itself. Every person who has had a supernatural communication with a spirit—in this particular case, the water spirit—is eligible for membership into the society. Shooting is found, but it is in no way connected with admission or initiation into the society. It has, it would seem, practically the same significance as in the Shell Society.

4. _Medicine Dance._—In the Winnebago Medicine Dance, membership does not depend upon supernatural communication of any kind, but must be purchased from the leader of one of the five bands. A long preparation is necessary, lasting in olden times as long as four years. The individual is then initiated into certain of the teachings of the society. It makes no difference into which of the five bands he is initiated. The knowledge he obtains will, to all intents and purposes, be the same, excluding certain songs. This does not mean, of course, that there may not be information belonging to the member as an individual, which is taught to the novice; but it is understood that any powers belonging specifically to an individual, and which the novice wishes to purchase, have primarily no connection with the society. As every leader is likely to be a prominent shaman as well as a member of the Medicine Dance, it would be quite impossible to draw a hard and fast line between what belongs specifically to him as a shaman, and what belongs to him as a member of the Medicine Dance. However, it is generally understood that a leader is initiating an individual into those powers that are the special property of the society.

As among the Ojibwa-Menominee, initiation is accompanied by a formal transfer of a “shell” and of an otter-skin bag. Externally the general ceremony of the Medicine Dance might consequently be regarded as similar to the semi-public ceremony of the Midewiwin. There are two features, however, which stand out prominently in the general ceremony of the former, which must be explained before we can accept this external similarity as real. They are, first, the peculiar position of the initiation ritual of the general ceremony; and, secondly, the presence of another ritual, the basic ritual, and the importance it assumes.

Precisely the same ritual that we found among the Ojibwa-Menominee—the initiation-shooting complex; that is, initiation associated with shooting, the transference of the otter-skin bag and of a shell, plus a number of incidental elements—occurs in the general ceremony. This complex intervenes between the performance of the basic ritual by the North and West Bands. There is absolutely nothing in the basic ritual preceding or following the initiation that could possibly be interpreted as a preparation for the latter. As it is found there, the initiation seems quite out of place, and conveys forcibly the impression of being intrusive. The general ceremony is by no means terminated when initiation is over; but the West Band continues with its performance of the basic ritual as though there had been no interruption, even though the interval between North’s and West’s performance of the basic ritual generally lasts a number of hours. The initiation ritual is, on the whole, treated as an incidental feature. It can certainly not be the main or most important ritual of the general ceremony. As a matter of fact, it occurs only in the day ritual of that ceremony. In the night ritual it is absent. A ritual of which shooting is one of the essential features occurs in the latter, but, as we shall see later, this has nothing to do with the initiation.

That the shell and the shooting are unquestionably considered necessary and essential for initiation, is borne out conclusively by the numerous references in the speeches. We must therefore not permit the position of the initiation ritual in the general ceremony to interfere with its interpretation as a real initiation into the society. However, this position may have been due to secondary causes. It is quite impossible to determine them definitely now; but it is possible, by studying the significance and nature of the basic ritual, to explain to a very large extent the reason for the position of the initiation ritual.

The basic ritual is a definite ceremonial complex, which constitutes the most conspicuous unit of the Medicine Dance. Both in the night and the day ritual of the general ceremony, each individual band repeats it, and in both cases the ceremony terminates as soon as the last band has finished it. A number of other rituals separate the various performances of the basic ritual, and even intervene between the separate constituent elements of the ritual itself. In each case, nevertheless, the basic ritual is continued as soon as the disturbing ritual has been removed. It is for these reasons that it seems to me unquestionable that we are dealing here with the essential ritualistic unit of the general ceremony. What strengthens this impression is the fact that a ritualistic complex similar in its general nature, although not in the component elements of which it is made up, is found in almost all the other societies of the Winnebago. In the Buffalo, Grizzly Bear, Ghost, and Night Societies, there is a basic ritual of essentially the same functions and significance. In all these societies, likewise, objects of specific value to the members are passed from one individual to another; and this “passing” is accompanied by songs, speeches, and ritualistic details. Although the complex differs for each society, it nevertheless presents a definite ritualistic unit, which must be repeated by each person, or each band belonging to the society, as the case may be.

To judge from the general tenor of the speeches, the purpose of the ritual in every one of these societies is the “strengthening” of powers obtained in a vision. Now, the tenor of the speeches in the basic ritual of the Medicine Dance is precisely of the same nature; and as we have there, in addition, the characteristic passing of the “blessing,”—that is, the passing of the drum, the gourds, and the associate actions, speeches, songs, and dances; in other words, the means of assuring the continuance and the strengthening of the specific powers,—there can be little doubt that the basic ritual is essentially the same for all these societies.

Of course, the demonstration that the basic ritual is at present the main and most important ritual in the Medicine Dance, does not prove that it is historically primary. There are, however, a number of facts that speak in favor of this assumption. In the first place, it is undoubtedly the characteristic ceremonial complex of all Winnebago societies, and likewise of a large number of societies among other Siouan tribes; and, secondly, it is associated with an organization that is typical of other Winnebago societies. It differs from these primarily in the fact that membership is purchased, and not obtained through supernatural communication from some animal. Even the absence of the customary manner of admission might perhaps be hypothetically accounted for, for we have an interesting instance of the disappearance of the “vision” qualification in the Night Dance. The Night Dance, now known as the Sore-Eye Dance, previously required for admission a vision from the night spirits. This qualification has now disappeared, and its place has been taken by purchase, pure and simple, as in the case of the Medicine Dance. Now, it is possible that the same development may have taken place for the Medicine Dance. In the absence of any such positive evidence, however, as has been adduced for the Night Dance, this assumption can only be regarded as a possible explanation.

If the basic ritual is to be regarded as the principal and characteristic feature of the Medicine Dance and as historically primary, then the intrusive character of the initiation ritual may be explained by regarding it as secondarily associated. We are of course in no position to say in what way this association occurred, and we are therefore not in a position to tell whether the initiation ritual was associated from the very beginning in such a way as to perform the functions of a normal initiation into a society, or whether it was at first a purely adventitious addition with no special significance.

If it was regarded from the very beginning as an initiation, there seems no reason why it should have been given the position in the general ceremony that it now possesses. It consequently seems better to regard its position as older than the references made in the speeches to its functions as an initiation into this specific Winnebago society.

There can be little doubt that the initiation-complex of the Medicine Dance was borrowed from the Central Algonkin Midewiwin. We may consequently conclude that, notwithstanding the present interpretation of the initiation as an initiation into the Medicine Dance, it is historically really an initiation ritual of one ceremony that has become secondarily associated with another. In support of this, it can be pointed out that no initiation bearing the slightest resemblance to this one, occurs in any other of the numerous Winnebago societies, and that the Medicine Dance really possesses two initiations,—the one being the purchase of membership; and the other, that mentioned above. It might also be added that non-members never speak of the shooting as an initiation. To them the shooting always appears as a shamanistic practice associated with the “strengthening” of power. The esoteric interpretation, however, regards this “secondary” initiation as primary.

Summing up briefly the results of the analysis of the three initiations discussed, we must emphasize again the fact that we are dealing with initiations essentially different in nature. In the Ojibwa-Menominee it is evidently a formal transfer of shamanistic powers from one individual to another, which has subsequently become synonymous with admission into the social status of a mide and then with admission into a society. In the Shell Society the transfer of powers is analogous to the purchase of specific powers by one individual from another; and as these have become associated with a society, the individual buying them purchased at the same time admission into the society. In the Pebble Society, initiation is synonymous with the acquisition of power through supernatural communication from some animal. There is no transfer at all, except in so far as the spirit animal transfers something to the person fasting. Initiation is connected simply with the individual. No initiation into the society exists. In the Winnebago Medicine Dance, whatever may have been the primary method of initiation, we have to-day a definite initiation like that found in the Midewiwin. This, however, has been borrowed from another ceremony, and secondarily associated. Even now it is not in its proper organic position in the general ceremony, despite the fact that an esoteric re-interpretation has transformed it into a specific initiation into the Medicine Dance.

Initiation is thus seen to be both a concept and a ritualistic complex, varying considerably in different tribes. As a ritualistic complex, it has entered freely into innumerable associations, which can only be determined by a study of each specific ceremony. The same holds true with regard to the concept of initiation. It is also apparent that the concept has a marked influence in determining the nature of the ritualistic complex connected with it, and _vice versa_. In both cases, then, we have to examine not merely the nature of these two phenomena in a given area, but likewise whether they represent historically primary concepts and complexes, before we can make any attempt to investigate what are the concepts that underlie all initiations.