Chapter I: Part 1

THE SCRAP BOOK.

Vol. I. MARCH, 1906. No. 1.

Something New in Magazine Making.

THE SCRAP BOOK will be the most elastic thing that ever happened, in the way of a magazine--elastic enough to carry anything from a tin whistle to a battle-ship. This elasticity is just what we should have in magazine-making, but it is precisely what we do not have and cannot have in the conventional magazine, such, for example, as _The Century_, _Harper's_, MUNSEY'S, and _McClure's_.

A certain standard has grown up for these magazines that gives the editor comparatively little latitude. Custom has decreed that they shall carry nothing but original matter, and that it shall be dignified and tremendously magaziny--so magaziny, in fact, that often it is as juiceless as a dried lemon.

To republish, in successive issues of a magazine of this type, a considerable proportion of the gems of the past, or the best things printed in current publications, or to swing away recklessly from convention in the illustrations and make-up, would be to switch the magazine out of its class and into some other which the public would not accept as standard.

In THE SCRAP BOOK we shall be bounded by no such restrictions, no restrictions of any kind that come within the scope of good journalism. With our average of two hundred pages of reading matter, we shall carry the biggest cargo of real, human-interest reading matter that has ever been carried by any magazine in the wide world.

In size alone it will be from forty to eighty pages larger than the standard magazines, and by reason of the fact that its space is not taken up by illustrations, and that we use a smaller, though perfectly distinct type, the number of words in THE SCRAP BOOK will be a good deal more than double that contained in these other magazines.

With such a vast amount and such a wide variety of reading, there is something in THE SCRAP BOOK for every human being who knows how to read and cares at all to read. Everything that appeals to the human brain and human heart will come within the compass of THE SCRAP BOOK--fiction, which is the backbone of periodical circulation; biography, review, philosophy, science, art, poetry, wit, humor, pathos, satire, the weird, the mystical--everything that can be classified and everything that cannot be classified. A paragraph, a little bit, a saying, an editorial, a joke, a maxim, an epigram--all these will be comprised in the monthly budget of THE SCRAP BOOK. We are starting off with four good serial stories, and next month another will be added, and then another, so that we can maintain an average of six.

There isn't anything in the world just like THE SCRAP BOOK--nothing, in fact, that compares with it at all. There are review magazines, and small weekly reviews, and there are, or have been, eclectic magazines; but never before has anything been attempted on the scale and magnitude of this magazine. It is an idea on which we have been working for several years, and for which we have been gathering materials. We have bought hundreds and hundreds of scrap books from all over the country, some of them a century old, and are still buying them. From these books we are gathering and classifying an enormous number of gems, and facts and figures, and historical and personal bits that are of rare value.

Furthermore, we have a corps of people ransacking libraries, reading all the current publications, the leading daily papers, and digging out curious and quaint facts and useful facts and figures from reference books, cyclopedias, etc., etc.

This first number is but the beginning of what we have in mind for THE SCRAP BOOK. It is so voluminous in the number of its words, and so varied in its subjects, that in arrangement and matter it necessarily falls short of the perfected magazine at which we are aiming. Our purpose, in a word, is to give more first-rate reading, on a wide variety of subjects, for our great big eighty millions of people than has ever before been presented in any single periodical, and to give this magazine at the people's price--the nimble dime.

FRANK A. MUNSEY.

The Latest Viewpoints of Men Worth While

James J. Hill Warns America of Dangers that Threaten Her
Future--Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman and Lord Avebury Deal
with the Questions of the Day in England--Dr. Martin
Predicts a Great Awakening in China--Governor Folk Foresees
the Downfall of "Graft"--Lewis Nixon Speaks of What He Saw
in Russia--Dr. Osler Explains His Philosophy of
Life--Russell Sage Gives Some Practical Advice--With Other
Striking Expressions of Opinion from People of National or
International Reputation.

_Compiled and edited for_ THE SCRAP BOOK.

THE COMING TEST OF AMERICAN RESOURCES.

James J. Hill, Seeing Trouble Ahead,
Warns His Fellow Countrymen That
There Are Dangers to Be Met.

At last James J. Hill--the silent railroad king of the Northwest, has given us his full and free opinion on the business policy of the United States. Throughout his long career it has been his plan to "say nothing and saw wood." He has been too busy to talk. The man who plunges into a dense wilderness, as he did, and transforms it into four or five prosperous States, has no time to run a public opinion factory.

But recently, while at a gathering of his friends in St. Paul, Mr. Hill unlocked his tongue and spoke out. It was a remarkable address, made by a remarkable man, and the meat of it was as follows:

The nation at large feels that it is immensely prosperous.
We are cutting a wide swath; there is no doubt of it. But if
we will get down closer and examine what we are doing, we
will find that we are living profligately and squandering
our heritage in every possible manner.

We should insist upon better cultivation of the land. For on
that one item depends your future growth and prosperity, and
there is no other item to which you can look; no other
source of wealth than that which comes out of the
cultivation of the soil.

If the soil is protected, if it is intelligently handled, if
your crops are properly rotated, if the land is fertilized
and rested and treated with proper care, you have a mine in
the soil that will never be exhausted; quite unlike the
other mine.

The millions and hundreds of millions of dollars coming into
the Northwest from the annual crops, while it is large,
isn't half as large as it ought to be.

Our Free Lands Are Gone.

Our public domain is exhausted. Last year over a million
people came from across the Atlantic to the United States,
and the natural increase certainly is a million and a half
more. What is to become of these people? They are to be
driven fairly into the factories and workshops and no place
else.

They can leave our country and go to the Canadian Northwest,
as many have gone. But that country will be populated to its
extent very soon, much sooner than you think. It has not an
unlimited area.

Try and cast your mind twenty or twenty-five years ahead. At
that time we should have one hundred and fifty or one
hundred and sixty millions of people. Where are they going?
Who is going to feed them? They can manufacture. We have
the raw material. We have the coal and the iron and the
copper and the lead. They can manufacture. Who will buy it?

We have got to a point where we are selling our heritage; we
are selling our rich deposits of iron and our coal and our
rich soil, and exhausting it as well.

People of other countries are exercising the utmost, closest
intelligence in everything that pertains to economy in
production. Take, for instance, the German nation to-day,
and they lead the world or any period in the history of the
world in industrial intelligence and industrial management.

Competition Grows Fiercer.

I was in England in November, and met a sad sight--Trafalgar
Square filled with idle people, large numbers of idle people
asking for bread up around Hyde Park. Why? The men who carry
on the work, who paid the pay-rolls, are no longer engaged
in the business.

What they had they have turned into money, and have bought
securities or something else, trying to save what they have
got.

In the west of England, which was a great center of
broadcloth manufacturing and of woolen goods, their output
is less than a quarter of what it was twenty-five years ago.
Germany is selling cutlery in Sheffield.

And I took pains to look around London, and to walk into the
shops and find out. I couldn't buy a pair of lisle-thread
gloves that were not made in Germany. Underclothing,
stockings, cloth, almost everything made in Germany. They
have a system of education in Germany. They educate their
men.

Now I am not going to undertake to say that their way is
better than ours, but I want to impress this on you, that
when this country has a hundred and fifty million people
they have got to do something; they have got to earn a
living.

Who will buy the goods? Who will employ them? In what shape
are they to meet the competition that England is meeting
to-day? And a million and a half of idle men asking for
bread in England, and no bread for them except such as
charity doles out. They have got to be carried out of Great
Britain and a new place found for them. There is no other
solution.

It is all well enough to talk about what we are doing.
Examine it closely and you will find that we are doing
nothing except selling our natural resources and exhausting
them. When you dig a ton of ore out of the ground you can't
plant another ton, as you could potatoes; it is gone. And
when the fertility of our fields, the fertility of the soil
is gone, where are we going to replace it from?

Teach the Boys to Work.

I am not going to find fault with education; it never hurt
anybody. But if, in place of spending so much time and so
much money on languages and higher studies, we fitted them
for the life that they are going to follow, for the sphere
in which they are going to move, we would do more for them.

I know that in two or three, more or less, railroads in
which I am interested, the pay-rolls cover eighty to ninety
thousand people. We have tried all manner of young
men--college men, high-school men, and everything else--and
I will take a boy at fifteen years old who has to make a
living--his chances will be better if he has to contribute
to the support of a widowed mother--I will take him and make
a man of him, and get him in the first place, before you
would get most of the others to enter the race with him;
simply because he has to work. He has to work, he has the
spur of necessity; he must work.

If there be anything that you can do, I feel sure that you
will all put your hands to the plow and help; but you will
never build a city faster than you have a country to support
it. And that is the first and the most important thing.

FREE TRADE IS VITAL TO GREAT BRITAIN.

Sir Henry Fowler Says that an Import
Tax Upon Food Would Be Ruinous
to the English People.

Free Trade, which has been the policy of England for sixty years, is again on trial, and the battle waxes fierce. There is a growing effort to work in the thin wedge of "a moderate tariff, not protective but defensive," but the opposition are fighting it with every weapon in their armory of protest. England to-day is not self-supporting, her rural industries have been declining for years, and the country receives from abroad the far larger quantity of its food and raw material.

Thirty per cent of the people are underfed and on the verge of hunger. Thirty per cent of forty-one millions comes to over twelve millions.

This significant statement comes from the lips of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, the new English premier, in a speech against the proposal for preferential tariffs with the colonies, at Perth, on June 5, 1903. Three years has not changed the situation for the better.

Winston Churchill, M.P., puts the situation thus:

The mass of people are absolutely dependent for the food
they eat and the material they employ upon supplies of food
and raw material which reach them mainly from abroad. They
are dependent on the condition of a crop at one end of the
world and the state of a market at the other; and yet, upon
this artificial foundation, through this inestimable
advantage of unfettered enterprise and of unrestricted
sea-communication, they have been able to build up a vast
industrial fabric which it is no exaggeration to say is the
economic marvel of the world.

In 1904, the amount of merchandise brought into the United Kingdom was nearly $2,740,000,000. For thirty years England's imports have been rapidly increasing, while her exports, comparatively speaking, have remained stationary. The situation can be put in a way readily appreciated by Americans if we realize that the entire British Isles are smaller than New Mexico, and yet contain about half as many people as are in the United States.

It is the foreign trade of Great Britain that is claimed to be the salvation of the nation. In 1904 this amounted to over $4,600,000,000, and last year, the figures for which have not yet been published, was the greatest in oversea trade in the history of the nation.

Sir Henry Fowler, a leader of the Liberals, said, in a recent speech:

The question of free trade is the greatest which has been
before the country for the past half century. The young men
of to-day are absolutely ignorant. They do not know what it
means and the issues it involves. If the great system of
free trade were interfered with, if the attempt were
successful which is being made to reverse the policy of the
past sixty years on which the overwhelming bulk of political
economists were united, I foretell for this country a time
of the greatest disaster. All classes would suffer,
especially the working class.

Dealing with the question of exports and imports, he pointed out:

Eighty per cent of what came into Great Britain represented
raw material necessary for manufactures and food necessary
for the people. Therefore the prosperity of this country
depends, not upon its exports, but upon its imports. We are
free-traders, not for the injury it does others, but in our
own interests. It is to our advantage to buy cheap. Our
greatest import is food and the next raw material. We can
only pay by our own manufactures.

ENGLAND'S DEFENSES, AND WHAT THEY COST.

It Is Not Military Strength That Makes a
Country Great, Says Lord Avebury,
but the Right Use of Power.

That the burden of armament lies heavy on Europe is well understood. It is not so commonly known that in the last ten years the cost of army and navy has increased much more rapidly in Great Britain than in any country of the Continent. The fact is brought out in the _Nineteenth Century_ by Lord Avebury, who is better known to Americans as Sir John Lubbock. He says:

In our own case there has been on the army an increase in
the past ten years of L24,800,000, and on the navy an
increase of L25,000,000; or, taking the two together, in
round figures an increase of no less than L50,000,000, of
which, however, only L39,000,000 is shown in the ordinary
estimates. In other words, while Italy has increased her
naval and military expenditures by L1,500,000; Russia,
L10,800,000; Germany, L8,700,000, and France, L6,000,000, we
have increased ours L50,000,000. Thus these four great
countries put together show an increase of L27,000,000,
while ours by itself is L50,000,000, or nearly double that
of Russia, Germany, France, and Italy put together. What
justification have we for this enormous increase?

I do not wish to exaggerate, nor to maintain that we are
going down-hill. But our progress has been checked, and if
we are not wise in time worse will follow.

Lord Avebury's political opponents would argue that the British military expenditures have been exceptional because the Boer War proved the country unprepared for any great military undertaking, and necessitated elaborate efforts. However, the figures are startling, and give point to Lord Avebury's conclusion:

We sometimes hear of "Little Englanders." I hope we shall
not let ourselves be stung into extravagance and war by any
such taunt. There are many who have strong views as to what
constitutes the true greatness of a country. It is not
wealth, but the application of it; not the numbers of the
people, but their character and wellbeing; not the strength,
but the use made of it. We do not wish for England the
dangerous power of dictation or the seductive glamour of
conquest, but that our people may be happy and contented;
that we may do what we can to promote the peace, progress,
and prosperity of mankind, and that we may deserve, even if
we do not secure, the respect, the confidence, and the
good-will of other nations.

Being once more happily at peace with all the world, our
financial policy should be to reduce expenditure, pay off
debt, increase our reserves, and lighten the taxes which now
press so heavily on the springs of industry.

THE CHEERY OPTIMISM OF LITTLE JAPAN.

A Nippon Statesman Tells How the
Britain of the East Looks Hopefully
to New Horizons.

The Japanese are winning fresh admiration for the cheerful optimism with which they face the perplexing financial conditions following the war. In the _Forum_ for January, Baron Shibuzawa expresses a sentiment general among Japanese statesmen:

It would be out of tune with all things, for us, at this
hour, to be looking upon financial Japan after the war with
a sad eye. Nevertheless, as we are well aware of the
disturbances which the war has brought to our finances, we
must look to the best possible measures for restoring to
health and prosperity what the war has disturbed. That is
all. But the war and its conclusion have brought us one very
great and precious gift, namely, it has admitted us into the
household of the great economic world. In a word, it has
given a wider horizon to the economic circle of Nippon, and
has brought us into the very heart of the comity and
exchange of the economic interests of all human kind; and
has linked us, in a sense hitherto unknown to us, with the
markets of the world.

THE GREAT AWAKENING OF THE CHINESE GIANT.

Are China's Four Hundred Millions Preparing
Themselves to Turn Against
the Western Nations?

Dr. W.A.P. Martin, who has been identified with China since 1850, and whose least statement about that country is authoritative, gives some interesting and important facts in the _World's Work_ with reference to how the sleeping Chinese giant is awakening. Referring to the work of Chang, Viceroy of central China, Dr. Martin says:

The banks of the river in front of his capital, Wuchang, are
lined for miles with cotton mills, hempworks, silk
filatures, glassworks, iron foundries, and powder-mills,
whose high chimneys proclaim the coming war. When China can
supply her own markets, foreign steamers will cease to
ascend the Yang-tse-Kiang.

In view of the fact that China's educational system was established more than twenty-five hundred years before Christ, and that up to only a few months ago the official examinations were restricted exclusively to subjects relating to China's literature and history, what Dr. Martin tells us of the rapid growth of schoolhouses is surprising and significant.

Going within the walls, we are struck by the great number of
fine schoolhouses in foreign style that rise above the huts
of the natives. Our clever viceroy knows that the industrial
arts have their root in science and that science must be
taught in schools. He thus proclaims from the housetops his
gospel of the new education. He has embodied it in a book of
rhymes, which are sung by his soldiers to the beat of the
drum, and committed to memory by all the school children in
a population of fifty millions. The following are some of
his sounding periods:

We pride ourselves on our antiquity, But foreign nations
ridicule our weakness. Knowledge is power. What but their
newly acquired knowledge Enabled the Japanese to gain the
victory over us And win for themselves a place Among the
great powers of the earth? Over against their three small
islands Have we not a vast territory with four hundred
millions? If we of the yellow race learn to stand together
Where is the nation that will dare to molest us?

The empress dowager and all her grandees have become converts
to Chang's new gospel. Not merely has she reenacted the
emperor's ordinance for the establishment of graded schools
in all the provinces--ousting the idols and using their
temples for want of houses--she has cut down the annual
expenses of her theatrical troupe to one-third and devoted
the other two-thirds to the erection of schoolhouses.

Teachers for these Chinese schools are being largely provided by the normal colleges in Japan, which contain over four thousand Chinese students, including both sexes. Such, at least, is the claim of another recent writer upon the Chinese awakening; this time a Japanese, Adachi Kinnosuke.

WE MUST HAVE EQUAL LAWS FOR ALL.

But Every Law Looks Blue to the Man
Who Wants to Break It, Says
Governor Folk, of Missouri.

Governor Joseph W. Folk, who became the most popular man in Missouri because he dared to enforce the laws without fear or favor, until lately has been too busy putting grafters in jail to talk about his work. But in a speech which he made the other day in Boston, he told pretty clearly what he is aiming at. He said:

The trust manager defies the laws of the State against
combinations and monopolies, and then calls for the
protection of the State for his property.

The dram-shop keeper wants the law enforced against the man
who robs his cash-drawer, but thinks he has a right to break
the law requiring his saloon to close on Sunday.

The burglar detests the law-breaking of the trust, but
considers the statute against housebreaking as an
interference with his personal liberty.

Governor Folk thinks that King Graft has just about come to the end of his reign:

Wealth is not worshiped with the same devotion it used to
be. A new standard has been established; new, yet old--just
honesty; that is all. The remedy for corruption has been
found in the hearts of the American people.

RUSSIA WILL ADVANCE, SAYS LEWIS NIXON.

With the Birth of Democracy and Industrialism,
a New Day Will Dawn
For the Great Slavonic People.

Lewis Nixon, who has been suggesting plans for the reconstruction of the Russian navy, believes that democracy is the proper medicine for the Czar's distracted country. The people have been dwarfed by despotism, he says, but they are now making wonderful progress in manufacturing and opening up their enormous country. In a recent interview, Mr. Nixon says:

Russia needs two things to enable her to feed the rest of
Europe--cheap money and cheap transportation.

With railroad enterprise, such as that of J.J. Hill, lower
Russia and southwestern Siberia could raise wheat for the
world. But I believe that with the adoption of the new idea
of participation of the people in the government so
sincerely determined upon by the emperor, Russia will settle
down to tranquilly building up the empire and developing the
arts of peace instead of the arts of war.

The great difficulty in the Russian form of government is to
find great men equal to the task of carrying it on. Public
life, as we know it, has not existed there.

With the institution of the Douma, the strong men are bound
to make themselves felt, and the results will be that the
Czar will not lack for competent advisers and
administrators.

I am convinced that as soon as the Douma gets going
thoroughly a new day will dawn for Russia and her people.
There is bound to be wonderful commercial development, and
with this will come an awakening of intelligence and
exercise of limited constitutional government, which is
bound to result in peace and tranquillity and the
restoration of Russia to her high place among the powers of
the world.

DR. OSLER IN HIS MORE CHEERFUL PHASE.

Some Pet Philosophies of the Famous
Physician Whose View on the Age-Limit
Is Not His Only Idea.

When Dr. William Osler admitted his belief that man is fit for creative intellectual work only up to his fortieth year he gained an undeserved reputation for grimness. The age-limit theory is but one of many that he has formed on various subjects. In his book, "Counsels and Ideals," are many genial expressions of a ripe observation. Here is his advice as to "work":

How can you take the greatest possible advantage with the
least possible strain? By cultivating system. I say
cultivating advisedly, since some of you will find the
acquisition of systematic habits very hard. There are minds
congenitally systematic; others have a life-long fight
against an inherited tendency to diffusiveness and
carelessness in work.

To counteract "the murmurings and whimperings of men and women over the non-essentials" he advises each of us to "consume his own smoke."

Things cannot always go your way. Learn to accept in silence
the minor aggravations, cultivate the gift of taciturnity,
and consume your own smoke with an extra draft of hard work,
so that those about you may not be annoyed with the dust and
soot of your complaints. More than any other the
practitioner of medicine may illustrate the great lesson
that we are here not to get all we can out of life for
ourselves, but to try to make the lives of others happy....
Courage and cheerfulness will not only carry you over the
rough places of life, but will enable you to bring comfort
and help to the weak-hearted, and will console you in the
sad hours when, like _Uncle Toby_, you have "to whistle that
you may not weep."

Of the end of life, speaking both as a physician and as a philosopher, he says:

With what strife and pains we come into the world we know not, but it is commonly no easy matter to get out of it, Sir Thomas Browne says; and, having regard to the uncertainties of the last stage of all, the average man will be of Caesar's opinion, who, when questioned at his last dinner-party as to the most preferable mode of death, replied, "That which is the most sudden."

I have careful records of about five hundred death-beds, studied particularly with reference to the modes of death and the sensations of the dying. The latter alone concern us here. Ninety suffered bodily pain and distress of one sort or another, eleven showed mental apprehension, two positive terror, one expressed spiritual exaltation, one bitter remorse. The great majority gave no sign one way or the other; like their birth, their death was "a sleep and a forgetting." The preacher was right: in this matter man hath no preeminence over the beast--as the one dieth, so dieth the other.

PRACTICAL TRAINING FOR NATIONAL GUARD.

Good Soldiers Must Know How to Shoot
Straight and How to Handle Themselves
in the Field.

A large delegation of members of the Interstate National Guard Association was received by the President on January 22d. He strongly impressed certain practical recommendations in regard to the training of both militia and regular army. Parade-ground marching and tactical maneuvers are, he said, nowhere near as important as training which will make men good soldiers in time of war, and he continued:

As war is carried on nowadays, ninety per cent of the
ordinary work done either on the parade ground or in the
armory, either by a militia regiment or a regular regiment,
amounts to nothing whatever in the way of training except so
far as the incidental effect it has in accustoming the men
to act together and to obey; but they are not going to fight
shoulder to shoulder when they get out into the field. It is
absolutely not of the slightest consequence what their
alignment is, but it is of vital consequence that they shall
know how to take cover, how to shoot, and how to make
themselves at home under any circumstances.

THE NEGRO'S CHANCE IN THE SOUTH.

Booker T. Washington, the Negro
Educator, of Tuskegee, Pleads the
Right of His Race to Work.

Speaking of the future of the people of his race, President Booker T. Washington says in the _American Illustrated Magazine_:

Whatever special difficulties the negro has to face,
whatever obstacles race prejudice or his own history may
place in his way, the negro, under freedom, has the right to
work, at least in the South, and work for the best things
the world offers. He has the opportunity to make himself
useful and to share the benefits that his genius and his
labor confer on those around him. That is, it seems to me,
what emancipation means, in practise, to the negro. That is,
after all, nearly all that it could mean.

THE DISADVANTAGES OF COEDUCATION.

Mrs. Craigie Declares It Makes Girls
Overbearing and Converts Boys
Into Dandies or Weaklings.

Mrs. Craigie, better known to the literary world as John Oliver Hobbes, is an American woman who has spent many years in England. On her recent visit to her native land she gave her impressions of English life. Her keen observation, deepened and intensified by her life on two continents, and her wide and close association with great thinkers, lend weight to any subject upon which she expresses her opinions. She finds but two objections to coeducation: one is its effect on the boys, and the other on the girls.

Coeducation, she says, is not so dangerous to the working
classes as to those of higher rank. The English working
classes are a very sane lot, and, besides, the sexes seem
better balanced among them than in the higher classes. In
the board schools it may serve well enough, but in the
higher classes coeducation is impossible. It is not only the
girls that are to be considered. Coeducation not only makes
English girls tomboys, overbearing and feverish in the
pursuit of their masculine schoolmates, but it also has a
very bad effect upon the boys. The boys, being inevitably
outnumbered, five to one, either become silly little
dandies, ruling a feminine court, or are tyrannized over by
the girls until their spirits are broken and their ambition
destroyed. All they care for is comfort.

It is dreadful that young boys should be cowed in this way
and become submissive to their girl schoolmates, and yet
even sturdy boys must bow to superior numbers, and twenty
weak and sickly girls may tyrannize over four or five boys.

Mrs. Craigie's view seems to harmonize with that of Dr. G. Stanley Hall, president of Clark University, and one of America's greatest educators. In discussing higher education in this country, he says it reduces the rate of both marriage and offspring, so that barely three-fourths of our male graduates and only about half of our female graduates marry, and those who do so, marry late and have few children. In an article contributed to MUNSEY'S MAGAZINE, he says:

Recent studies show that a large per cent of girls actually
wish they were boys. Their ideals grow masculine, and we
seem slowly to be developing a female sex without a female
character. So far have the actions against the old restraint
gone that feminists still regard every effort to
differentiate as endangering a relapse to old conditions.

Again, the rapid feminization of our schools encourages
women teachers to give their own masculine traits and ideals
free rein.

Once more, girls' manners are roughened, and they do not
develop pride in distinctively feminine qualities, or the
grace and charm of their young womanhood, or lack a little
respect for their sex. Girls have much responsibility in
bestowing the stimulus of their approval aright. It is said
that association with boys makes high-school girls less
poetic, impulsive, romantic, their conduct more thoughtful,
but I maintain, women teachers to the contrary
notwithstanding, that this is unfortunate; that something is
wrong with the girl in the middle teens who is not gushy or
sentimental, at least at times.

So it is said that the presence of girls is humanizing for
boys, but there is something wrong with the boy at this age
who can truly be called a perfect gentleman. I do not like
to urge that he should be a little rowdy or barbaric, but
vigor must not be sacrificed to primness, and masculinity at
this age does not normally take a high polish. Nature impels
boys to get away, in certain respects, from girls and women,
whoever they are. Some suffer subtle eviration, while others
react, with coarseness toward femininity, if held in too
close quarters with girls.

THE LATE PRESIDENT HARPER AND HIS WORK.

Appreciations of the Man Who Built Up
Out of a Fresh-Water College the
Great University of Chicago.

The proposed monument to the late President William Rainey Harper of the University of Chicago is to take the form of a library building. Thus will be fittingly suggested the practical trend of his life, in which scholarship was joined with utilitarianism. So businesslike were this educator's methods in building up a great university upon the foundation of a provincial college that he was severely criticized for the seeming incongruity between his aims and the means he used. And yet, as the New York _Evening Post_ has said:

Whatever may be thought of his policies, his personality now
appears in a fine and heroic light. No one can consider the
admirable fortitude and self-forgetting equanimity he
displayed in his long and hopeless fight against pain and
death, without perceiving that here was a heroic soul, to
which epithets borrowed from trade had no proper
application.

As his administration proceeded along the golden way laid by
Mr. Rockefeller, it became evident that President Harper
faced all problems as new problems, and that his optimism
admitted no difficulties. When it was discovered that the
University of Chicago lacked college life and spirit,
college life and spirit were straightway improvised, or at
least encouraged, by the appointment of a famous athlete to
the faculty, and later by the building of dormitories. No
detail of university life escaped him. If he lacked some of
the finer sympathies and perceptions that go to make the
ideal university president, he was a figure instinct with
vital energy, ingenious and resourceful in all matters--in
its qualities and defects thoroughly American and of our
time. The present, in which he lived by preference, will
give him an almost unbounded admiration; sober judgment
based upon the past will gradually smooth the inequalities
of his work.

President Harper was a man who did things. It is doubtful whether he himself placed the highest importance upon his executive work; it is not unlikely that he would prefer to be remembered as a Hebrew scholar and the author of abstruse commentaries. But a man is not always himself the best judge of the relative values of his own work. Professor Albert Bushnell Hart, writing in the Boston _Transcript_, thus estimates President Harper's career:

To sum up, the great characteristic of President Harper was
his unflagging and generous belief that things could be
done. In his thirteen years of service he saw Chicago
University rise to a place in the first rank of the world's
institutions of learning. It never seemed to occur to him
that a thing must be abandoned or even postponed because it
was difficult. When he felt that the time had come for a law
school, he created it. He found the Blaine School of
Training for Teachers in existence, and absorbed it. Nothing
seemed beyond his powers, yet he always had time for the
visitor and the guest, kept up his teaching to the last, and
was one of the chief citizens of Chicago and of Illinois.
Who can doubt that President Harper's intensity of love and
service for the university of which he was really the
founder and always the principal force shortened his days,
and yet who could wish to leave a more enduring monument
than his life-work?

The presidents of several colleges have spoken of him as follows:

President Woodrow Wilson, of Princeton University:
"President Harper's death deprives the country of one of the
most extraordinary and attractive figures, and the last
months of his life have added a touch of heroism through
which he won the warm admiration of the whole country. His
loss is very serious indeed."

President Schurman, of Cornell University: "President Harper
was preeminent as an educational administrator, and was the
greatest college president of the last fifteen years. The
University of Chicago will remain for all time as a monument
to his memory."

President Hadley, of Yale: "President Harper was a brilliant
instructor, skilful organizer, and a man of rare business
ability."

President Eliot, of Harvard: "His life, wonderfully active
and energetic, was brought, by excessive work, to too early
a close."

THE MEANING OF PUBLIC OWNERSHIP.

A Radical View of a Radical Policy, as
Expressed by a Well-Known
Radical of Chicago.

Publicists are generally agreed as to the meaning of the great changes now progressing in American political sentiment. The country, we are informed, after wrestling successfully with the problems of the accumulation of wealth, is ready to concern itself with the equitable distribution of what has been accumulated. We are growing rich almost too fast. We produce such vast quantities of everything needed by mankind that we hear of "production outrunning consumption."

In this new condition Clarence S. Darrow, the well-known Chicago lawyer and student of economics, sees the explanation of the growth of sentiment favoring public ownership. Writing in the _International Quarterly_, he takes advanced Radical ground as follows:

Public ownership sentiment has had a remarkable growth in
the United States during the last ten years. This sentiment
is one of the many manifestations of the deep conviction
that the present division of wealth is at once unjust and
absurd. All sorts of theories for the more equitable
distribution of wealth have found ready advocates on the
platform and in the press in every enlightened nation of the
world. However various the plans and schemes of social
change, it is beyond dispute that the tendency of all
nations has been toward a wider and completer collective
life. In every country in the world the people have been
constantly enlarging the functions and duties of the State,
and political organizations are more and more becoming
industrial institutions.

In Europe, municipal and even national ownership of public
utilities is no longer looked upon as radical or new, and
the rapid growth of these ideas abroad has had much to do
with sentiment in the United States.

The most casual student of social questions has likewise
seen the enormous fortunes that have been built up by the
private ownership of public utilities. The larger part of
all the stocks and bonds issued by public-service
corporations are based upon franchises and not on private
property. By this means the public is constantly and
systematically taxed upon its own property, and this vast
tax, in the shape of interest on bonds and dividends on
stock, is taken by a handful of exploiters and
stock-jobbers--who have thus contrived to build up private
fortunes from public wealth.

GOOD ADVICE, GRATIS, FROM A RICH MAN.

The Characteristic Philosophy of Russell
Sage, the Most Contented Multi-Millionaire
in New York.

Nearly ninety years of age and weighted with scores of millions, Russell Sage is to-day one of the most completely satisfied rich men in the world. This is true, for "he himself has said it, and 'tis greatly to his credit."

Russell Sage is now the oldest of the money-kings of New York. He was born seventeen years before Andrew Carnegie, who threw off the harness of business five years ago. The original John Jacob Astor died at eighty-four, and Commodore Vanderbilt at eighty-two. But Russell Sage still is standing at the tiller of his gold-ballasted craft, as keen and sharp-eyed as he ever was. Of all the famous figures of Wall Street, only Daniel Drew lived to greater years; and Drew lost all his millions before he ended his long career as a speculator.

Mr. Sage is as saving in his opinions as in his money, and it is seldom that he can be persuaded to make his mind an open book for the general public. But recently he consented to give the New York _World_ the full story of life as he sees it. It is the most complete description of the Sage philosophy that he has ever given to the public. Whatever this advice may be worth to you, it has been worth about a hundred millions to Russell Sage:

I think, if I had my life to live over again, it would be as
honest, as simple, as home-loving as I could make it. I
would try with all my power for home-like comfort,
happiness, and long life, as against show, shallow pleasure,
and a short existence. Home life is best. Clubs are only a
place for idle old men and wasteful young men.

Great wealth is not everything, by any means. The mere
making of money is not the only criterion of success. Many
men whose names are our common heritage have died in very
moderate circumstances, or even in poverty. Money is not a
measure of brains.

Real success is often achieved after many failures. An
active man builds success upon a foundation of failure; a
passive man does not. A real man is not hurt by hard knocks.
Hard knocks make character.

I think, had I my life to live over again, I would make
charity a life study. It is a science. It cannot be learned
in a day. The older a man lives the more he gets to realize
this. From my own investigations I have found that there is
a large class of professional mendicants that prey upon the
well-to-do and charitably inclined.

From time to time I have taken a whole month's batch of
appealing letters and have had them thoroughly investigated
by trained agents. Very few have been found to possess real
merit. Most of the appeals were from persons who would not
help themselves even with the aid of a helping hand.

Real charity is dispensed without the blare of trumpets.
Notoriety and professional philanthropy, indiscriminate
alms-giving in any guise, have always been repugnant to me.
I have never asked for any publicity for what I have done.
Silence has invariably been my rule and practise.

If I had my life to live over again I am sure I should not
attempt to move in what is termed "society." I would rather
be one of a few gathered together by a bond of friendship
than to partake of all the glitter and hollowness of what is
called the "Four Hundred." The friendship of a few outlives
life itself. Friendship remembers; society forgets. In the
home only is there true happiness. It is there that a man's
best ideas get their birth and grow.

If I had my life to live over again I would marry even
earlier than I did. The tender care of a good wife is the
finest thing in the world. I am thankful, indeed, that I
have had this in the fullest measure.

Thrift is the first element of successful manhood. When you
have made your fortune, it is time enough to think about
spending it. Two suits of clothes are enough for any young
man. The only thought that a young man need spend about his
clothes is to look out for bargains at the lowest price.

Let him be on the lookout for cheap hats, bargains in shoes,
knockdowns in suits. He is fostering business traits that
augur well for his success in years to come.

The boy who knows bargains in socks makes the man who knows
bargains in stocks.

Fifty cents is enough for a straw hat; it will last two
seasons. You can get for thirty-nine cents an unlaundered
white shirt which is excellent. You can get a good
undershirt for twenty-five cents. Silk is not for salaried
men. Fine clothes bring sham pleasure. Don't try to rival
the flowers of the field.

A rich man does not work for himself alone. He is really the
nation's agent. He turns his wealth over constantly in a way
that helps others. No one need be alarmed over the constant
increase in the wealth limit. Big enterprises require big
men.

There is no such thing as a money-curse. It is the man, not
the money, that makes the amount of individual wealth wrong.
A good man cannot have too much money.

And so let me say in conclusion, if I had my life to live
over again, I would try just as hard as I knew how to turn
my money over and over again, that it might do the most good
to other men.

I would live no differently. I would do as hard a day's work
as I knew how. I would not feel it necessary to take
vacations to recuperate. I would get my pleasure simply. I
would dine simply on plain food. After dinner there would be
a little reading of the papers or of good books, a chat with
friends that might drop in, and maybe a game of whist. I get
plenty of relaxation from an exciting rubber. When the game
is over, my day is done. I sleep like a top till morning.

That would be my life if I had it to live over. All my life
my home has been my haven of happiness.

Roosevelt and the Labor-Unions.

BY ELISHA JAY EDWARDS.

An Authoritative Statement of the President's Views Upon the Greatest
Industrial Question of the Day.

_An original article written for_ THE SCRAP BOOK.

In the unseasonable heat of Labor Day, 1898, a committee, small in numbers, but somewhat self-conscious and of impressive dignity, ventured to Montauk Point that it might discuss with Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, of the First United States Volunteer Cavalry, the expediency of nominating him on an independent ticket for Governor of New York.

As these perspiring committeemen, who were followed by other politicians, mounted the sand-dunes beyond which lay the camp of the Rough Riders, they saw, silhouetted against a sky whose horizon is the sea, the commander of that historic regiment.

A Commander of Men.

Roosevelt stood before his tent, not heeding the approach of these friends and politicians. With eager eyes, and through a strangely unfamiliar pair of spectacles, of polished steel or nickeled frame, he was watching the movement of his troopers, who were moving over the sandy plain not more than a quarter of a mile distant.

There came from Colonel Roosevelt quick and hearty ejaculations, as if he was so rejoiced at the steady, disciplined marching of his regiment that he could find no better way to express his joy than by fervent expressions of "Good!" or, again, "Well done!"

The hot sun of that unusually heated September week caused a sort of mirage--a quivering, visible movement of the atmosphere arising by reflection from the sand, so that the Rough Riders seemed to be observed as through a glass.

After a few moments of enthusiastic inspection of the distant regiment, Colonel Roosevelt received his visitors cordially, and motioned them to the open tent, which was furnished with the rigorous simplicity of a true campaigner, yet offered abundant hospitality. As his friends were entering the tent, he stopped for a moment, and, turning toward his regiment, said:

"There is perfect order, perfect discipline, and yet every man of that regiment thinks!"

The Golden Rule Paraphrased.

In this comment there is to be discovered President Roosevelt's view of what the wise and beneficial combination of men into labor organizations may ultimately become. Years before, he had reasoned out what he believed to be the true philosophy of the labor-unions. He did not fully accept the familiar motto, "One for all and all for one." Instead, he formulated for himself another, which was after all merely a paraphrase of the golden rule:

"All for all, and every one for the best of which he is capable--the best morally, mentally, and physically."

Roosevelt came into active life at a time when the labor-unions, under sincerely well-meant leadership, were emerging from a period of struggle and disorder. Their dominant idea, as it seemed to many observers, was to use the weapon that is called the strike, and to intensify the power of that weapon by acts of violence. He had just entered Harvard when the anarchy and devastation that accompanied the railroad strikes of the summer of 1877 spread terror throughout the country. He was deeply interested in the progress of that fierce industrial conflict. He felt even then that men who labored could not be brought to such a condition of desperation that they were willing to use the torch unless they had some sense of unjust treatment. On the other hand, the torch and the shooting and the roll of drums and march of troops most gravely impressed the college student, and led him to give much thought to the question of the labor organizations.

Roosevelt and the Railway Men.

His attention was specially fixed upon the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers. He was persistent and insistent in his inquiries of all who could give him information as to the philosophy upon which this body based its organization. He was greatly interested in the personality of Mr. Arthur, and of others who assisted Arthur in the creation of the brotherhood.

Later, when he had become a member of the New York Legislature, he was present at a State convention held in Utica. He was one of a considerable number of delegates and politicians who went from Albany to Utica on a cold and stormy winter afternoon. The train made its way against the winter tempest with some difficulty. When it rolled into the station at Utica, Roosevelt parted for a moment from his associates, and they saw him making his way, with characteristic quick and decisive steps, to the engine. Reaching up, he grasped the hands of the engineer and the fireman, and gave them a hearty word of thanks, in which he conveyed his sense of what they were as men and skilled artisans, and of what they had done that afternoon.

Many have thought that President Roosevelt's custom of shaking hands with the locomotive engineer and the fireman at the end of a journey was of recent adoption, but he began it as long ago as the time when he entered public life. Possibly, and it may be unconsciously to himself, in this kindly courtesy he reflected his sense of the intellectual and economic triumph which characterizes the perfecting of the organization of the Locomotive Engineers.

His Interest In Labor's Battles.

A year before Roosevelt was candidate for mayor of New York, he being then in his twenty-eighth year, there broke out the dangerous agitation that has passed into history as the Missouri Pacific strike. The details of this affair were eagerly sought by Roosevelt. He would stop whatever work he had in hand in order to gather from any one who was well informed not merely the incidents of the strike, but the characteristics of the leader of the strikers, Martin Irons, and of his associates.

At that time, Roosevelt spoke with emphasis in deploring the acts of violence which the greatly inflamed employees committed. He looked upon the destruction of life and of property as not merely criminal in itself, but as sure, if persisted in, to do harm to all labor organizations. But he seemed to be attracted by the skill and energy, the personal force, the power of discipline and of leadership, which had enabled a railway mechanic like Irons to obtain supreme leadership and mastery over many thousands of intelligent American working men.

When Roosevelt was president of the Police Board of New York he was almost as greatly concerned about a strike involving the tailors, garment-cutters, and others whose employment was with the needle, sewing-machine, or shears, as if he himself was of their vocation. The poverty of the strikers had been extreme, their wages being barely sufficient to pay for a loaf of bread and a bit of meat once a week, and for the narrowest and most squalid kind of tenement in which to sleep. He learned that these conditions had been somewhat improved through the formation of the garment-workers into a labor-union. He was greatly interested in one Barondess, a man of crude and yet real force, who had skilfully perfected their organization.