Chapter LV: Introduction: Military character of the Highlands (22)
Captain M’Queen’s own account of the battle is exceedingly graphic. “At Vittoria,” he says, “I had the command of three companies for the purpose of driving the French out of the village of Arinez, where they were strongly posted; we charged through the village and the enemy retired in great confusion. Lieutenants Alves and Ewing commanded the companies which accompanied me. I received three wounds that day, but remained with the regiment during the whole action; and next day I was sent to the rear with the other wounded. Davis (Lieutenant) carried the colours that day, and it was one of the finest things you can conceive to see the 74th advancing in line, with the enemy in front, on very broken ground full of ravines, as regularly, and in as good line as if on parade. This is in a great measure to be attributed to Davis, whose coolness and gallantry were conspicuous; whenever we got into broken ground, he with the colours was first on the bank, and stood there until the regiment formed on his right and left.”
Captain M’Queen, who became Major of the 74th in 1830, and who died only a year or two ago, was rather a remarkable man; we shall refer to him again. Adjutant Alves tells us in his journal, that in this advance upon the village of Arinez, he came upon Captain M’Queen lying, as he thought, mortally wounded. Alves ordered two of the grenadiers to lift M’Queen and lay him behind a bank out of reach of the firing, and there leave him. About an hour afterwards, however, Alves was very much astonished to see the indomitable Captain at the head of his company; the shot that had struck him in the breast having probably been a spent one, which did not do him much injury.
Major White (then Adjutant) thus narrates an occurrence which took place during the contest at Arinez:--“At the battle of Vittoria, after we had forced the enemy’s centre, and taken the strong heights, we found ourselves in front of a village (I think Arinez) whence the French had been driven in a confused mass, too numerous for our line to advance against; and whilst we were halted for reinforcements, the 88th Regiment on our left advanced with their usual impetuosity against the superior numbers I have spoken of, and met with a repulse. The left of our regiment, seeing this, ran from the ranks to the assistance of the 88th; and I, seeing them fall uselessly, rode from some houses which sheltered us to rally them and bring them back. The piper (M^cLaughlan, mentioned before) seeing that I could not collect them, came to my horse’s side and played the ‘Assembly,’ on which most of them that were not shot collected round me. I was so pleased with this act of the piper in coming into danger to save the lives of his comrades, and with the good effect of the pipes in the moment of danger, that I told M^cLaughlan that I would not fail to mention his gallant and useful conduct. But at the same time, as I turned my horse to the right to conduct the men towards our regiment, a musket ball entered the point of my left shoulder, to near my back bone, which stopped my career in the field. The piper ceased to play, and I was told he was shot through the breast; at all events he was killed, and his timely assistance and the utility of the pipes deserves to be recorded.” It was indeed too true about poor brave M^cLaughlan, whose pipes were more potent than the Adjutant’s command; a nine-pound shot went right through his breast, when, according to the journal of Major Alves, he was playing “The Campbell’s are comin’” in rear of the column. It is a curious circumstance, however, that the piper’s body lay on the field for several days after the battle without being stripped of anything but the shoes. This was very unusual, as men were generally stripped of everything as soon as they were dead.
When the village was captured and the great road gained, the French troops on the extreme left were thereby turned, and being hardly pressed by Sir Rowland Hill’s attack on their front, retreated in confusion before the advancing lines towards Vittoria.
The road to Bayonne being completely blocked up by thousands of carriages and animals, and a confused mass of men, women, and children, thereby rendered impassable for artillery, the French retreated by the road to Salvatierra and Pamplona, the British infantry following in pursuit. But this road being also choked up with carriages and fugitives, all became confusion and disorder. The French were compelled to abandon everything, officers and men taking with them only the clothes they wore, and most of them being barefooted. Their loss in men did not, however, exceed 6000, and that of the allies was nearly as great. That of the British, however, was more than twice as great as that of the Spanish and Portuguese together, and yet both are said to have fought well; but as Napier says, “British troops are the soldiers of battle.”
The French regiments which effected their escape arrived at Pamplona and took shelter in the defile beyond it, in a state of complete disorganisation. Darkness, and the nature of the ground unfavourable for the action of cavalry, alone permitted their escape; at the distance of two leagues from Vittoria the pursuit was given up.
The following Brigade Order was issued the day after the battle:--
“Major-General Brisbane has reason to be highly pleased with the conduct of the brigade in the action of yesterday, but he is at a loss to express his admiration of the conduct of the Honourable Colonel Le Poer Trench and the 74th Regiment, which he considers contributed much to the success of the day.”
The casualties in the 74th at the battle of Vittoria were:--Killed, 7 rank and file; wounded, 5 officers, Captains M’Queen and Ovens, Adjutant White, and Ensigns Hamilton and Shore, 4 sergeants, 1 drummer, and 31 rank and file.
The army followed the retreating French into the Pyrenees by the valley of Roncesvalles.
Of the various actions that took place among these mountains we have already given somewhat detailed accounts when speaking of the 42nd. The 74th was engaged in the blockade of Pamplona, and while thus employed, on the 15th of July, its pickets drove in a reconnoitring party of the garrison, the regiment sustaining a loss of 3 rank and file killed, and 1 sergeant and 6 rank and file wounded. On the 17th the blockade of Pamplona was entrusted to the Spaniards, and the third, fourth, and second divisions covered the blockade, as well as the siege of San Sebastian, then going on under Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas Graham.
Marshal Soult, with 60,000 men, advanced on the 25th to force the pass of Roncesvalles, and compelled the fourth division, which had been moved up to support the front line of the allies, to retire; on the 26th it was joined by the third division in advance of Zubiri. Both divisions, under Sir Thomas Picton, took up a position on the morning of the 27th July, in front of Pamplona, across the mouth of the Zubiri and Lanz valleys. At daylight on the 30th, in accordance with Wellington’s orders, the third division, with two squadrons of cavalry and a battery of artillery, advanced rapidly up the valley of the Zubiri, skirmishing on the flank of the French who were retiring under General Foy. About eleven o’clock, the 74th being in the valley, and the enemy moving in retreat parallel with the allies along the mountain ridge to the left of the British, Lieut.-Colonel Trench obtained permission from Sir Thomas Picton to advance with the 74th and cut off their retreat. The regiment then ascended the ridge in view of the remainder of the division, which continued its advance up the valley. On approaching the summit, two companies, which were extended as skirmishers, were overpowered in passing through a wood, and driven back upon the main body. Though the regiment was exposed to a most destructive fire, it continued its advance, without returning a shot, until it reached the upper skirt of the wood, close upon the flank of the enemy, and then at once opened its whole fire upon them.
A column of 1500 or 1600 men was separated from the main body, driven down the other side of the ridge, and a number taken prisoners; most of those who escaped were intercepted by the sixth division, which was further in advance on another line. After the 74th had gained the ridge, another regiment from the third division was sent to support it, and pursued the remainder of the column until it had surrendered to the sixth division. Sir Frederick Stoven, Adjutant-General of the third division, who, along with some of the staff came up at this moment, said he never saw a regiment behave in such a gallant manner.
The regiment was highly complimented by the staff of the division for its conspicuous gallantry on this occasion, which was noticed as follows by Lord Wellington, who said in his despatch,--
“I cannot sufficiently applaud the conduct of all the general officers, officers, and troops, throughout these operations, &c.
“The movement made by Sir Thomas Picton merited my highest commendation; the latter officer co-operated in the attack of the mountain by detaching troops to his left, in which Lieutenant-Colonel the Hon. Robert Trench was wounded, but I hope not seriously.”
The regiment on this occasion sustained a loss of 1 officer, Captain Whitting, 1 sergeant, and 4 rank and file killed, and 5 officers, Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. Robert Le Poer Trench, Captain (Brevet-Major) Moore, and Lieutenants Pattison, Duncomb, and Tew, 4 sergeants, and 36 rank and file wounded.
The French were finally driven across the Bidassoa into France in the beginning of August.
At the successful assault of the fortress of San Sebastian by the force under Sir Thomas Graham, and which was witnessed by the 74th from the summit of one of the neighbouring mountains, Brevet Major Thomson of the 74th, was employed as an acting engineer, and received the brevet rank of Lieutenant-Colonel for his services.
After various movements the third division advanced up the pass of Zagaramurdi, and on the 6th October encamped on the summit of a mountain in front of the pass of Echalar; and in the middle of that month, Sir Thomas Picton having gone to England, the command of the third division devolved upon Major-General Sir Charles Colville. The 74th remained encamped on the summit of this bare mountain till the 9th of November, suffering greatly from the exposure to cold and wet weather, want of shelter, and scarcity of provisions, as well as from the harassing piquet and night duties which the men had to perform. Major Alves[448] says in his journal that the French picquets opposite to the position of the 74th were very kind and generous in getting the soldiers’ canteens filled with brandy,--for payment of course.
Pamplona having capitulated on the 31st of October, an attack was made upon the French position at the Nivelle on the 10th of November, a detailed description of which has been given in the history of the 42nd. The third, along with the fourth and seventh divisions, under the command of Marshal Beresford, were dispersed about Zagaramurdi, the Puerto de Echellar, and the lower parts of these slopes of the greater Rhune, which descended upon the Sarre. On the morning of the 10th, the third division, under General Colville, descending from Zagaramurdi, moved against the unfinished redoubts and entrenchments covering the approaches to the bridge of Amotz on the left bank of the Nivelle, and formed in conjunction with the sixth division the narrow end of a wedge. The French made a vigorous resistance, but were driven from the bridge, by the third division, which established itself on the heights between that structure and the unfinished redoubts of Louis XIV. The third division then attacked the left flank of the French centre, while the fourth and seventh divisions assailed them in front. The attacks on other parts of the French position having been successful, their centre was driven across the river in great confusion, pursued by the skirmishers of the third division, which crossed by the bridge of Amotz. The allied troops then took possession of the heights on the right bank of the Nivelle, and the French were compelled to abandon all the works which for the previous three months they had been constructing for the defence of the other parts of the position.
The 74th was authorised to bear the word “Nivelle” on its regimental colour, in commemoration of its services in this battle; indeed it will be seen that it bears on its colours the names of nearly every engagement that took place during the Peninsular War. The French had lost 51 pieces of artillery, and about 4300 men and officers killed, wounded, and prisoners, during the battle of the Nivelle; the loss of the allies was about 2700 men and officers.
On the 9th of December the passage of the Nive at Cambo having been forced by Sir Rowland Hill, the third division remained in possession of the bridge at Ustariz. On the 13th the French having attacked the right between the Nive and the Adour at St Pierre, were repulsed by Sir Rowland Hill after a very severe battle, and the fourth, sixth, and two brigades of the third division were moved across the Nive in support of the right.
The 74th, after this, remained cantoned in farm-houses between the Nive and the Adour until the middle of February 1814.
Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas Picton having rejoined the army, resumed the command of the third division in the end of December 1813. Many acts of outrage and plunder had been committed by the troops, on first entering France, and Sir Thomas Picton took an opportunity of publicly reprimanding some of the regiments of his division for such offences, when he thus addressed the 74th:--“As for you, 74th, I have nothing to say against you, your conduct is gallant in the field and orderly in quarters.” And, addressing Colonel Trench in front of the regiment, he told him that he would write to the colonel at home (General Sir Alexander Hope) his report of their good conduct. As Lieutenant-General Picton was not habitually lavish of complimentary language, this public expression of the good opinion of so competent a judge was much valued by the regiment.
The next engagement in which the 74th took part was that of Orthes, February 27, 1814. On the 24th the French had concentrated at Orthes, with their front to the river Gave de Pau, while the third division was at the broken bridge of Bereaux, five miles lower down the river, on the 25th, crossing to the other side next day. On the 27th, when the sixth and light divisions crossed, the third, and Lord Edward Somerset’s cavalry, were already established in columns of march, with skirmishers pushed forward close upon the left centre of the French position. During the whole morning of the 27th a slight skirmish, with now and then a cannon shot, had been going on with the third division, but at nine o’clock Wellington commenced the real attack. The third and sixth divisions took without difficulty the lower part of the ridges opposed to them, and endeavoured to extend their left along the French front with a sharp fire of musketry. But after three hours’ hard fighting, during which the victory seemed to be going with the French, Wellington changed his plan of attack, and ordered the third and sixth divisions to be thrown _en masse_ on the left centre of the French position, which they carried, and established a battery of guns upon a knoll, from whence their shot ploughed through the French masses from one flank to another.[449] Meantime Hill had crossed the river above Orthes, and nearly cut off the French line of retreat, after which the French began to retire, step by step, without confusion. The allies advanced, firing incessantly, yet losing many men, especially of the third division, whose advance was most strongly opposed. The retreat of the French, however, shortly became a rout, the men flying in every direction in scattered bands, pursued by the British cavalry, who cut down many of the fugitives.
During the first advance Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas Picton particularly remarked to Major-General Brisbane the steady movement of his brigade; and the latter reported to him the notice he had taken of the gallantry of Sergeant-Major Macpherson, of the 74th, upon which Sir Thomas Picton expressed to the sergeant-major his pleasure to hear such a good report of him, and on the following day, during a short halt on the march, desired Lieutenant-Colonel Manners, who commanded the regiment in the absence of Lieutenant-Colonel Trench, to write his recommendation, which he did on a drum-head; the sergeant-major was consequently promoted to a commission on the 31st of March following, and was afterwards a captain in the regiment.
The casualties in the regiment at the battle of Orthes were--1 sergeant and 7 rank and file killed; and 5 officers, Captain Lyster, Lieutenant Ewing (mortally--dying shortly afterwards), Lieutenant Ironside, Ensigns Shore and Luttrell, 1 sergeant, 1 drummer, and 17 rank and file wounded.
The 74th, along with the other regiments of the third division, was kept moving about until the 7th of March, when it was cantoned at Aire, on the left bank of the Adour. On the 18th the whole allied army advanced up both sides of the Adour, the French falling back before them. The third division was in the centre column, which on the 19th came up with a division of the French, strongly posted amongst some vineyards, two miles in front of the village of Vic-en-Bigorre. The third division attacked the French and drove them before it, and encamped in the evening about three miles beyond the town of Vic-en-Bigorre.
The Marquis of Wellington stated in his despatch.--“On the following day (the 19th) the enemy held a strong rear-guard in the vineyards in front of the town of Vic-en-Bigorre; Lieutenant-General Picton, with the third division and Major-General Rock’s brigade, made a very handsome movement upon this rearguard, and drove them through the vineyards and town.”
Two officers of the regiment, Lieutenant Atkinson and Ensign Flood, were wounded in this affair.
On the 20th, after some sharp fighting, in which the 74th lost a few men, the right column of the allies crossed the Adour at Tarbes, and was encamped with the rest of the army upon the Larret and Arros rivers. The French retreated towards Toulouse, and on the 26th the allied army came in sight of the enemy posted behind the Touch river, and covering that city. Details having already been given, in our account of the 42nd Regiment, concerning this last move of Soult, we need only mention here that the third, fourth, and sixth divisions passed over the Garonne by a pontoon bridge fifteen miles below Toulouse on the 3d of April. On the 10th about six o’clock in the morning, the various divisions of the British army advanced according to Wellington’s previously arranged plan. The part taken in the battle of Toulouse by the 74th is thus narrated by Major Alves in his journal:--
“Shortly after daylight the division was put in motion, with orders to drive all the enemy’s outposts before us, and although acting as adjutant, I was permitted by Colonel Trench to accompany the skirmishers. With but feeble opposition we drove them before us, until they reached the tête-de-pont on the canal leading into Toulouse, on the right bank of the Garonne; on arriving there I mentioned to Captain Andrews of the 74th, that I thought we had gone far enough, and reconnoitered very attentively the manner in which it was defended by strong palisades, &c. I then returned to where the regiment was halted, and mentioned my observations to Colonel Trench, and that nothing further could possibly be done without artillery to break down the palisades. He immediately brought me to General Brisbane, to whom I also related my observations as above, who directed me to ride to the left and find out Sir Thomas Picton, who was with the other brigade, and to tell him my observations. After riding about two miles to the left I found Sir Thomas, and told him as above stated, who immediately said, in presence of all his staff, ‘Go back, sir, and tell them to move on.’ This I did with a very heavy heart, as I dreaded what the result must be, but I had no alternative. About a quarter of an hour afterwards the regiment moved from where it was halted. We experienced a loss of 30 killed and 100 wounded, out of 350, in the attempt to get possession of the tête-de-pont; and were obliged to retire without gaining any advantage. The attack was the more to be regretted, as Lord Wellington’s orders were that it was only to be a diversion, and not a real attack.”
The casualties in the regiment at the battle of Toulouse were 4 officers, Captains Thomas Andrews and William Tew, Lieutenant Hamilton, and Ensign John Parkinson, 1 sergeant, and 32 rank and file killed; and 5 officers, Brevet-Major Miller, Captain Donald M’Queen,[450] and Lieutenants Jason Hassard, William Graham, and E. J. Crabbe, 4 sergeants, and 94 rank and file wounded.
The French abandoned the city during the night of the 11th of April, and the allies entered it in triumph on the 12th, on the forenoon of which day intelligence arrived of the abdication of Napoleon and the termination of the war. The officers charged with the intelligence had been detained near Blois “by the officiousness of the police, and the blood of 8000 men had overflowed the Mount Rhune in consequence.”[451]
After remaining in France for some time the 74th embarked in the beginning of July, and arrived at Cork on the 25th of that month.
The record of the services of the 74th during these eventful years will be sufficient to prove how well the corps maintained the high character it had at first acquired in the East Indies, and how well it earned the distinction for gallantry in the field and good conduct in quarters.
In consideration of the meritorious conduct of the non-commissioned officers and men of the regiment during the war, Colonel Trench applied to the Commander-in-Chief to authorise those most distinguished among them to wear silver medals in commemoration of their services. The sanction of the Commander-in-Chief was conveyed to Colonel Trench in a letter from the Adjutant-General, bearing date “Horse Guards, 30th June 1814.”
From the collection of Surgeon-Major Fleming, late of the 4th Dragoon Guards.]
Medals were accordingly granted to the deserving survivors of the campaign, who were divided into three classes: first class, men who had served in eight or nine general actions; second class, in six or seven general actions; third class, in four or five general actions.
The regiment remained in Ireland till May 1818, not having had a chance of distinguishing itself at the crowning victory of Waterloo, although it was on its way to embark for Belgium when news of that decisive battle arrived. While at Fermoy, on the 6th of April 1818, the regiment was presented with new colours. The colours which had waved over the regiment in many a hard-fought field, and which had been received in 1802, were burned, and the ashes deposited in the lid of a gold sarcophagus snuff-box, inlaid with part of the wood of the colour-staves, on which the following inscription was engraved:--“This box, composed of the old standards of the Seventy-fourth regiment, was formed as a tribute of respect to the memory of those who fell, and of esteem for those who survived the many glorious and arduous services on which they were always victoriously carried, during a period of sixteen years, in India, the Peninsula, and France. They were presented to the regiment at Wallajahbad in 1802, and the shattered remains were burned at Fermoy on the 6th of April 1818.”
The 74th embarked at Cork for Halifax, Nova Scotia, on the 13th of May, leaving one depôt company, which was sent to the Isle of Wight. The companies were divided between St John’s, Newfoundland, St John’s, New Brunswick, and Frederickton, where were headquarters and five companies. The regiment remained in North America till 1828, in August of which year proceeding to Bermudas, which it left at the end of the next year for Ireland, where it arrived in the beginning of 1830. In 1818 the regiment had been reduced to ten companies of 65 rank and file each, and in 1821 it was further reduced to eight companies of 72 rank and file. In 1825, however, the strength was augmented to ten companies--six service companies of 86 rank and file, and four depôt companies of 56 rank and file each.
The regiment remained in Ireland till 1834, during part of which time it was actively employed in suppressing the outrages consequent on the disturbed state of the country. In the latter part of 1834 the regiment was divided into four depot and six service companies; three of the latter were sent to Barbadoes, while the headquarter division, consisting of the three remaining companies, was sent to the island of Grenada. In November 1835 the two service divisions were sent to Antigua, where they remained till February 1837. From thence the headquarter division proceeded to St Lucia, and the other three companies to Demerara, both divisions being sent to St Vincent in June of the same year. The regiment was kept moving about among these western islands till May 1841, when it proceeded to Canada, arriving at Quebec at the end of the month. While the regiment was stationed at Trinidad it was attacked by fever and dysentery, which caused great mortality; and fever continued to prevail among the men until the regiment removed to Trinidad. With this exception the 74th remained remarkably healthy during the whole of its residence in the West Indies.
The 74th remained in the North American colonies till 1845, being removed from Canada to Nova Scotia in May 1844, and embarking at Halifax for England in March 1845. On arriving in England in the end of that month, the service companies joined the depot at Canterbury.
While the regiment was stationed in Canterbury, Lieutenant-Colonel Crabbe, commanding the regiment, submitted to the Commander-in-Chief, through the colonel (Lieutenant-General Sir Phineas Ryall), the earnest desire of the officers and men to be permitted to resume the national garb and designation of a Highland regiment, under which the 74th had been originally embodied.
The lieutenant-colonel having himself first joined the regiment as a Highland corps in the year 1807, and having served with it continuously during the intervening period, knew by his own experience, and was able to certify to the Commander-in-Chief, how powerfully and favourably its character had been influenced by its original organisation; and also that throughout the varied services and changes of so many years, a strong national feeling, and a connection with Scotland by recruiting, had been constantly maintained. Various considerations, however, induced an application for permission to modify the original dress of kilt and feathered bonnet, and with the resumed designation of a Highland corps, to adopt the trews and bonnet as established for the 71st regiment.
His Grace the Duke of Wellington was pleased to return a favourable answer to the application, in such terms as to render his consent doubly acceptable to the corps, causing it to be intimated to the colonel, by a letter from the adjutant-general, bearing date ‘Horse Guards, 13th August 1845,’ that he would recommend to Her Majesty that the 74th Regiment should be permitted to resume the appellation of a Highland regiment, and to be clothed “accordingly in compliment to the services of that regiment so well known to his Grace in India and in Europe.”
In the “Gazette” of the 14th November 1845 the following announcement was published:--
“WAR OFFICE, _8th November 1845_.
“MEMORANDUM,--Her Majesty has been graciously pleased to approve of the 74th foot resuming the appellation of the 74th (Highland) Regiment of foot, and of its being clothed accordingly; that is, to wear the tartan trews instead of the Oxford mixture; plaid cap instead of the black chaco; and the plaid scarf as worn by the 71st Regiment. The alteration of the dress is to take place on the next issue of clothing, on the 1st of April 1846.”
The national designation of the regiment was of course immediately resumed, and the recruiting has been since carried on solely in Scotland with uniform success.
It was directed by the Adjutant-General that the tartan now to be worn by the 74th should not be of the old regimental pattern, that being already in use by two other regiments (the 42nd and 93rd), but that it should be distinguished by the introduction of a white stripe. The alteration of the regimental dress took place as ordered, on the 1st of April 1846.
In May 1846, Lieutenant-Colonel Crabbe, who had been connected with the regiment for forty years, retired on full pay, and took leave of the regiment in a feeling order. Major Crawley was promoted to the lieutenant-colonelcy in his place.
II.
1846-1853.
Return to Scotland--United at Glasgow--Ireland--South Africa
--Hottentot outbreak--Change of dress of the Regiment--Field
operations--At the Quesana--The Amatola Heights--Hottentots
repulsed--Another engagement--Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce left in
command at Riet Fontein--The Kaffirs at Fort Beaufort--Captain
Thackeray’s testimony--Movements of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce--His
death--Major-General Somerset’s Movements in the Amatolas--Loss of
the “Birkenhead.”
After being stationed a short time at Canterbury and Gosport, the 74th removed to Scotland in detachments in the months of August and September 1846, two companies being sent to Dundee, three to Paisley, one to Perth, headquarters and three companies to Aberdeen, and detachments to Stirling and Dunfermline. In November of the same year, all the companies united at Glasgow, and in July 1847 the regiment proceeded to Ireland. While stationed at Dublin, the 74th, in consequence of the disturbed state of Tipperary, was sent to that county on July 29th, to be employed as part of a movable column under Major-General Macdonald. The regiment, along with the 75th and 85th, a half battery of Artillery, a detachment of Sappers, and three companies of the 60th Rifles, the whole forming a movable column, was kept moving about in the neighbourhood of Thurles and Ballingarry during the month of August. Happily, however, the column had none of the stern duties of war to perform, and returned to Dublin in the beginning of September, after having suffered much discomfort from the almost incessant rain which prevailed during the time the men were under canvas.
The 74th remained in Ireland till March 1851, on the 16th of which month it sailed in the “Vulcan” from Queenstown, having been ordered to South Africa to take part in the sanguinary Kaffir War of that period, in which, as will be seen, the regiment maintained its well-won reputation for valour in the faithful performance of its duty. The 74th arrived in Simon’s Bay, Cape of Good Hope, on the 11th of May, when it was ordered to proceed to Algoa Bay to join the first division at Fort Hare, under Major-General Somerset, who was engaged in active operations against the Kaffirs and Hottentots. Having arrived at Algoa Bay on the 16th, the regiment disembarked at Fort Elizabeth, where, owing to the want of transport for the camp equipage, it remained for a few days before proceeding to Grahamstown, which, from want of grass and the consequent weak condition of the oxen, it did not reach till the 27th of May.[452]
While the 74th was at Grahamstown, a sudden outbreak of the Hottentots at the mission station of Theopolis occurred. Four companies of the regiment, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, together with a few native levies, proceeded to the scene of disturbance, and succeeded in destroying the rebel camp, and capturing about 600 head of cattle; the Hottentots, however, made their escape.
The regiment having resumed its march for Fort Hare, arrived at that place on June 12th, and encamped near the fort. Though but a few days in the country, Colonel Fordyce saw that the ordinary equipment of the British soldier was in no way suited to African campaigning, and while at Fort Hare he made a complete change in the appearance of the regiment. The dress bonnets, scarlet tunics, black pouches, and pipe-clayed cross belts, were put away in the quartermaster’s stores. Common brown leather pouches and belts were issued, while an admirable substitute for the tunic was found in the stout canvas frocks of which a couple are served out to each soldier proceeding on a long sea voyage. These had been carefully preserved when the regiment landed, and now, with the aid of copperas and the bark of the mimosa bush, were dyed a deep olive brown colour, which corresponded admirably with that of the bush, and was the least conspicuous dress of any regiment in the field, not excepting the Rifle Brigade and 60th, both of which corps had a battalion engaged. The cuffs and shoulders were strapped with leather, and this rough-looking but most serviceable tunic was worn by both officers and men as long as they were actively employed in the field. The forage cap, with a leather peak, completed the costume.
On the 18th of June Major-General Somerset ordered the following troops, divided into brigades, to form a camp in advance for field operations:--
First Brigade--Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, 74th Highlanders: the 74th Highlanders; the 91st Regiment; the 1st European Levy; and the Alice European Levy.
Second Brigade--Lieutenant-Colonel Sutton, Cape Mounted Riflemen: the George Levy, the Graaff Reynett Levy, the Kat River Levy, and the Fingo Levies.
Cavalry Brigade-Major Somerset, Cape Mounted Riflemen: the Royal Artillery, the Cape Mounted Riflemen, the George Mounted Levy, and Blakeway’s Horse; and besides, a detachment of Royal Sappers and Miners, under the orders of Lieutenant Jesse, R.E., Deputy Quartermaster-General.
These troops marched from Fort Hare on the 24th for the Quesana River; near the base of the Amatola Mountains, where a standing camp was formed.
The division moved before daylight on the 26th of June, and ascended in two columns the western range of the Amatola heights, halting on the ridge while Major-General Somerset reconnoitered the position of the enemy. While doing so, his escort was attacked, but on the arrival of a reinforcement the enemy was driven from his position, and forced into the valley below. While these operations were in progress, the 74th Highlanders, Cape Mounted Rifles, European and Kat River Levies, with the Alice and Port Elizabeth Fingoes, were moved into the Amatola basin. A formidable body of the enemy, chiefly Hottentots, were now seen strongly posted on the extreme point of the ridge of the northern range of the Amatolas, partly concealed and well covered by large stones and detached masses of rock; these the 74th, flanked by the Alice and Port Elizabeth Fingoes, under Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, was ordered to dislodge. The enemy opened a galling fire upon the advancing troops, but the 74th deployed into extended line, and having opened fire, drove the Hottentots from their position and gained the summit. After moving along the ridge, which was intersected by a narrow strip of forest bush, the troops were again attacked, and three men of the 74th killed. Having halted for a short time to refresh themselves, the 74th, flanked by the Fort Beaufort Fingoes, was again moved on the enemy’s position, when some sharp firing took place, and the enemy was compelled to abandon his position altogether, retiring into the forest and mountains. The division descended into the Amatola basin, and at 5 P.M. bivouacked for the night. It was reported that some Gaika chiefs and a considerable number of the enemy were killed on this occasion; while the casualties in the 74th were one corporal and two privates killed, and one officer, Lieutenant W. W. Bruce, and nine men wounded. Nothing of importance occurred during the next two days, and on the 29th the division marched to the camp on the Quesana.
The conduct of the 74th in the above services was highly spoken of in various orders, but we need only quote from a general order by Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Smith, Bart., dated “Headquarters, King William’s Town, 3rd of July, 1851:--
“Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce and the 74th Highlanders seized every opportunity of assailing them and driving them before them, and the Major-General reports in the strongest terms of admiration the gallantry and the discipline of the corps.”
On the 2nd of July the division again ascended the Amatolas, and its operations were thus detailed by Major-General Somerset in the following letter to the Deputy Quarter-master-General:--
“CAMP ON THE KAMKA OR YELLOW WOODS,
“_3d July 1851_.
“SIR,--I have the honour to acquaint you, for the information of his Excellency the Commander-in-Chief, that I proceeded with my division yesterday morning, and ascended the Amatola, with the view of clearing the eastern range of the Victoria Heights, and also of again attacking the enemy’s fastnesses in the forest, at the southern point of Hogg’s Back Ridge. This latter point was thoroughly cleared by the European Levy and a company of the 91st under Lieutenant Mainwaring. The enemy abandoned the forest when their huts were destroyed, and took refuge in the extreme and highest points of the Chumie Mountains. I then directed my attention to the southern point of the Victoria Heights, placing a gun under Lieutenant Field; the 74th Highlanders, under Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce; and the Cape Mounted Rifles, under Major Somerset, in position on the middle ridge. I detached the Graaff Reynett Levy, under Captain Heathcote, senior, the Fort Beaufort Fingoes, under Captain Verity, and destroyed all the kraals east of the Victoria range. While this movement was going on, I detached Captains Cumbers and Ayliff with their levies, and Captain Hobbs with the Kat River Levy, down the valley of the Amatola, destroying all the kraals at the base of the middle ridge, and nearly succeeded in capturing the Kaffir chief Oba or Waba, Tyali’s son, whom I saw lately with the Commander-in-Chief at Fort Cox, as it was his kraal that was surprised by the Kat River Levy under Captain Hobbs, and his wives and family, with all their household property, were captured, including the chief’s crane feathers for his tribe, his smart forage cap and jacket, given to him by his Excellency, and much other property; and distinctly saw the chief ride off from his kraal just before the patrol got there. The enemy was completely routed, and made off in every direction. In my attack on the Amatola position on the 26th instant, the chiefs Beta and Pitoi, the son of Vongya (brother of the late Tyali), were killed, and many others of less note. This information I have received from the Kaffir Dakana, residing at the Quilli station.”
In a despatch from the Governor, Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Smith, Bart., to Earl Grey, the regiment is mentioned as follows:--
“Major-General Somerset speaks in the highest terms of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce and the 74th Regiment, recently arrived from England, upon whom the brunt of these operations fell in the first division.”
During the next month the standing camp of the division was moved about from place to place, and patrolling parties were constantly sent out to check the depredations of the enemy. About the middle of August, when the standing camp was fixed at Riet Fontein, Major-General Somerset proceeded to Lower Albany with a large portion of the division, leaving Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, of the 74th Highlanders, in command of the troops remaining in camp.
Lieutenant-Colonel Sutton, Cape Mounted Rifles, commanding at Fort Beaufort, communicated with Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, about the beginning of September, regarding many bold and frequently successful attempts at the robbery of cattle made by the hordes of Kaffirs in the neighbourhood of that post, which it became necessary, if possible, to check. A force, consisting of 11 officers and 245 men of the 74th Highlanders, 3 officers and 36 men of the Cape Mounted Rifles, and 22 officers and 372 men of the various levies in camp and at Fort Beaufort, were assembled at Gilbert’s farm, on the Klu Klu, on the night of the 7th of September, and marched about 2 o’clock A.M. on the 8th, under Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, to the lower edge of the Kroome, where they arrived at dawn, but found none of the enemy in that locality. The force ascended the Kroome heights by the steep and difficult ridge called the Wolf’s Head. It being well known that the enemy, under the Gaika chief Macomo, were in great force in the adjacent valleys of the Waterkloof, Fuller’s Hoek, and Blinkwater, it was determined to halt in a hollow, where there was good water, until future operations were determined upon. Strong picquets were posted on the surrounding ridges, and the usual precautions taken to guard against surprise. Some large bodies of the enemy were seen collecting at various points, and about 3 P.M. the alarm was given that the Kaffirs were approaching in great force. They ran almost with the speed of greyhounds, but the troops, many of whom had to toss away their half-cooked dinners, got under arms with the utmost promptitude, and were soon posted in extended order on the ridges surrounding the bivouac, reinforcing the picquets. The enemy approached in swarms from all quarters of the contiguous bush, and as soon as they were within range, opened fire, which they kept up without intermission for about half an hour. Their force, at the lowest computation, was about 2000 men, and was led by Macomo in person, who was seen riding about on a white charger, well out of range. The troops being posted behind a ridge, were enabled to keep up a sharp fire without much danger to themselves, and the enemy were soon compelled to withdraw to the bush. Nearly half of the ammunition being now expended, the troops were ordered to retire; and Lieutenant-Colonel Sutton, with a few mounted men, was directed to occupy the pass leading from Kroome heights to Niland’s farm. Between two and three hundred mounted Kaffirs were now seen endeavouring to turn the left flank, but they were kept in check, and all the troops were enabled to gain the pass--a narrow defile, in many parts of which not more than four or five men could walk abreast. The retreat was going on with perfect regularity, when a strong force of the enemy opened fire from the bush, and a detachment of the Fort Beaufort Fingoes became panic-stricken, rushing among the regular troops in great disorder, and thereby preventing them from using their arms with effect against the enemy. This no doubt encouraged the Kaffirs, who, seizing the advantage, rushed from the bush and stabbed many of the men with their assegais. The enemy continued their fire until the troops cleared the bush, but they scarcely showed themselves beyond it. The ammunition being nearly expended, the retreat was continued until the force arrived at Gilbert’s farm, which they did shortly after dark, and bivouacked there for the night, sending an express to Riet Fontein for waggons to convey the wounded to camp. The casualties in the regiment on this occasion were 8 privates killed, and 1 officer, Lieutenant John Joseph Corrigan, 1 corporal, and 8 privates wounded. Hans Hartung, who had for many years been bandmaster of the regiment, and was much respected by all ranks, lost his life on this occasion; he had accompanied the force as a volunteer.
The troops returned to Riet Fontein and Fort Beaufort, on the following day.
An officer,[453] who was with the regiment during the whole of this war, states that this was the only instance in which the 74th really met the Kaffirs face to face, and the latter even then had the advantage of possessing a thorough knowledge of the intricacies of the bush, and were in overwhelming numbers. There were numerous hand-to-hand conflicts, and several of the enemy were killed with the bayonet.
Major-General Somerset having arrived at Riet Fontein in September, the division marched on the 3rd of October to Fort Beaufort and encamped there, awaiting the arrival of reinforcements from the second division, under Lieutenant-Colonel Michel, of the 6th Regiment, intended to act with the first division in a combined attack on the Waterkloof, Kroome Heights, and Fuller’s Hoek.
The necessary preparations having been made, Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce marched on the 13th of October with the Reserve Battalion 12th Regiment, Beaufort West Levy, Graaf Reynett Mounted Levy, and Fort Beaufort Mounted Troop. The Major-General had previously proceeded with the Cape Mounted Riflemen and Fort Beaufort Fingo Levy to meet Lieutenant-Colonel Michel on his march from King William’s Town.
The force under Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce arrived at the Gola River on the afternoon of the 13th, and on the southern point of the Kroome Heights about sunrise next morning. The Waterkloof and Kroome Heights were that morning enveloped in a dense fog, which for a time prevented Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce from acting in concert with the Major-General, according to previous arrangement; but about noon the fog cleared away, and the Major-General was then seen to be engaged with the enemy at the head of the Waterkloof. Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce joined him with his brigade, and the enemy having been dispersed, they all marched to Mandell’s farm, where they remained until the morning of the 16th.
The force was now divided. Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce’s brigade, reinforced by the Reserve Battalion 91st Regiment, marching by the Bush Nek to the entrance of the Waterkloof; while the remainder of the division, under the personal command of the Major-General, proceeded to the head of the Waterkloof. Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, on his arrival at the entrance of the Waterkloof, extended a line of skirmishers across the valley, seeing but few of the enemy, and meeting with no opposition until they emerged from the bush at the head of the Waterkloof, when a brisk fire was opened upon them; fresh skirmishers were thrown out, and the enemy dispersed. The force then joined the Major-General near Mount Misery, and the division marched to Eastland’s Farm and bivouacked. The casualties in the regiment on this occasion were 2 privates killed, and 1 lance-corporal and 1 private wounded.
In another skirmish at the head of the Waterkloof, on the 23rd, 2 privates were killed and 2 wounded.
Various operations were carried on at the head of the Waterkloof and Kroome heights until the 28th, when Lieut.-Colonel Fordyce’s brigade was ordered to the Blinkwater, where it arrived the same day, having been in the field exposed to heavy rains, and frequently with only one blanket per man, and since the 13th without tents.
The Commander-in-Chief, Sir Harry Smith, spoke, in his general order of October 31, in deservedly high terms of the conduct of the officers and men in these most trying duties; for this kind of desultory warfare, entailing constant marches from place to place without shelter, amid almost constant frost, snow, wind, and rain, and frequently with short supplies of food, and even of ammunition, against an immense number of savages, with whom it is impossible to come to close quarters, is far more trying to the temper and endurance of soldiers than a series of pitched battles with a powerful, well-disciplined, and well-equipped enemy.
This particular post of the enemy, at the head of the Waterkloof, was one which seemed almost impregnable, although it was held by only a few hundred Hottentots. The rebels had taken up a position near the summit of the Kloof, which they had fortified with a breastwall of detached rocks, from behind which they long bade defiance to all efforts to eject them. Occasionally, when the British soldiers were receding from the bush, the enemy would appear in the open ground, firing at the former with fatal precision, and seeming as if to invite them to open combat. Our brave soldiers accepting the challenge, and returning towards the Hottentots, or “Totties,” as they were facetiously called, the latter would precipitately retreat to their stronghold, reappearing when their opponents’ backs were turned, sending death to many a poor fellow, whose brave comrades could never get a chance to avenge him. Such a mode of warfare is harassing in the highest degree. It was at the deathful Waterkloof that the 74th sustained the loss of one of its bravest and best-beloved officers.
The troops belonging to the second division having marched to King William’s Town, and the Major-General having assembled at the Blinkwater all the available force of the first division, he ascended the Blinkwater Hill on the 4th of November, and bivouacked at Eastland’s Farm, leaving the tents and baggage at the Blinkwater under a guard.
On the morning of the 6th of November the infantry under Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce marched about two hours before daylight, the cavalry under the Major-General following at dawn, to the head of the Waterkloof, where, as we have said, a considerable party of the enemy was seen posted in strong positions. The infantry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, were ordered to attack the position. The Colonel led his men in column into the Waterkloof, when suddenly his march was arrested by a rocky precipice which flanked him in the form of a semicircle, where he found the enemy in considerable force, and these knew too well the rules of military tactics to let so favourable an opportunity escape for inflicting a penalty. Though the bayonets of our brave soldiers seemed powerless in such a position--for they had to contend against an enemy concealed among inaccessible rocks--yet Colonel Fordyce placed his men in position for an assault, and it was while calmly surveying them to see that all was ready for the desperate work, that he was struck in the side by a ball, which proved fatal to him in a quarter of an hour. His last words, it is said, were, “What will become of my poor regiment?” He was indeed the father of his regiment, looking with parental solicitude after the comforts of men, women, and children, and by all he was lamented with unfeigned sorrow.[454] His men, notwithstanding their irreparable loss, stood firm against the enemy, and the Major-General having arrived and assumed the command, the enemy was driven from his position, and the troops bivouacked for the night on Mount Misery, near the scene of the day’s operations.
The casualties in the regiment on this occasion were 2 officers (Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce and Lieutenant Carey), 2 sergeants, and 2 privates killed; and 1 officer, Lieutenant Gordon (who died shortly afterwards), and 8 men wounded. The greater number of the casualties on this occasion occurred in No. 2 company, under the command of Lieutenant Carey, until he was mortally wounded, and then of Lieutenant Philpot. They were opposed to a strong body of the enemy posted behind rocks, but being assisted by the light company, they succeeded in dislodging it.
The bodies of the dead were next day carried in a mule waggon for burial at Post Retief--15 miles across the table-land. “The funeral will never be forgotten by those who were present. The thunder, mingled with the booming artillery, rolled grandly and solemnly among the mountains. As the rough deal coffins were borne out, the ‘firing party,’ dripping wet, and covered with mud, presented arms, the officers uncovered, and we marched in slow time out of the gate and down the road--the pipers playing the mournful and touching ‘Highland Lament’--to where the graves had been dug, a few hundred yards from the Post.”
From “Campaigning in Kaffirland,” by Captain William Ross King, 74th Highlanders (now Lieut.-Col. unattached).]
The following division order by Major-General Somerset by no means exaggerates the soldierly merits of Colonel Fordyce:--
“CAMP BLINKWATER,
“_Nov. 9th, 1851_.
“It is with the deepest regret that Major-General Somerset announces to the division the death of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, commanding the 74th Highlanders. He fell, mortally wounded, in action with the enemy, on the morning of the 6th, and died on the field.
“From the period of the 74th Highlanders having joined the first division, their high state of discipline and efficiency at once showed to the Major-General the value of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce as a commanding officer; the subsequent period, during which the Major-General had been in daily intercourse with Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, so constantly engaged against the enemy in the field, had tended to increase in the highest degree the opinion which the Major-General had formed of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce as a commander of the highest order, and one of Her Majesty’s ablest officers, and whom he now so deeply laments (while he truly sympathises with the 74th Highlanders in their irreparable loss), as an esteemed brother soldier.”
Small parties of the enemy having again taken up positions near the head of Fuller’s Hoek, they were attacked and dislodged on the 7th; and on the following day the division marched to its camp at the Blinkwater.
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The Scottish Highlands, Highland Clans and Highland Regiments, Volume 2 (of 2)Chapter LV: Introduction: Military character of the Highlands (22)
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