Chapter XII: Appendix: V (2)

[192] Zebras are still found in Benguella, but not any longer in Angola or Congo. Duarte Lopez, p. 49, speaks of a “pet zebra” (in Bamba?) which was killed by a “tiger.” Further on he says that zebras were common, but had not been broken in for riding. M. Garcia Mendez likewise mentions the “zebra.” The native name is _ngolo_ (Kangolo). “Zebra” is a corruption of its Abyssinian appellation.

[193] Tandale, in Kimbundu, means councillor or minister of a _soba_ or kinglet; _tumba’ndala_ was an old title of the Kings of Angola, and may be translated Emperor (Cordeiro da Matta, _Diccionario_).

[194] All this is borne out by Portuguese documents. From the very beginning, Dias de Novaes handed over the Sovas to the mercy of his fellow-adventurers and the Jesuits. The system was still in force in 1620 when Garcia Mendez de Castellobranco proposed to King Philip a “regimen de aforamento” of the native chiefs, which would have yielded a revenue of fifteen million Reis, and would, at the same time, afforded some slight protection to the natives. Those who would have profited most largely by these “reforms” would have been the Jesuits.

[195] According to Dr. Pechuel-Loesche (_Die Loango Expedition_, vol. iii, p. 279), this seems to be the cowfish of the whalers, or _Tursions gillii_, Dale. The natives call it _ngulu-mputu_ (_ngulu_, hog-fish;-_mputu_, Portugal). He says that the natives will not suffer this fish to be injured, as it drives other fish ashore and into their nets; and that if one of these fish were to be wounded or killed they would stop away for ever so long. The Rev. W. M. Holman Bentley, in his _Dictionary of the Kongo Language_, says that the _ngola_ of the natives is a bagre, or catfish. A gigantic bagre, 8 ft. in length, is found in the Upper Coanza (Monteiro, _Angola_, vol. ii, p. 134). Mr. Dennett suggests the _Chialambu_, a kind of bream, which is said to chase other fish; _Mboa_, _Mbwa_, or _Imboa_ certainly means dog, and is not the name of a fish.

[196] _Massa-ngo_, the _Penisetum typhoideum_, introduced from abroad. It is the _milho_, or millet, of the Portuguese (see Capello and Ivens, _Benguella_, vol. i, p. 103; vol. ii, p. 257).

[197] _Massa-mballa_ is _sorghum_ (Ficalho). A white variety is known as _Congo-mazzo_.

[198] This is _luku_, or _Eleusine coracana_, introduced from Asia. It is extensively grown in Abyssinia and among the Niamniam (Schweinfurth, _The Heart of Africa_, vol. i, p. 248; Ficalho, _Plantas uteis_, p. 41).

[199] _Massa-mamputo_, or Grão de Portugal, is _Zea mayz_, introduced from America (Ficalho). See note, p. 7.

[200] This is the ground-nut (_Arachis hypogaea_), or underground kidney bean. Its native name is _nguba_ or _mpinda_. According to Ficalho, p. 142, it was introduced from America, while _Voandzeia subterranea_, called _vielo_ in Angola, is certainly indigenous. The seeds of the latter are smaller and less oleaginous than those of _Arachis_, and hence its commercial value is less.

[201] _Wandu_ (of Congo) is the _mbarazi_ of the Swahili, the _Cajanus indicus_ of botanists. It is grown all over Africa, and Welwitsch considers it indigenous. In Angola a variety is known as _nsonje_ (Ficalho, p. 143; Burton, _Two Trips to Gorilla Island_, vol. ii, p. 119).

[202] In a marginal note to his reprint of Pigafetta’s book (p. 1005), Purchas quotes Battell as confirming Lopez when he states, with regard to the _Cola_ (_c. acuminata, R. Br._), that “the liver of a hen, or of any other like bird, which putrified and stinketh, being sprinkled over with the juice of this fruit (the _Cola_), returneth into its former estate, and becometh fresh and sound again.”

[203] See note, p. 24. Monteiro (vol. ii, 165) confirms that hives are securely placed in the branches of a tree, the _Baobab_ being chosen in preference.

[204] A misprint from _Inganda_, i.e., _Nsanda_, banyan.

[205] The three kinds of palm are, the wine-palm (_Raphia_); the oil-palm (_Elaeis_); and the date-palm (_Phœnix_).

[206] _Lubámbu_ (in Kimbundu); _luvambu_ (in Congoese) means a chain. Dr. Lacerda says that a _Libambo_ was made of sufficient length to hold twelve slaves (_The Lands of Cazembe_, ed. by Burton, London; 1873, p. 18).

[207] For his _Relations_, see Purchas, lib. VI. ch. viii.

[208] Domingos d’Abreu de Brito, in a memoir addressed in 1592 to King Philip, states that 52,000 slaves were exported from Angola to Brazil and the Spanish Indies between 1575 and 1591, and 20,131 during the last four years of this period (Paiva Manso, _Hist. do Congo_, p. 140). Cadornega, quoted by the same author, estimates the number of slaves annually exported between 1580 and 1680 at eight or ten thousand (_ib._, p. 287).

[209] _Recte_, _Engenho_, a mill, and in Brazil more especially a sugar mill.

[210] Turner says, in his _Relations_, p. 1243, that John de Paiis (_sic_) owned ten thousand slaves and eighteen sugar mills.

[211] Manuel Cerveira Pereira was Governor 1603-7 (see p. 37).

[212] Carvalho (_Ethnographia_, pp. 248, 258) describes trophies of these as also trophies of war, built up of the skulls of enemies killed in battle. Bastian (_Loango Expedition_, vol. i, p. 54) saw a fossil tusk, which was looked upon as a fetish, around which were piled up the horns of oxen, and the teeth and skulls of hippopotami.

[213] Libations are a common practice. Dr. Bastian (_Loango Expedition_, vol. i. p. 70) observed libations of rum being poured on the royal graves at Loangiri; Capello and Ivens (_Benguella_, vol. i, p. 26) say that the Bandombe, before they drink spirits, pour a portion on the ground, as a libation to _Nzambi_; whilst in Congo (according to Bentley), the blood of a beast killed in the chase is poured on the grave of a good hunter, to ensure success in the future. Instances of this practice could easily be multiplied. Compare note, p. 51.

[214] _Wá_, an interjection, O! _Kizangu_ is a fetish image (see note, p. 24). _Kuleketa_, to prove, to try (Cordeiro da Matta’s _Diccionario_).

[215] On this ordeal, as practised in Angola, see note, p. 61.

[216] _Nganga a mukishi._

[217] See note, p. 34.

[218] See note, p. 55.

[219] Battell is named in the margin as authority for this paragraph, but it is not likely that he would have mentioned a lake Aquelunda, which we now know does not exist. It rather seems that Purchas got this bit of information out of Pigafetta. The Quizama here referred must not be confounded with the country of the same name, to the south of the Coanza. It was the district of the Quiluangi quia Sama (or quia Samba, according to Lopez de Lima, p. 60), the ancestor of a chief of the same name now living near the Portuguese fort of Duque de Bragança. The “commonwealth” is an evident reference to the country of the Dembos (_ndembu_, plural _jindembu_, ruler, chief), who recognise no superior chief or king.

[220] It need scarcely be stated that the horse was first introduced into Angola by the Portuguese. The tails seen by the early Portuguese, and sometimes described as horse-tails, were in truth the tails of the Zebra.

[221] See another version of the same story, p. 69.

[222] The _nsanda_ is the banyan, or wild fig-tree (_ficus umbelata_, Vahl).

[223] Battell has been misunderstood by Purchas, for the _manga_ tree is the Mangrove (_Rhyzophora mangle_) called _Mangue_ in Kimbundu, which rejoices in adventitious roots, as also does the _nsanda_.

[224] See p. 24, for note on the _Nkondo_ or _Baobab_.

[225] For an account of this mode of climbing a tree, see Pechuel-Lösche, _Loango Expedition_, vol. iii, p. 179.

[226] On honey, see note, p. 68.

[227] _Nsanda_, the banyan-tree.

[228] Schuit, a boat, in Dutch.

[229] This sentence is introduced on the authority of Duarte Lopez (Pigafetta, p. 22). The other tree referred to by Battell is the _mfuma_, or cotton-tree (see Tuckey, _Narrative_, p. 225). Dr. Falkenstein, however, affirms that the soft wood of the _baobab_ is that usually employed for making canoes (“dug-outs”).

[230] Battell, I have no doubt, never employed the word “Bramas” (Bramanes in Portuguese, Brahmans). D. Lopez (Pigafetta) must be held responsible for the statement that the inhabitants of Loango were originally known as Bramas. Surely this cannot be (as supposed by Degrandpré) because of the red and yellow stripes with which the women in Loango paint their foreheads in honour of a certain fetish, and the similarity of these with the marks of the votaries of Siva in India.

[231] Dr. Bastian (_Loango Expedition_, vol. i, pp. 158, 202, 232) mentions offerings of this kind. Thus the skull of an animal killed in the chase is placed before the fetish.

[232] _Mbongo_, cloth (Bentley’s _Dictionary_).

[233] See note, p. 35.

[234] Restrictions upon the use of certain articles of food are imposed by the doctor (_nganga_), even before the child is born (_mpangu_), and upon the sick (_konko_). The things forbidden to be eaten are called _nlongo_, and it is believed that a disregard of this taboo entails most disastrous consequences (Bentley, _Dictionary_, pp. 353, 389). In Loango things forbidden are called _Shin_, or _thina_ (Dennett, _Folk-Lore_, p. 138).

[235] Any place guarded by a “charm,” such as a shell, a bit of cloth, or the like, is respected by the natives as being protected by the _nkishi_ (Dennett, _Folk-Lore_, pp. 6, 18).

[236] See note, p. 48.

[237] This bell is called _Shi-Ngongo_, and the Maloango alone is allowed to order it to be struck. Thus, when a messenger is sent round the town, striking this _Shi-Ngongo_, the people know that it is the voice of Maloango which speaketh. It is thus quite likely that a thief, under these circumstances, should be frightened into restoring stolen property. (From a letter by Mr. Dennett.) See also note, p. 20.

[238] See p. 59.

[239] _Ndoke_, or _ndoki_, witchcraft, sorcerer.

[240] A misprint for _Libata_, village.

[241] See p. 48.

[242] _Munsa_, should be _inzo_ or _nzo_, a house (see also note, p. 49).

[243] _Nkishi ngolo_, a strong _nkishi_.

[244] Marginal note by Purchas: “This seemeth to be Red Sanders. A. Battell saith it is logwood.” Purchas is right! _Tacula_ is Red Sanders (_Pterocarpus tinctorius_).

[245] _Nkwa_, the possessor of a thing or quality; _akwa_, possessed of.

[246] Compare p. 56, where we are told that a fetish called _Maramba_ (_Morumba_), stood in the town of the Mani Yumba.

[247] Evidently a misprint for Mayumba.

[248] Another version of this address will be found on p. 56.

[249] Marginal note with reference to the existence of amazons (Pigafetta, p. 124): “Andr. Battell, which travelled near to these parts [where Amazons are supposed to exist] denieth this report of Lopez as untrue.” The Amazons of Lopez lived in Monomotapa, on the Zambezi.

[250] We may presume that Purchas told his friend what was reported by Lopez (Pigafetta, vol. ii, chs. 5, 9) and others about the origin of the Jagas. Battell, upon this, not only rejects the conjecture of Lopez, but also disclaims having any knowledge of their origin himself. Elsewhere, however, Purchas makes his author responsible for the assertion that they came from Sierra Leone (see note, p. 19).

[251] The Bangála (_akibangála_, in Kimbundu _Jimbangála_, sing. _kibangála_) are the people of the Jaga of Kasanj. The term merely means “people,” and they have absolutely nothing to do with the Bangala on the middle Kongo, still less with the Galla (see Carvalho, _Exp. Port. do Muatianvua, Ethnographia_, p. 85).

[252] The words within asterisks are obviously a parenthesis of worthy Purchas. He speaks (p. 854) of the Gallæ [our Galla] as a “nationless nation,” either the same as or like in condition to the Giacchi or Iaggés [Jaga], and (p. 857) of the Imbij as “a barbarous nation” near Mombaza. There exists not the slightest justification for identifying the Jagas of Angola with the Sumbas of Sierra Leone, the Mazimbas of the Zambezi, or the Galla. The whole of this question is dealt with in the Appendix.

[253] On infanticide, see note, p. 32.

[254] In a marginal note Purchas adds: “_Azimogli_ are the children of Christians taken from the parents by the Turke, the spawne of their _Ianizaries_”. It should be _Ajem oglan_ (“inexperienced boys”), the children of Christians who were handed over to Turks to be brought up as Moslims, and trained as recruits for the _Yanizaries_ (_Yeni-cheri_, new troops) organised by Sultan Urkhan in 1328. This unruly force ceased to exist in 1826.

[255] _Elembe_ means pelican.

[256] See notes, pp. 19, 28.

[257] See note, p. 26.

[258] _Njilo mukisho_, see p. 27.

[259] _Mpungi_, an ivory trumpet.

[260] See note, p. 34.

[261] See note, p. 33.

[262] _Kuzambula_, a soothsayer, diviner. Neves, p. 19, mentions a _Mocoa-co-Zambulla_ as officiating among the Jagas of Cassanje.

[263] See pp. 1 and 6.

[264] Masanganu is the famous fort on the Kwanza built by Paulo Dias de Novaes in 1583. Anyeca, elsewhere called Ancica, Angica, Angila and Anguca, is clearly meant for Anzica, that is the country of the Nteke above Stanley Pool.

[265] That is, St. Paul de Loanda, the chief town of Angola.

[266] João Furtado de Mendonça was Governor of Angola (not Kongo), 1594-1601.

[267] I know of no town (or even church) in the whole of Angola dedicated to St. Francis.

[268] There is no such city in Angola. It seems to me that Knivet found the name in Linschoten, a translation of whose work appeared in 1698. Linschoten says here of the island of Luandu, which lies in front of the Portuguese town of S. Paul de Loanda, that “there were seven or eight villages upon it, at one of which called ‘Holy Ghost’, resides the Governor of Kongo, who takes care of the right of fishing up shells.” This “Governor” was an officer of the King of Kongo. The island, with its valuable cowrie fishery, was ceded to Portugal in 1649.

[269] _Ngulu_, a hog.

[270] _Sanji_, a hen.

[271] _I’mboa_, or _mbwa_, dog.

[272] Earlier in his narrative he mentions having seen, at the Straits of Magellan, “a kind of beast bigger than horses; they have great eyes about a span long, and their tails are like the tail of a cow; these are very good: the Indians of Brazil call them _tapetywason_: of these beasts I saw in Ethiopia, in the Kingdom of Manicongo. The Portugals call them _gombe_” (marginal note by Purchas). The gombe (_ngombe_) of the Portugals is undoubtedly a cow, whilst the _tapetywason_, called “taparussu” in a _Noticia de Brazil_ of 1589, and _tapyra_, in the language of the Tupi Indians, is applied to any large beast, and even to the oxen imported by the Portuguese, which they call _tapyra sobay go ara_, that is, “foreign beasts,” to distinguish them from their own _tapyra caapora_ or “forest beast.”

[273] This account of a “trial by battle” does much credit to the author’s ingenuity. No such custom is referred to by any other visitor to the Kongo. The meaning of “Mahobeque” we cannot discover, but _mbenge-mbenge_ means “principally.”

[274] _Nkadi_, one who is, and _mpungu_, the highest. The usual word to express the idea of God is _nzambi_, or _nzambi ampungu_, God the most high! _Nkadi ampemba_, according to Bentley, means Satan. The word used in Angola is, _Karia-pemba_.

[275] _Ri-konjo_, banana.

[276] _Mutombo_ is the flour from which cassava-bread is made.

[277] The name for bread, both in Kimbundu and Kishikongo, is _mbolo_ (derived from the Portuguese word for cake or _bolo_). _Anou_ or _auen_ may stand for _mwan_, a cassava-pudding; _tala_ means look! _kuna_, here! The Rev. Thomas Lewis would say, in the Kongo language of Salvador: _Umpana mbolo tambula nzimbu_; literally, “Give me bread, take or receive money.”

[278] The cowrie-shells fished up at Luanda Island (the old “treasury” of the Kings of Kongo) are called _njimbu_ in Angola, but _nsungu_ in Kongo. _Njimbu_ in Kongo means beads, or money generally, and hence the author’s “gullgimbo” evidently stands for _ngulu anjimbu_, red beads.

[279] _Npuku_, a field mouse.

[280] Crimbo (_kirimbo_) seems to be a corruption of the Portuguese _carimbo_, a stamp.

[281] The Rev. Thomas Lewis suggests: _Mundele ke sumbanga ko, kadi wan bele-bele_; that is, “The white men do not buy, but they have gone away in a hurry.”

[282] _Nlele_, the general name for European cloth. They do make cloth from the inner bark of the banyan tree (see p. 18, _note_).

[283] _Mukaji_; wife, woman, concubine.

[284] The “fishes” are no doubt molluscs.

[285] The King at the time of Knivet’s alleged visit was Alvaro II.

[286] The Vangala, spelt Bengala lower down, seems to represent the Imbangolas of Battell, more generally known as Jagas (see p. 84, _note_)

[287] D. Alvaro sent several embassies to Europe, but never a brother of his. The most famous of these ambassadors was Duarte Lopez, who was at Rome in 1590.

[288] This certainly seems to be a misprint for Angola, for a party of Portuguese going to Masanganu would never stray so far north as Anzica. On the other hand, if Knivet was really on his way from the capital of Congo to Prester John’s country, that is, Abyssinia, he must have gone in the direction of Anzica.

[289] Masanganu actually stands at the confluence of the Rivers Kwanza and Lukala!

[290] That is, they suffered from elephantiasis.

[291] Gold is often referred to in ancient documents, but its actual discovery (so far in unremunerative quantities) is quite a recent affair. Silver was supposed to exist in the hills of Kambambe above Masanganu, but has not as yet been actually found.

[292] These Angicas are certainly identical with the Anziques or Anzicanas of Duarte Lopez, according to whom they eat human flesh and circumcise. The Angolans have at no time been charged with cannibalism.

[293] Cavazzi, p. 262, calls Corimba a province of the kingdom of Coango (not Loango, as in Labat’s version) on the Zaire. Cadornega (quoted by Paiva Manso, p. 285) tells us that our river Kwangu (Coango) is called after a lordship of that name, and was known to the people as the “great” Zaire (_nzari anene_). On the other hand, D. Pedro Affonso II, in a letter of 1624, speaks of Bangu, which had recently been raided by the Jaga, aided by the King of Loango (_sic_), as the “trunk and origin of Congo” (Paiva Manso, p. 177). But then this Pedro Affonso was not of the original dynasty of Nimi a Lukeni.

[294] Collectively known as Ambundu, a term applied in Angola to black men generally, but in Kongo restricted to slaves, _i.e._, the conquered. Bunda, in Kongo, has the meaning of “combine;” in Lunkumbi (Nogueira, _Bol._ 1885, p. 246) it means “family.” Cannecatim, in the introduction to his Grammar, says that Kimbundu originated in Kasanj, and that the meaning of Abundo or Bundo is “conqueror.” According to Carvalho (_Exp. Port. ao Muatianvua, Ethnographia_, p. 123) Kimbundu should be translated “invaders.” The derivations of the word Kongo are quite as fanciful. Bentley seems to favour _nkongo_, a “hunter.” Cordeiro da Matta translates Kongo by “tribute;” whilst Nogueira says that Kongo (_pl._ Makongo) denotes a “prisoner of war.”

[295] “Palaver place” or “court,” corrupted by European travellers into “Ambasse.” Subsequently this town became known as S. Salvador.

[296] Both the Rev. W. H. Bentley and the Rev. Tho. Lewis believe Sonyo to be a corruption, at the mouths of natives, of San Antonio. This is quite possible, for when the old chief was baptised, in 1491, he received the name of Manuel (after the King), whilst his son was thenceforth known as Don Antonio. Images of Sa. Manuela and S. Antonio are still in existence, and are venerated by the natives as powerful fetishes (Bastian, _Loangoküste_, vol. i, p. 286). Soyo, according to the same author, is the name of a district near the Cabo do Padrão. Yet Garcia de Resende and Ruy de Pina, in their Chronicles of King João II, only know a Mani Sonho, whom João de Barros calls Mani Sono. No hint of the suggested corruption is given by any author.

[297] On these northern kingdoms, whose connexion with Kongo proper seems never to have been very close, see Proyart, _Histoire de Loango, Cacongo, et autres royaumes d’Afrique_, Paris, 1776; Degrandpré, _Voyage à la côte occidentale d’Afrique_, 1786-7, Paris, 1801; and of recent books, R. D. Dennett, _Seven Years among the Fjort_, London, 1887, Güssfeldt, Falkenstein, and Pechuel-Loesche, _Die Loango Expedition_, Berlin, 1879-83; and that treasury of ill-digested information, Bastian, _Die Deutsche Expedition an der Loangoküste_, Jena, 1874-5.

[298] On the voyages of Cão and Dias, see my paper in the _Geographical Journal_, 1900, pp. 625-655.

[299] Now Cape St. Mary, 13° 28´ S.

[300] The “Cabo do Padrão” of early maps.

[301] A legend on the chart of Henricus Martellus Germanus (1489), and the “Parecer” of the Spanish pilots of 1525, are our only authorities on this fact. Cão is not again mentioned in Portuguese documents (see my Essay, _Geographical Journal_, p. 637).

[302] Nsaku was henceforth known as Don João da Silva. See Ruy de Pina, p. 149; Garcia de Resende, c. 69; and De Barros, _Asia_, t. I, Pt. 1, pp. 177, 224.

[303] On this embassy, see De Barros, _Asia, Dec. I_, Liv. 3; Ruy de Pina’s _Chronica_, pp. 174-179; Garcia de Resende’s _Chronice_, cc. 155-61; D. Lopez, Bk. II, c. 2; Fr. Luis de Sousa, _Historia de S. Domingos_, Parte II, Livro vi, c. 8; and Parte IV, Livro iv, c. 16.

[304] Not Dominicans, as is usually stated. Garcia de Resende says Franciscans; and P. Fernando da Soledade, _Historia Serafica_, has proved the documents published by Paiva Manso in favour of the Dominican claim to be forgeries. Compare Eucher, _Le Congo_, Huy, 1894, p. 64.

[305] Mbaji a ekongo, the palaver-place of Kongo. See Index sub _San Salvador_.

[306] The insignia of royalty of the Kings of Kongo are the chair, a bâton, a bow and arrow, and the cap.

[307] De Barros calls them Mundequetes, but D. Lopez says they should be called Anziquetes. They are the Anzicanas of later writers, about whose identity with the Bateke there can be no doubt. Their king bore the title of Makoko (Nkaka).

[308] Hence this, the oldest church of S. Salvador, became known as _Egreja da Vera Cruz_. In it the Christian kings of Kongo were formerly buried; but when the Devil took up its roof and carried the body of the unbelieving D. Francisco to hell, their coffins were removed to other churches (see post, p. 121). Other churches, subsequently built, are S. Salvador, N. S. do Socorro, S. Jago, S. Miguel, dos Santos, de Misericordia, S. Sebastian.

[309] Frei João had died soon after reaching the capital.

[310] Paiva Manso, pp. 2-4.

[311] Paiva Manso, pp. 6-76, publishes quite a series of letters and documents bearing upon the reign of Affonso, and dated between 1512, and December 15th, 1540. Cavazzi makes him die in 1525, but in letters written between February 15th, 1539, and December 4th, 1540, the King refers to D. Manuel, who was about to go to Rome, as his “brother.” If the letters had been written by his successor Don Pedro II Affonso, Don Manuel would have been an uncle, and not a brother.

[312] Cavazzi calls him Mpanzu a kitima; D. Lopez invariably _Mpangu_.

[313] King Affonso, whose account of this battle may be read in Paiva Manso, p. 8, does not mention the flaming swords, but there can be no doubt that they were seen, for they were introduced in the coat-of-arms subsequently granted to the King. D. Lopez (p. 82) substitutes the Virgin for the white cross seen during the battle. Cavazzi (p. 273), and others, down to Father Eucher (_Le Congo_, Huy, 1894, p. 36), unhesitatingly accept this miracle. The Rev. W. H. Bentley most irreverently suggests a solar halo; but such a phenomenon might account for flaming swords, but not for the Virgin and St. James.

[314] On this embassy, see the documents printed by Paiva Manso, and also Damian de Goes, _Chron. do Rei D. Emanuel_, vol. iii, c. 37.

[315] _Alguns Documentos_, p. 419.

[316] On this mission, see _Alguns documentos_, pp. 277-289, for the instructions given to Simão da Silva; Paiva Manso, pp. 5-12, or King Manuel’s letter, and D. Affonso’s manifesto; and also Damian de Goes, _Chronica_, vol. iii, cc. 38-39.

[317] This coat-of-arms is fully described by King Affonso himself (Paiva Manso, p. 11), as follows:—The field _gules_, and the chief of the coat _azure_, quartered by a cross-fleury _argent_. Each quarter of the chief charged with two shells, _or_, on a foot _argent_, bearing a shield _azure_, charged with the five plates of Portugal. The field _gules_ is charged with five arms holding swords, _or_. An open helmet, _or_, with a royal crown surmounts the coat. Crest: the five swords. Supporters: two idols, decapitated, with their heads at their feet. The coats figured on Pigafetta’s map and by Cavazzi, p. 274, are much less elaborate, but are both charged with five swords. The arrow in the latter is one of the royal insignia.

[318] In the formal documents addressed to his “brother” of Portugal, he claims to be “By the Grace of God, King of Kongo, Ibumgu, Kakongo, Ngoyo this side and beyond Zari, lord of the Ambundus, of Ngola, Aquisyma (Ptolemy’s Agisymba) Muswalu, Matamba, Muyilu and Musuku, and of the Anzicas (Bateke), and the Conquest of Mpanzu-alumbu,” &c.

[319] D. de Goes, _Chronica_, vol. iv, c. 3.

[320] Paiva Manso, pp. 15, 17.

[321] Paiva Manso, p. 71. Concerning Mpanzu-alumbu, see below.

[322] On this mission, see Paiva Manso, pp. 69-74.

[323] On the bishops of Kongo, see _Add. MS. 15183_ (British Museum), and R. J. da Costa Mattos, _Corographia Historica das Ilhas S. Thomé, etc._ Oporto, 1842.

[324] Paiva Manso, p. 31.

[325] For King Affonso’s account of this event, as also for an account of a second conspiracy, apparently planned by Fernão Rodrigues Bulhão, see Paiva Manso, pp. 76-80.

[326] For Mpangu-lungu, see Index and Glossary.

[327] The minutes of this inquiry are printed by Paiva Manso, p. 84.

[328] D. de Goes, _Chron. de Rei D. Em._, iv, c. 54.

[329] See Index, _sub_ Mpanzu-alumbu _and_ Mpangu-lungu.

[330] See Paiva Manso, pp. 60, 69. Later sovereigns claimed also to be kings of the Matumbulas, _i.e._, the spirits of their dead ancestors buried at S. Salvador, whom they pretended to be able to consult, and who were dreaded as fetishes.

[331] According to a Jesuit canon, who wrote in 1624 (Paiva Manso, p. 174), these daughters were: (1) Nzinga a mbembe, the mother of D. Diego, Affonso II, and Bernardo; (2) D. Isabel Lukeni lua mbemba, the mother of Alvaro I, Alvaro II, Alvaro III, and Bernardo II; (3) D. Anna Tumba a mbemba, the mother of D. Affonso Mbikia ntumba, Duke of Nsundi, whose son was Pedro II. This genealogy does not seem to be quite trustworthy.

[332] Several authors say that he came to the throne in 1525 or 1532, but the letters written by D. Affonso, and published by Paiva Manso, conclusively show that this is impossible (see _supra_).

[333] His native name proves him to have been a _son_ of D. Francisco. He is, however, generally described as a cousin or grandson of D. Pedro.

[334] The earliest published letter of D. Diogo is dated April 25th, 1547. His death is mentioned in a letter dated November 4th, 1561 (Paiva Manso, pp. 81, 113). He may, however, have died a considerable time before that date. Lopez de Lima (_An. Mar._ 1845, p. 101) makes him die in 1552, after a reign of nine years.

[335] This bishop was a Dominican. He entered upon his charge in 1549. The four Jesuits going in his company were Christovão Ribeira, Jacome Dias, Jorge Vaz, and Diogo de Soveral.

[336] See letters in Paiva Manso, pp. 91-93.

[337] He was appointed bishop in 1554, and died at S. Thomé in 1574.

[338] For the minutes of an inquiry into a conspiracy planned by one D. Pedro ka nguanu of Mbemba, in 1550, see Paiva Manso, pp. 101, 110.

[339] Compare D. Lopez, p. 93; Cavazzi, p. 276; a list of kings given by the Duke of Mbamba to the bishop D. Manuel Baptista in 1617 (Paiva Manso, p. 166), the statement of a Jesuit canon of S. Salvador made in 1624 (_ibid._, p. 174), and Christovão Dorte de Sousa’s letter to Queen Catherine of Portugal, dated (Luandu) November 4th, 1561 (_ibid._, p. 113); also a letter by P. Rodrigues de Pias, 1565 (Eucher, _Le Congo_, p. 70).

[340] Printed by Paiva Manso, p. 114.

[341] His letter is printed by Paiva Manso, p. 116. It was during the reign of this king, in 1563, that a “missionary” is stated to have crossed Africa (Garcia d’Orta, _Coloquios dos simples e drogos_. Goa, 1567).

[342] Lopez de Lima, _An. Mar._, 1845, p. 101.

[343] Duarte Lopez, p. 93.

[344] Alvaro, according to Cavazzi, came to the throne in 1542 and died in 1587, whilst Lopez de Lima, quite arbitrarily, puts off his accession to 1552. These figures are absolutely incorrect, as may be seen from the date of the letter of Queen Catherine to D. Bernardo. D. Alvaro cannot possibly have ascended the throne anterior to 1568.

[345] The Ayaka still inhabit a large stretch of country along the Kwangu, and are generally considered to be identical with the Jagas (Cavazzi speaks of them as Jaga, or Aiaka), an opinion which I do not share. See _post_, p. 149.

[346] I imagine the account given by Duarte Lopez, p. 96, is much exaggerated.

[347] Garcia Mendes, p. 9.

[348] As a proof of vassalage we may mention that the King was denied the title of _Alteza_ (Highness), which would have implied sovereign rights, and was only allowed that of _Senhoria_ (lordship).

[349] Duarte Lopez, p. 9. Originally, the Christian kings of Kongo were buried in this church, but upon this desecration their bodies were removed to other churches.

[350] Our information concerning the reign of this king is exceedingly scanty. We think we have shown satisfactorily that he cannot have reigned from 1542 to 1587, but are unable to vouch either, for the date of the invasion of his country by the Ayaka, or for that of his death.

[351] In a letter of September 15th, 1617 (Paiva Manso, p. 166).

[352] Samuel Braun, who visited the Kongo in 1612, says that the fort built near the Padrão, and another on an uninhabited island, had been razed.

[353] Sebastian da Costa had been sent to Kongo to announce the accession of Philip I, in 1580. He was given a letter by D. Alvaro, but died on the voyage, and Duarte Lopez, upon whose writings and discourses Pigafetta based his work on the Kongo (see p. 19), was appointed in his stead. For an account of this embassy, see Duarte Lopez, pp. 101-108.

[354] Printed by Paiva Manso, p. 158.

[355] This order was, as a matter of course, issued at the instance of the Council of Regency at Lisbon.

[356] Paiva Manso, pp. 174-177.

[357] We confess that this is unintelligible to us. Perhaps we ought to read Coango (Kwangu), instead of Loango. There is, of course, the “kingdom” of Kwangu beyond the Kwangu river, within which lies the district of Kurimba, the birthplace of the first King of Kongo (see p. 102). Bangu is evidently the district on the river Mbengu. It may have been the home of the King’s ancestors; and the Kwangu here referred to may be a neighbouring district of that name (see Index).

[358] It was during the reign of this King that five Portuguese merchants crossed the Kwangu and fell into the hands of the Makoko, who made slaves of them. But upon this, his kingdom was visited by plague and famine, and his armies were beaten; and these “miracles” only ceased when, acting on the advice of his diviners, he had sent back his prisoners to S. Salvador, richly compensated for their sufferings (Cavazzi, p. 281).

[359] For documents referring to the reign of this king, see Paiva Manso, pp. 187-237.

[360] Whether the Dutch ambassadors prostrated themselves when presented to the king, as shown on one of Dapper’s plates, may be doubted.

[361] The auxiliary force of thirty Dutchmen was commanded by Captain Tihman (Dapper, p. 541).

[362] They sent, indeed, a vessel to remonstrate, but the Duke defied them to land, and they retired humbly.

[363] Dapper, p. 572. Perhaps the itinerary on one of Dapper’s maps from Mpinda, by way of Mbamba, S. Salvador, Mbata and Nsundi, is supplied by Herder. The names _conso_, _canda_, _quing_ and _ensor_ of the map are corruptions of the names of the four week-days (_konso_, _nkanda_, _nkenga_ and _nsona_), and designate places where markets are held on those days.

[364] He died at S. Salvador in 1651, when about to start for Abyssinia, and was succeded by P. Giovanni Francisco of Valenza, as Prefect. For a full account of the missions of 1645 and 1648, see Pellicer de Tovar, _Mission Evangelica al Reyno de Congo_, Madrid, 1649; and P. Francisco Fragio, _Breve Relazione_, Rome, 1648.

[365] Giovanni Antonio de Cavazzi, of Montecuccolo, was a member of this mission.

[366] This district was invaded by Queen Nzinga, in 1649, and the missionaries, P. Bonaventura of Correglia, and P. Francesco of Veas, retired.

[367] See Cavazzi, pp. 512-15.

[368] Those of our readers who have no time or inclination to wade through the bulky tomes of Cavazzi and other missionaries of those days, may be recommended to read an excellent summary by the Franciscan Friar Eucher (_Le Congo, Essai sur l’Histoire Religieuse de ce Pays_, Huy, 1860).

[369] Paiva Manso, pp. 200-229.

[370] Fr. Bonaventura had left Luandu in December, 1649; in June, 1650, he was in Rome; in July, 1651, at Lisbon. He then returned to Kongo in the company of P. Giacinto Brusciotto of Vetralla (1652), but ultimately joined the mission in Georgia. To Brusciotto we are indebted for a grammar and vocabulary of the Sonyo dialect, published at Rome in 1659.

[371] Paiva Manso, p. 244.

[372] I have no doubt that these “Pedras” are identical with the “Pedras de Nkoshi,” or “lion rocks,” now occupied by the Presidio of Encoge.

[373] Cavazzi, p. 287.

[374] Published by Paiva Manso, pp. 350-355.

[375] Pedro Mendes, however, only gives the names of ten Kings. If we add to these Alvaro VII, D. Rafael, and Alvaro IX, mentioned by others, we make up the number to thirteen. See Appendix III for a list and classification of these Kings.

[376] Cadornega says Affonso III.

[377] He had some correspondence with the Pope in 1673 and 1677.

[378] Paiva Manso, p. 254.

[379] See Eucher, _Le Congo_, p. 176. Subsequently the Capuchins returned to Sonyo (Merollo in 1683, Zucchelli in 1703).

[380] Dionigi Carli paid a visit to these: see his _Viaggio_, Reggio, 1672.

[381] See Merolla’s _Relatione del Regno di Congo_, Naples, 1692; and Zucchelli’s _Viaggi_, Venice, 1712.

[382] His captain-general, D. Pedro Constantino, managed to get himself elected king, but was taken prisoner and beheaded at S. Salvador in 1709.

[383] It was not unusual to make a charge for the administration of the sacraments. In 1653, the parochial priests complained that the Capuchin friars administered the sacraments without claiming an “acknowledgment;” and the authorities at Rome (1653) prohibited their doing so within five leagues of the capital (Paiva Manso, p. 233). At Mbamba, the priest had a regular scale of prices. A baptism cost 7,000 cowries, for a marriage a slave was expected, and so forth; and thus, adds the Bishop of Angola (1722): “little children go to limbo, and grown-up people to hell!”

[384] _Western Africa_, London, 1856, p. 329.

[385] _Boletim_, Lisbon Geogr. Society, March 1889.

[386] In 1709, the Holy Office declared the slave-trade in Africa illicit. Only those persons were to be looked upon as slaves who were born such; who had been captured in a just war; who had sold themselves for money (a usual practice in Africa); or who had been adjudged slaves by a just sentence.

[387] _Alguns Documentos_, p. 107.

[388] For the instructions given to Pacheco, see _Alguns Documentos_, p. 436.

[389] Paiva Manso, p. 55.

[390] Kiluanji, nzundu, and ndambi, which are given as names of kings, are in reality only titles assumed by them.—Capello and Ivens, _Benguella to the Iacca_, vol. ii, p. 53. Tumba-ndala (according to Héli Chatelain) was another of these ancient royal titles.

[391] Capello and Ivens, _ib._, vol. ii, p. 59. His proper name is Kalunga (_i.e._, Excellency) ndombo akambo.

[392] _Kabâsa_, according to Cordeiro da Matta’s _Diccionario_, simply means “capital;” but J. V. Carneiro (_An. do cons. ultram._, vol. ii, p. 172, 1861) would have us distinguish between a Mbanza ia Kabasa and a Mbanza ia Kakulu; the former meaning “second,” the latter “first,” capital. This “first” or original capital of the kings of Ndongo was undoubtedly in the locality of Queen Nzinga’s kabasa; the second capital was at Pungu a ndongo.

[393] Cavazzi, pp. 9, 621. The Queen was branded as a slave (a practice learnt from the Portuguese; see Marcador in the Index), and died of grief; but her daughter was received into favour, and was baptized in 1667.

[394] Lopes de Lima (_Ensaio_, vol. iii, _parte segundo_), is very severe upon Cavazzi, whom he charges with having “falsified” history, but does nothing himself to throw light upon the vexed question of the names of the kings of Matamba and Ndongo. The following is a summary of Cavazzi’s very copious information (where Antonio of Gaeta gives different names, these are added within brackets). _Ngola_, the smith, or _musuri_ (_Ngola Bumbumbula_), was the founder of the kingdom of Ndongo. Having no sons, he was succeeded by his daughter, _Nzunda ria ngola_, and then by another daughter, _Tumba ria ngola_, who married a _Ngola kiluanji kia Samba_, a great warrior. Their son, _Ngola kiluanji_, was succeeded by _Ndambi ngola_. Then followed _Ngola kiluanji kia ndambi_, another great warrior, who advanced to within ten leagues of the sea, and planted a _nzanda_ tree (_Insandeira_), on the northern bank of the Kwanza, a short distance above Tombo, to mark the furthest point reached by his conquering hosts. _Nzinga ngola kilombo kia kasende_ (_Ngola kiluanji_) followed next; then came _Mbandi ngola kiluanji_, the father, and _Ngola mbandi_, the brother, of the famous Queen _Nzinga (Jinga) mbandi ngola_ (born 1582, acceded 1627, died 1663), since whose day the upper part of Ndongo, including Matamba; has been known as Nzinga or Ginga. The great queen was succeeded by her sister, _D. Barbara da Silva_, who married _D. Antonio Carrasco nzinga a mina_ (she died 1666). Then followed in succession _D. João Guterres Ngola kanini_, _D. Francisco Guterres Ngola kanini_ (1680-81), and _D. Victoria_, whom Cadornega calls _Veronica_.

According to Lopez de Lima, it was a Jaga of Matamba, _Ngola a nzinga_, who conquered Ndongo, and gave it as an appanage to his son, _Ngola mbandi_. It was this _Ngola mbandi_ who invited the Portuguese in 1556, and a son of his, bearing the same name or title, who received Dias in 1560.

Cadornega (Paiva Manso, p. 281) gives the following names as the “Kings of Angola” since the arrival of the Portuguese: Ngola a kiluanji, Ngola mbandi, Ngola a kiluanji II, Queen Nzinga D. Anna de Sousa, D. Antonio Carrasco Nzinga a mina, D. Barbara da Silva, his wife; D. João Guterres Ngola kanini, D. Luis, D. Francisco Guterres Ngola kanini, D. Veronica, the wife of D. Francisco.

[395] Called Ngola mbandi by Lopes de Lima.

[396] Paiva Manso, p. 112.

[397] The Jesuit fathers (Francisco de Gouvea and Garcia Simões) date their letters from _Angoleme_, and call the King’s capital Glo-amba Coamba, evidently a misprint. Sixty leagues would carry us far beyond the later capital, Pungu a ndongo, perhaps as far as the Anguolome aquitambo (Ngwalema a kitambu) of Garcia Mendes, in the district known as Ari. Another Angolome (Ngolome) lived less than twenty leagues from the coast, on the northern side of the Kwanza, and near him a soba, Ngola ngoleme a kundu. Neves (_Exped. de Cassange_) says the old name of Pungu a ndongo is Gongo a mboa. For the Jesuit letters of that time, see (_Boletim_, 1883, pp. 300-344).

[398] He is referred to as Ngola Mbandi or Ngola ndambi.

[399] Lopes de Lima, _Ensaios_, p. ix, calls him Kiluanji kia samba, an ancestor of the chief residing near the presidio of Duque de Bragança. V. J. Duarte (_Annaes do cons. ultramar._, vol. ii, p. 123), the commandant of that presidio in 1847, confirms that it occupies the site of a former chief of that name, who was, however, quite an insignificant personage.

[400] Domingos d’Abreu de Brito, in a MS. of 1592, quoted by Lima, _Ensaios_, p. x. Garcia Mendes mentions seven hundred men, but these probably included the crews of the vessels.

[401] F. Garcia Simões, S.J., informs us that a few days before the arrival of Dias four men had been killed at a village only six leagues from Luandu, and eaten.—_Boletim_, 1883.

[402] Domingos d’Abreu de Brito, quoted by Paiva Manso, p. 139, informs us that in 1592 it was governed by a Muene Mpofo, M. Luandu and M. Mbumbi.

[403] The King, after his defeat, is stated to have ordered the Makotas who had given him this evil counsel to be killed (Lopes de Lima, p. xiii).

[404] Lima, _Ensaios_, vol. xi, suggests that this S. Cruz became subsequently known as Kalumbu, and that its church was dedicated to S. José. To me it seems more likely that it occupied the site of Tombo, and was subsequently abandoned.

[405] This “Penedo” seems subsequently to have been named after Antonio Bruto, a captain-major.

[406] Garcia Mendes, p. 19, describes Kanzele as lying half-way between the rivers Kwanza and Mbengu.

[407] According to Antonio of Gaeta two leagues below Masanganu. Garcia Mendes calls this place Makumbe.

[408] See his account of this battle in _Boletim_, 1883, p. 378. The story in the _Catalogo_, that Dias sent loads of cut-off noses to S. Paulo, is hardly credible.

[409] So says Garcia Mendes, p. 25; whilst Duarte Lopez, p. 34, says they were sent, but being defeated on the river Mbengu, retired again to the north.

[410] Diogo Rodrigues dos Colos brought three hundred men in 1584; Jacome da Cunha, nine hundred in 1586. Two hundred Flemings, who arrived in 1587, nearly all died soon after they had been landed.

[411] Garcia Mendes, p. 24.

[412] In 1809 his remains were transferred to the Jesuit Church at Luandu.

[413] This place is said to be eighty leagues from Masanganu, a gross exaggeration. Vicente José, who was the commander of Duque de Bragança in 1848, mentions a Ngolema Aquitamboa among the chiefs of Haire da cima (_An. do Conselho ultram._, vol. ii, p. 123).

[414] Garcia Mendes mentions the Kindas as if they were a tribe. To me they seem to be the people of the Jaga Kinda (Chinda of the Italian Capuchins), one of the chiefs killed by the famous Queen Nzinga. See Cavazzi, p. 636, and Antonio de Gaeta’s narrative in _La maravigliosa conversione delle Regina Singa escritta dal. P. F. Francesco Maria Gioia da Napoli_. Naples, 1669, p. 233. Emilio, a son of Count Laudati, was born in 1615; he lived a few years as a knight of Malta, and then entered a monastery of Capuchins, assuming the name of Antonio of Gaeta. He landed at Luandu in November, 1650, and died there, after an active life as a missionary, in July, 1662.

[415] Called Kakalele in the _Catalogo_.

[416] Douville, _Voyage au Congo_, Paris, 1832, vol. ii, p. 375; Bowdich, _On the Bunda Language_, p. 138, note 2.

[417] See note, p. 84.

[418] _Breve Relação da embaixada_, etc., Lisbon, 1565. Reprint of 1875, p. 98.

[419] It will be remembered that Battell, p. 25, writes Gaga as an alternative form for Jaga. May Agau stand for Agaga, the Jagas collectively?

[420] _Relacão anuel_, 1602-3. Lisbon, 1605.

[421] Ginde (pronounced Jinde) may be derived from _njinda_, the meaning of which is fury, hostility.

[422] See p. 83.

[423] _Expedição Portuguesa: Ethnographia_, p. 56.

[424] _Expedição a Cassange_, Lisbon, 1854.

[425] Perhaps Manuel Cerveira Pereira, who founded the Presidio of Kambambe in 1604. The first DON Manuel, however, is D. Manuel Pereira Forjaz (1607-11). But as the Jaga offered to fight Queen Nzinga, who only acceded in 1627, this Don Manuel may have been D. Manuel Pereira Coutinho (1630-34).

[426] A “feira” was established at Lukamba, near Mbaka, in 1623. The Kamueji is perhaps the Fumeji of Capello and Ivens.

[427] The list of Neves, p. 108, begins with Kinguri kia bangala, who was succeeded by Kasanje kaimba, Kasanje kakulachinga, Kakilombo, Ngonga-nbande, etc.

[428] Capello and Ivens, _Benguella to Iacca_, vol. i, p. 239, include Mahungo and Kambolo among the family of Ngongo, and Mbumba among that of Kulachinga.

[429] _Reisen in Süd-Afrika_, Pest, 1869, p. 264.

[430] From _Mpakasa_, a buffalo, and the meaning of the word is therefore originally “buffalo-hunter,” but it was subsequently applied to natives employed by government, as soldiers, etc. Capello and Ivens, _From Benguella to the Yacca_, vol. ii, p. 215, deny that they ever formed a secret society for the suppression of cannibalism.

[431] _Kichile_, transgression.

[432] See Cavazzi, pp. 182-205.

[433] It is to him we owe several memoirs, referred to p. xviii. He did excellent service; but whilst João Velloria and others were made Knights of the Order of Christ, and received other more substantial rewards, his merits seem not to have been recognised.

[434] This important MS., dated 1592, still awaits publication.

[435] Lopes de Lima, _Ensaios_, p. 147.

[436] However, there are two sides to this dispute, and it may well be doubted whether the natives would not have been better off under a Jesuit theocracy than they were under an utterly corrupt body of civil officials. See P. Guerreiro, _Relação anual de_ 1605, p. 625, and Lopes de Lima, p. xviii.

[437] Erroneously called Adenda by most authors. Battell is the first to give the correct name.

[438] Garcia Mendes, p. 24.

[439] They were “converts” from the Casa Pia founded by D. Maria, the queen of D. Manuel—not reformed criminals, but converted Jewesses.

[440] Battell gives some account of this campaign. See also Garcia Mendes, p. 11. Ngombe a Mukiama, one of the Ndembu to the north of the Mbengu, may be a descendant of this Ngombe (see Luis Simplico Fonseca’s account of “Dembos” in _An. do conselho ultram._, ii, p. 86).

[441] Upon this Spaniard was conferred the habit of the Order of Christ, he was granted a pension of 20,000 reis, and appointed “marcador dos esclavos,” an office supposed to yield I,000 cruzados a year (Rebello de Aragão, p. 23).

[442] Luciano Cordeiro (_Terras e Minas_, p. 7), says that, according to local tradition, the first presidio of that name was at Kasenga, a village which we are unable to discover on any map.

[443] See Battell’s account of this campaign, p. 37.

[444] See note, p. 37.

[445] See Glossary, _Museke_.

[446] Others call him Paio d’Araujo.

[447] Estabelecimentos, 1607.

[448] A. Beserra Fajardo, in _Producçoes commercio e governo do Congo e de Angola_, 1629, one of the documents published by Luciano Cordeiro in 1881.

[449] Near where the railway now crosses that river.

[450] Rebello de Aragão, p. 15.

[451] It seems that the explorer considers Kambambe to lie eighty leagues inland (P. Guerreiro—_Rel. an._, 1515, f. 126—estimated the distance from S. Paulo to Kafuchi’s at sixty leagues). Accepting this gross over-estimate in calculating his further progress, and assuming him to have gone to the south-east, which was not only the shortest route to Chikovo and Mwanamtapa, but also avoided the country of the hostile Ngola, he cannot even have got as far as Bié. As to a “big lake,” he heard no more than other travellers have heard since, only to be disappointed. The natives certainly never told him that one of the rivers flowing out of that lake was the Nile. This bit of information he got out of a map. His expedition _may_ have taken place in 1607—he himself gives no date. Perhaps Forjaz had given the instructions, which were only carried out in 1612, when Kambambe was in reality threatened by the natives.

[452] Rebello de Aragão, p. 14, calls him Manuel da Silveira.

[453] A Kakulu Kabasa still lives to the north-east of Masanganu, in 9° 4´ S., 14° 9´ E.

[454] The territory of a chief of that name is on the upper Mbengu, to the north of Mbaka. The _Catalogo_ calls him Kakulu Kahango.

[455] See _Benguella e seu sertão_, 1617-22, by an anonymous writer, published by Luciano Cordeiro in 1881.

[456] This bay is known by many aliases, such as S. Maria, S. Antonio, do Sombreiro, and da Torre.

[457] The anonymous MS. already cited by us is, however, silent on this subject.

[458] Antonio Diniz, who wrote in 1622 (_Producções do Congo e de Angola_, Lisbon, 1881, p. 14), charges Pereira with having sent, without the King’s knowledge, three shiploads of salt to Luandu, which he exchanged for “Farinha de guerra” (Commissariat flour), with which to feed his men.

[459] That is a _district_ called Kakonda, for the old fort of that name (Caconda velha), sixty miles from the coast, was only built in 1682. Letters from Pereira, dated September 9th, 1620, and January 23rd, 1621, in _Egerton MS. 1133_ (British Museum), ff. 357-361.

[460] I do not know whether oxen were employed as beasts of burthen (_bois cavallos_) in these early days.

[461] Reckoning the cruzado at 2_s._ 8_d._

[462] Published by Luciano Cordeiro.

[463] Dapper, p. 592, regrets that these exactions ceased on the occupation of the country by the Dutch (not from love of the native, we may be sure), and that, as a consequence, his countrymen were little respected.

[464] Antonio Diniz, _Producçoes, commercio e governo do Congo e de Angola_, 1516-19, published by Luciano Cordeiro in 1881.

[465] Luiz de Figuerido Falcão, _Livro em que se contem toda a Fazenda_, etc. Lisbon, 1855, p. 26. I reckon 400 reis to a cruzado worth 2_s._ 8_d._

[466] The Capitão-mor do Campo, who was the chief officer next to the Governor, was paid £67; the ouvidor (or judge), £34; the sergeant-major, £34; the principal financial officer (provedor da Fazenda), £27: a captain of infantry, £40; a private, £18. There was a “marcador dos esclavos,” who branded the slaves. He received no pay but levied fees which brought him in £140 a year (see _Estabelecimentos_, p. 21).

In 1721 the Governor’s salary was raised to 15,000 cruzados (£2,000), but he was forbidden to engage any longer in trade.

[467] Called Nzinga mbandi ngola, or Mbandi Ngola kiluanji, by Cavazzi, pp. 28, 601; Ngola akiluanji by Cadornega; and Nzinga mbandi, King of Ndongo and Matamba, in the _Catalogo_.

[468] Called Ngola mbandi by Cavazzi, Cadornega, and in the _Catalogo_; Ngola-nzinga mbandi by Lopes de Lima, _Ensaios_, p. 95.

[469] This removal seems to have taken place immediately after the Governor’s arrival. The site chosen was that of the Praça velha of modern maps, to the south of the present Ambaca.

[470] D. João de Souza Ngola ari was the first King of Angola (Ndongo) recognised by the Portuguese. He only survived a few days, and was succeeded by D. Felippe de Souza, who died in 1660; and by D. João II, the last of the line, who was executed as a traitor in 1671.

[471] Livingstone, _Missionary Travels_, 1857, p. 371, calls this a law dictated by motives of humanity.

[472] He was appointed April 7th, 1621, took possession in September 1621, and left in 1623 (see _Add. MS._ 15, 183, I. 5).

[473] Literally “mother priest.” It is thus the natives of Angola call the Roman Catholic priests, because of their long habits, to distinguish them from their own _Nganga_.

[474] Ndangi (Dangi), with the royal sepultures (_Mbila_), was two leagues from Pungu a ndongo (according to Cavazzi, p. 20).

[475] Bento de Benha Cardozo was originally given the command, but died before operations were begun.

[476] The Queen was in the habit of consulting the spirits of the Jagas Kasa, Kasanji, Kinda, Kalandu and Ngola mbandi, each of whose _Mbila_ (pl. _Jimbila_), or sepulture, was in charge of a soothsayer or _Shingiri_ (Cavazzi, p. 656).

[477] The _Catalogo_ is provokingly obscure with respect to the pursuit of the Queen. Malemba (Lemba) is known to be above Hako, to the west of the Kwanza, whilst Ngangela (Ganguella) is a nickname applied by the Binbundo to the tribes to the east of them. “Little Ngangela,” according to Cavazzi, is identical with the country of the Bangala, or Kasanji, of modern maps. Kina (quina) simply means “sepulture” or “cavern,” and A. R. Neves (p. 103) tells us that Kasanji, on first arriving in the country where subsequently he settled permanently, took up his quarters at Kina kia kilamba (“Sepulture of the exorcist”). The mountain mentioned by Cavazzi (p. 770), as abounding in caverns full of the skulls of Kasanji’s victims, may be identical with this Kina.

[478] Cavazzi, pp. 9, 622. In one place he calls her the dowager-queen, in the other the daughter of Matamba Kalombo, the last King of Matamba. J. V. Carneiro (_An. do cons. ultram._ 1861), asserts that Matamba was the honorary title of the great huntsman of Ngola.